Chapter 7 - A Horrible Peace
J'irai pas - I won’t go
The “Kaiserschlacht” (“Kaiser’s Battle”) was meant to be a strong sudden push to knock the French back all the way to Paris. Hoping to then bombard the city with artillery and scare the French into surrendering, the offensive began in earnest on 1 March 1915. The German 3rd Army began an attack towards Paris, with the 2nd Army intending to pin the French 5th Army. The 1st Army would move North to take Maubeuge, the 4th Army would engage the French 3rd Army, while the south would remain static.
The Kaiserschlacht Offensive**
Intending to stop the advance of the German 3rd Army, the French tried to move their 3rd and 5th Army. The two armies were pinned, however, and could not move to block it. Ultimately, the local commanders decided to break the line and retreat to form a line farther back which would also protect Paris. The French reaction was a mix of horror and disbelief. The line, which had held since 1912, was finally broken. Combined with the loss of Indochina, the collapse of Austria-Hungary, and the suicidal charges that French leadership still forced on their troops, the new pressure from Germany drove soldiers of the French 5th Army to refuse orders to counterattack.
Hearing news of mutinies from the front lines, citizens in Paris began to protest instead of fleeing. National Guard units, who had been deployed to the city for its defence, were ordered to fire on the protesters. Disgusted with their superiors, the National Guard refused the order and turned their guns around. Within the space of a week, the city had been secured and declared the Second Paris Commune. When the 5th Army learned of the revolt, they declared their support. With the National Guard and 5th Army behind the Commune, its council, led by the charismatic Marie Abel, declared the Fourth Republic.
French Marshal Philippe Pétain, originally worried about the collapsing line, now saw a greater danger: a communist revolt. With their former defensive line broken, and the capital city in revolt, Pétain believed the war could no longer be won. Taking over control from the civilian government of Raymond Poincaré and declaring the Emergency State Council with himself as its chairman. Conservatives and much of the existing government rallied behind the Maréchal, who immediately began feeling for peace with Germany. The German terms, which were quite lenient, needed to be accepted to stop the revolts.
Signed on 16 August 1915, the Armistice of Soissons was the last armistice of the First Great War. Along with the other French Marshals, Ferdinand Foch and Joseph Joffre, Pétain agreed to terms which were written personally by German Quartermaster General Erich Ludendorff. The terms, as written, promised an immediate peace in exchange for three things:
- Future reparations
- Continued occupation of eastern France
- Recognition of German hegemony in Morocco
The civilian government, which had wanted peace anyways, found itself on the sidelines of a new conflict pitting the French against each other. Moderates and leftists declared for the Fourth Republic, while conservatives and monarchists declared for Pétain. Since the Fourth Republic promised rights for minorities and had the support of much of the old civilian government, it had firm control of both Brittany and the southwest. The Emergency State Council, lacking control of Paris, was established in the city of Marseilles and held firm control of the centre and southeast.
The Germans, for their part, began to gradually pull back from the front line. While their government had no desire for a socialist government in France, they also did not wish to fight alongside the French armies they had just been fighting themselves. In a twisted way, the French Civil War became a reward for the German soldiers.
The French Civil War, around 1916*
Angereifrieden - Boastful Peace
As the fighting continued in France, Germany and the Emergency State Council continued to work on a formal peace treaty. The Fourth Republic managed to take Normandy and Poitou, connecting its disparate areas of control, but lost some of the south. Therefore, the Germans considered the Statists to be a better choice for negotiations, as they had been a party of the Armistice and held territory along the German border.
The Treaty of Hofburg, signed at the Hofburg Palace in Vienna, was symbolic in many ways. First, its location was the result of a German desire to have a new Treaty of Vienna. As the original reshaped Europe, this Treaty would reshape Europe to Germany’s liking. Second, Germany wished to show the rest of Europe that the chaos of the war was over. This was much easier to accomplish in Vienna, which had not been directly attacked, than in France or Germany where rationing and militias still roamed.
The Hofburg Palace in 2011
The negotiations themselves did not have much meaning. While terms were dictated to France, they were mostly fait accompli. The Peace of Kassa (division of Austria-Hungary), Treaty of Vinh (division of French Indochina), and the independence of Bohemia, Galicia-Lodomeria, Austria, and Hungary were all recognised. Germany imposed heavy reparations on France, with the Meuse-Moselle Territory forming a kind of collateral and buffer zone until the reparations were paid back. On the issue of Morocco, the Germans changed their original plan.
Having moved some of their troops into the country after the Armistice, Germany now demanded recognition of outright annexation. Morocco was to become a full German colony under a German Governor-General. As the French could not exactly refuse, Pétain agreed to the terms. Seeing no issues with demanding further concessions, Germany extended the Moroccan border south into the Sahara desert. The final draft of the Treaty was signed in 1917 and was a mild success. The reparations pushed on France would obviously not materialise anytime soon, and the cost of the war was immense.
Territorial changes to Morocco*
Unfortunately, the jubilant celebrations across Germany and Russia were cut short by mass unrest. Though they had won, the Germans had still exerted themselves and instituted limited rationing, and the Russians were in a far worse situation. In Germany, the Army was able to come back from deployment in former Austria-Hungary and France, dealing with rebels well enough as they still had their war-time equipment in place.
One of the few saving graces of the war was the creation of the Council of Europe. Having united most of Europe under the hegemony of Germany and Russia served to bolster the cause of European cooperation. While at the time it was mostly a vehicle for expanding the dominance of Germany, the Council of Europe did bring the idea of “European” identity, for the first time, into the public consciousness. It also served as inspiration for Japan and the steadily growing Keijō Accord.
Нет, нет, нет! - No, no, no!
At the same time, things were not going well for Russia. While the country had been one of the victors of the Great War, it emerged with more trouble than it had to start. For the longest time, Russia had been the most autocratic of the European states, with the Tsar (Emperor) and Russian Orthodox Church holding an almost complete monopoly on power. The closest thing the country had to representation was the zemstvo system. These local governments, absent from “non-Russian” territories, had weighted membership which gave all power to the small nobility. Each time agitation increased, however, the Russian army was willing and able to crush it. The Great War would change this.
Fuelled by the swell in patriotism of the Great War going well, the Russian Liberals (Kadets), agreed to work with the Tsar in exchange for strengthening the zemstvo. To them, this was a great victory, as they had finally gotten true representation for the average Russian. Most Kadets, as it happened, were Russian chauvinists who only required greater freedoms within the “core territories”. Unfortunately, the agreement to strengthen the zemstvo was only lip-service, and no one could pressure the Tsar to follow through.
Russian Tsar Nicholas II
Russian troops, while winning, began to have supply problems. The railway network, which had been upgraded significantly in the past decade, was still nowhere near the level required for a mobilisation of the country. Food shortages, the kind that slowed armies and brewed discontent, began to hit the front lines during and throughout the Battle of Galicia.
Desperate, the Russians relied on the Germans for aid, and began pillaging the countryside for any provisions they could find. Turning the local population against them in the process, the Russians also refused to recognise local organisations which had initially been pro-Russian. The Poles and Ukrainians of the region began to launch raids and fight back against the marauding Russian troops, leading to unnecessary losses.
Modern-day area around Lwów
The lack of supplies also hurt Russians at home, as more supplies were demanded from the cities and towns to send to the front. Since the logistics network could not keep pace, food inevitably sat at the stations and began to spoil. In several instances of such poor management, the soldiers guarding the food were charged by civilians, leading to bloody results.
Mass unrest, ignored by the Tsar and his new Kadet allies, was picked up by the Social Revolutionaries. The Kadets, seen as giving in to the Tsar for no meaningful return, lost all credibility with the people. The SRs, meanwhile, protested against the war and gained massive popularity in the industrial cities and small villages.
While originally more of a loose political society, the young Vladimir Volsky began to transform the SRs into a more formal party structure in 1912. As the war intensified and the population began to turn against the war, Volsky capitalised on popular discontent with his slogan “No voice, No bread, No glory”, commonly shortened to just “No, no, no!” (Нет, нет, нет!,
Nyet, nyet, nyet!), which became popular at marches and demonstrations.
Vladimir Volsky, leader of the SRs**
Once the war ended and fighting continued against the rebels and bandits in the newly-established Galicia-Lodomeria, popular unrest exploded in St. Petersburg with the Workers’ Strike in 1916. Taking inspiration from the Paris Commune, Volsky appealed to the striking workers and was able to convince the soldiers in the city to join them. Forming the St. Petersburg People’s Assembly (Санкт-Петербургское Народное Собрание,
Sankt-Peterburgskoye Narodnoye Sobraniye), they declared opposition to the Russian government and called for the creation of a new constitution.
As similar revolts and new nationalist uprisings sprang up across the nation, Tsar Nicholas II called Germany to intervene. In Poland, the Baltic provinces, Finland, and Central Asia, Russian authority became nearly non-existent. As supply lines worsened due to revolts, the Russian armies returning from the front had little to no food and resorted to banditry.
German troops, having just returned from fighting in Austria and France, had little energy left for fighting. While they did intervene in Poland and the Baltic, they also established temporary German-led governments which oversaw the territory. Instead of actively pursuing rebelling armies, they settled for “restoring order” in the territory of the three Baltic provinces, Poland, and Galicia-Lodomeria and policing them.
Left on their own, the Tsarist government began to search for other allies. Seeing as the Kadets were still pro-Tsarist, a new governmental body was established for the Russian Empire called the Duma. While in truth it had little real power, and its proposals needed to be approved by the Tsar, it was seen as a major concession by the conservatives.
The Duma Concession, signed into law on June 3rd 1916, is frequently cited as the turning point for Russia. The SRs, who had previously been considered criminals, were now able to run in elections and potentially run the country. The Tsarists and nationalists formed an opposition block which occupied seats, but refused to cooperate. Many former Kadets, feeling betrayed by Nicholas II, changed teams and joined the SRs. Now leading a much larger movement, Volsky and his allies merged the St Petersburg People’s Assembly into the SRs, forming a new coalition of anti-Tsarist Duma members.
Note: Early update because I felt like it
This concludes Act II, which means we are now in the Interwar Period, which will be slower and will have more culture/side posts.
edit: I've found a few AI upscaling sites, so I came back and fixed Volsky's terrible picture haha