Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
CHAPTER 7: DRAYA or THALASSA
EXTRACTS FROM THE AFRICAN (1623 CE)
THE DAWN OF THE AFRICAN CLASSICAL ERA
CHAPTER 7: DRAYA or THALASSA
EXTRACTS FROM THE AFRICAN (1623 CE)
THE DAWN OF THE AFRICAN CLASSICAL ERA
It might be said that this period did not suggest the rise of Qarthast at the outset. Sikelia had been a rich land,its fields bountiful, its many cities swollen with treasure and promise. Its loss was grievous indeed. But it was by no means the only prize north of Africa, for those with the imagination to see. For some centuries other Kanine colonies had been established to the far west, in the southern parts of the lands known as Iberia to the Hellenes and Ishfania to the Qarthastines. There, in the cities of Kart, Exi, Abdera, Malaka, and above all Gadir, productive congress had been wrought between the peoples of south Ishfania and the Kanine world, aided by the multitude of gold and silver found there. This bullion made its way to the Kanine homelands in vast quantities, sustaining the hefty tribute asked of it by Assur and the Persian Kings. Despite the manifest importance of this trade, however, it was not until the forcible loss of Sikelia that Qarthast truly began to take notice of this most important region. Its authority already extended to all of these previously independent Kanine foundations, but it had recently become clear that its grasp could, with sufficient force, be prised from its most valuable possessions.
The ancient and noble kingdom of Tartish had been the earliest native district of the peninsula to civilize, and remained the principal trading partner of the Ishfanian cities. Its friendship had long been cultivated by Kanine traders and the Ishfanian cities, but from the *460s BCE it was the recipient of official embassies from Qarthast herself as the first part of a new policy. At first these embassies embarrassed themselves by attempting to awe the Tartishines as though they were provincial and simple. One can imagine the stoney faces as these haughty Kanine officials spoke to the King of Tartish as though he were a barbarian in need of a taste of the civilized world. We can assume the intervention of their Ishfanian colleagues rescued this unfortunate beginning as an alliance was indeed concluded in *459 BCE, to the benefit of all concerned. Qarthast wanted to secure the frontiers of her valuable Ishfanian possessions, not to mention the gold and silver of Tartish, and in return Tartish wanted assistance against the more barbarous nations of Ishfania that had lately grown more restless and aggressive.This alliance did not prevent Qarthast, or indeed the Ishfanian colonies, from using those same barbarous nations as a plentiful source of soldiery, but it did help to reduce the attacks of these nations on both the Kanines and Tartishines. Nor was this without greater purpose. It was both Ishfanian gold and iron that enabled the next, far bolder move that the Qarthastines made to secure their future.
The relationship between the Numidine tribes and the Qarthastines had always been vexatious, prone to sudden tempestuous breakdowns in civilized relations or withdrawals from diplomatic relations where one party perceived the other to be weak. Such unpredictability in such close proximity to the African heartland was no longer tolerable in such times. Qarthast must be secured came the cry from the Sofitine council and the wider assembly. Whilst some, notably Hamelqar the son of Bodmelqar, were against altering the Numidine policy, fearing to destroy the careful balance the Qarthastines had established among the different tribes to keep them from threatening the mother city, it was decided that a serious and final conquest of these regions be made. To make a genuine and true conquest of these lands was a difficult task, owing to their vast expanses, relatively sparse settlement, few cities, and seemingly ungovernable tribes. It would only be possible with much expense in blood, treasure, and will. At that time in their history the Qarthastines were prepared to commit to all of these necessaries in order to preserve themselves. But where Hamelqar succeeded was in prevailing upon his colleagues that this objective could only be achieved with the co-operation of select chiefs among the Numidines themselves.
The first Numidine campaign, that of *453 BCE led by Hamelqar, centred on Qirtan, one of the largest of the Numidine towns and home to one of the most powerful Numidine chieftains, Mezabal, head of the tribe known as Maqim to Qarthast and Makai to the Hellenes. The strategy of the Kanines was to establish a more cohesive province based around this centre, and to expand and fortify it so that the region would be made governable by the strength of its capital. Simply placing yet another client king on a throne would not do. But this affair, and indeed this campaign, was not a matter of Qarthast might and military prowess smashing apart all barbarian opposition, as has been traditionally portrayed. If one reaches back into the most ancient and reliable sources on this campaign, it is clear that Numidine cavalry was a critical part of Hamelqar’s forces, not to mention Ishfanian and even Hellenic companies of auxiliaries. To quote Herodotos of Halikarnassos;
“Mardokhios of Akragas had returned but recently to the island and his metropolis before he was accosted by many of his fellow citizens about his participation in the expedition of the Karkhedonians against the Nomades, this having been one of the first undertakings of the Hellenes in Africa of any kind but also considered questionable or perhaps even impious given the recent wars between the Karkhedonians and the Sikelians.”
Hamelqar’s solution to the problem of governance was intricate and very true to his character. A Qarthastine governor would exist and be seated in Qirtan, and a garrison of Ishfanians would be settled at Qirtan to supervise the city, protect it, and give the governor suitable grandeur. However, there would also be a Numidine king at Qirtan who was given all of the native pomp and circumstance. The inefficiencies that one would naturally assume would result from two different heads of governance were very much deliberate, for the Qarthastines did not trust a client king to simply not rebel the next time they believed Qarthast’s strength to be occupied, nor did Hamelqar trust a fully independent Qarthastine governor not to simply declare his own fiefdom instead. The constant politicking between a native and Qarthastine ruler would prevent either one from exerting full control over this important city or province, and if open conflict broke out between them then Qarthast would simply intervene with full justification to arbitrarily settle the rulership of the city, only guaranteeing their further control over the region. However, such intricate planning did ultimately rest on the throne of Qirtan being wrestled away from its current occupant.
Hamelqar’s plan was for the titled king of Qirtan to be of the same ruling family as its current, both for the purpose of keeping continuity with native rule and so that whichever dispossessed members of the dynasty continued to live could be used as a threat to keep the Qarthastine client in line. A suitable usurper was found in record time. Maba, the nephew of Mezabal, was thus as vital to Qarthast’s future as any of the girded companies in whose number he marched, the fact that he lived, had some common sense, and was not a wastrel sufficient enough to make him invaluable. The inevitable battle for the future of the Maqim and Qirtan came at Tiddish, where Mezabal and his loyal followers sought to use the heights to overwhelm the approaching Qarthastine forces. But a picked band of reserves, which have been interpreted as that which Hellenic historians called the Sacred Band but is entirely likely to have been Numidines or other auxiliaries, managed to flank Mezabal’s forces on a western escarpment and cut off his left flank. Mezabal escaped with a number of his forces, which was far from ideal for Hamelqar or Maba. Nonetheless, the now-defeated King of the Maqim was no longer capable of resisting Hamelqar’s expedition. The question for both Maba and Mezabal is which of the other tribes of that region would side with whom.
In the end the majority of nearby tribes were persuaded or minded to take part in the grand experiment. Some of the frontier tribes had already become accustomed to Qarthastine ways and had provided the Numidine auxiliaries to Hamelqar in the first place, some were easily amenable to Qarthastine gold, others were intimidated by the strength of force that Qarthast had shown, and some were simply unconcerned so long as they were left in relative peace. This reduced Mezabal to an occasional menace and a name, though nonetheless an effective means of controlling Maba, for any bad behaviour from the nominal king could be forestalled by threatening to bring back his uncle. The work of turning Qirtan into the capital of a functional province, however, was far from finished; a capital had been established and ceremoniously crowned as such, but the expansion and fortification the Sofitine council had mandated would not happen overnight. In addition, Hamelqar was determined that Qirtan would not be a Qarthastine island easily swallowed by a sea of Numidines around it, and this required provincial infrastructure to be created as well. Those Numidine tribes considered most trustworthy were to establish fortifications on the borders of Qirtan province, assisted of course by Qarthastine soldiery and artisans. In addition to this, a number of key locations would be host to fortified waystations, and towns besides that of Qirtan would be expanded to increase the penetration of urban life into the traditionally ephemeral parts of the district.
These two initiatives, conceived by the demokratic government of Qarthast and executed to a grander design, would be the foundation of Africa’s classical era. The success of both ventures would only encourage further commitments to the expansion of Qarthast and her power, putting a spring back in the step of a state that had recently suffered a humiliating series of defeats. More importantly than the enlargening of Qarthastine temporal power was the unforeseen consequences that would all result from these fateful decisions. A greater Qarthastine engagement with these regions would bring together swathes of peoples into congress and trade with one another, along with an encouragement towards urban settled life. The settled world of the Tyrian Sea had, in many of its parts, become a narrow vision spread across a great sea, and now the adjoining regions which had been regarded as afterthoughts began to rightfully assert their place in that emerging world order. Urbanism would move beyond the isle, the peninsula, the defensible spit of land, into the great realms beyond. As temperate and multicultural in outlook as the Qarthastines were this was not, particularly at this early stage, ever an intended consequence nor even a possibility that was considered. But we must thank them wholeheartedly nonetheless, for if at the hands of Tyrsenoi or Hellenes or even Persians who knows how differently the story of Europan civilization might have been.
THE HISTORY OF TRANSRODANIAN COMMERCE (1709 CE)
THE TARTISH IN ATIQANIA
THE TARTISH IN ATIQANIA
The first Tartoq colony in Atiqania was established at the site of modern Vos, ancient Boios, in *33 BCE, the first Sufid named as one Azrubet, which may well be the same as the merchant Azrubet mentioned by Ambun of Qarmelqa as having made his fortune from northern tin. The growth of the Tartish state was always predicted by a previous commercial relationship with a given location, so we must assume that merchants had already become established in Boios long before. But the Tartish did not remain confined to Boios for long, with the far more evident marshes of that time proving a significant barrier to expansion. The more momentous step was the occupation of Vuurdal, ancient Burdigala, at the mouth of the Garda. The circumstances of this takeover were disputed even at the time, with Ambun suggesting treaty with the Vetiri was conducted, and the later material of Luko suggesting it was instead a matter of conquest. We are not precluded from assuming an element of truth in both, perhaps a successful expedition allowed the Tartish to impose a treaty allowing the colonisation of Burdigala. In any case, the colony quickly became the most important Tartoq settlement in the region. It held many natural advantages. Burdigala was the only bridge across the Garda for nearly fifty miles at the time, highly defensible, and easily able to be resupplied by sea. Economically, it commanded riverine trade the length of the Garda, and had already become a substantial urban site even prior to the establishment of the Tartoq colony. These advantages attracted many settlers and encouraged significant enterprise, particularly the establishment of vineyards.
This is where a more developed network of infrastructure began to appear. An additional colony was founded at Zantoq, ancient Nouiorig, both to guard the other bank of the Garda and to encourage yet further trade into the heart of Atiqania. Already extensive native roads were further expanded to link Boios, Nouiorig, and Burdigala together. Lighthouses were built, in a similar fashion to what we know of the Tower of Melqar in Qarmelqa, on the islands just beyond the mouth of the Garda. The harbours at Burdigala were expanded to allow for berthing warships in number, a serious investment that took years to complete, along with the expansion of Burdigala’s city walls that was completed by *24 BCE. The Tartish then settled at another two locations, Zandu and Zoii, in *18 BCE and *15 BCE respectively, providing yet more safe harbours for Tartoq trade ships but also securing a strong relationship with the Zantoni, who had become one of their principal commercial partners. The Tartish now had close relations with the Atiqanian Boii, Zantoni and Vetiri, using them to guard against aggressors from the mainland interior in the same way their ancestors had done across Ishfania for countless centuries. This now was the shape of Tartoq Atiqania, with its five colonies, three major native allies, and its spread across the Bite of Garda.
The wider impact of these settlements was considerable. Without the establishment of the colony at Burdigala it is doubtful that the Tartish would have attempted their more daring colonisation in Dario further to the north in *26 BCE, so distant as it was from Ishfania. The prospect of rescue from a nearby naval base aided the task considerably. Without Dario would not have come the rest of Tartoq colonisation in the Venesian Morika, or even more distant Pryde. These Tartoq settlements affected the economic development of Morika in its entirety. They also had more specific and particular consequences. Though Boios itself was more of a waystation its nearby beaches soon became famed for their beauty and gentility, with many rich Tartish founding retreats nearby. Zoii became prosperous in its own right for commanding the Zodra river trade, and also famous for its oysters. This and the continual growth of Burdigala would cause Tartoqs to stop thinking of Atiqania’s coast as a frontier as its economic and social life were integrated into the full world of the Tartish, and it was soon as integral to the Tartish as any of its long and storied territories in Ishfania. The intense commerce along Atiqania and increased movement of Tartoq merchants and people along its interior also began to impact the native peoples. Of the three original allies the Zantoni in particular were highly influenced by the Tartish, beginning to adopt their trappings and imitate their more civilized behaviour. There had already been Asian influence in the region, with the Eleniqs’ commerce based out of Massalia radiating outwards, albeit far less intensely as into Onia, and Burdigala had possessed a planned street layout and grid pattern even before the Tartoqs had colonised it. But now the contact was closer at hand and more intense in general. From *33 BCE we can speak of of Atiqania receiving more Tartoq influence than Eleniq.
But the consequences were not dire for the Eleniq or Tinoq commerce based out of Massalia. The Tartish and Eleniq trade routes intersected and together created the cohesive network running through Onia and nearby regions. It is certainly true that the Tartish enjoyed pulling trade down the Morika that might otherwise have passed down the Rodano, but as much trade passed south-east to the Lisuq at Narbo as it did along the Ishfanian coast and interior. Likewise the wine coming out of Burdigala was principally going to those regions already distant from Massalia’s reach, and did not truly compete with the vast quantities passed up the Rodano every year. Ultimately the connection between Burdigala and Massalia was nearly as valuable to the Tartoqs as the trade into Ishfania and Afriqa, and entirely new trade routes began to emerge. The consequences on the emerging Great Nations of the Qelti, however, would prove world changing. The Aruerni returned as protagonists to the scene in *21 BCE, utilising the fabulous amounts of wealth passing through their lands to assemble far larger armies than their initially small territories possessed, and embarked on the restoration of their former power. With every former district, tribe, and city they reconquered over the following years the stronger they became, for the Transrodanian regions had changed beyond recognition since their original fall from power, until by *26 CE they were more potent than they had ever been previously. Their restoration was total, and it had been made possible by the transformations being wrought on the Qelti of the South by the Tartoqs, Eleniqs, and Tinoqs. It is simply inconceivable that a nation so humiliated as the First Aruerni Confederation could have risen to such heights in such a short time without the wealth and passage of goods that these foreign peoples had introduced to the region. The colony of Boios had as much responsibility as Qunorix for the dominion of Aruerni that would shortly follow.
AFRIKA BY PHILON OF AKRAGAS (169 BCE)
THE REVOLUTION AGAINST KARKHEDON
THE REVOLUTION AGAINST KARKHEDON
For a time, despite the loss of Sikelia to the Hellenes, it seemed as though Karkhedon could put no foot wrong, stretching their hand out from Afrika and into Iberia as mighty conquerors, no longer staying on coastal colonies but subjugating entire peoples under their will in the Persian manner. How is it that they came to fall, how is it possible that they could fall in the first place, with the greatness of their wealth and the vastness of their fleets and the completeness of their domination? As was witnessed with the Akhaimenidai it is possible for any great power in this world to be overcome through unlikely circumstances, one must never be convinced of the eternity of such mighty Empires as these, and it only behooves us to determine which particular unlikely circumstances brought Karkhedon low. Indeed, the hubris of such enormous and gross tyrannies over such great lands and territories invites unlikely and unseemly ends, for those who elevate themselves to such heights will never ultimately threaten the heights of Olympos and such ambitions must always be cast back down to earth. In the case of Karkhedon, however, its own success was ultimately the cause of its downfall, as shall now be discussed.
The vastness that became the Karkhedonian domains stretched across both sides of the Pillars of Herakles, from the Mauri to the borders of Kyrenaika. This had been achieved by the time that Amavadatos died, and its ambitions had not yet been satiated. However, whilst once the entirety of their lands could be ruled from Karkhedon by this time this was no longer possible. Gades was the centre of Karkhedonian administration for Iberia, Kirta for Nomadia, and Tiggis for Mauritania. This firstly meant that Karkhedon could not be any longer the sole city of their domains, or its sole decision maker, these cities and attendant provinces needed to have the freedom to respond quickly to events and to govern vast territories too far removed from the coastlines the Karkhedonians had once based themselves on. This allowed alternative centres of power to develop within their possessions, reducing their dependence on Karkhedon and giving the autochthonous residents more reason to depend on those cities in those provinces than on the city of Karkhedon itself. But this devolution of power, necessary to sustain such a profusion of territories and possessions, caused anger in those sister cities to Karkhedon that had considered themselves equals to the Karkhedonians but who were not equal to these provincial capitals and their stated authority. In particular, Utika and Harumetos were utterly enraged by the end of their nominal peership with Karkhedon, which they saw as a betrayal of the treaties which had originally bound them to Karkhedon. These cities remained rich and powerful, and had it within them to cause significant mischief and harm to the Karkhedonians.
Even with these provinces that had been established it was also becoming clear that the Karkhedonians had expanded beyond its ability to police and account for all its lands and allies, particularly in Iberia where Gades and Tartessos were conducting alliances with Keltoi tribes and Iberian tribes entirely of their own accord, and sometimes in opposition to one another. The ability to prevent these two cities from pursuing different policies and ambitions was swiftly unravelling, for as they extended their power into the Iberian peninsula the ability of Karkhedon and her fleet to actually threaten these cities to any meaningful degree was becoming obsolete. These cities had access to all the gold and silver that they needed. Karkhedon had also not eliminated their dependence on mercenaries for service in their armies in war, and this gave all of their provinces the ability to threaten their manpower as well as their control of their Empire, whether they realised it at the time or not.
While Karkhedon’s fortunes were rosy and its provinces were better served catering to its wishes than acting rebelliously all remained calm, Utika and Hadrumetos did not dare challenge their sovereign’s supremacy. But as was said earlier, the ambition of Karkhedon and its ever hungry aristokrats were still not satiated, and calls grew for an expedition against Kyrenaika and Aigyptos, to secure the immense wealth of these places for Karkhedon. At the time, Kyrenaika had been neglected by Amavadatos’ brood and it had once again become an independent kingdom, whilst the native kings of Aigyptos had pursued their own path since the collapse of the Persian kings. To an avaricious hunger that could not be satisfied, these seemed like ripe peaches on a tree, waiting to be plucked by someone with sufficient gall. Accordingly, a large expedition was furnished by Karkhedon for the conquest of these lands, along with a great fleet to subdue the coastlines. But this did not go the way that it had been foreseen.
Kyrenaika and Aigyptos, once the threat had been understood, immediately conducted an alliance, and confronted the forces of Karkhedon once they had passed the borders of Kyrenaika. This force, representing many of Karkhedon’s finest regiments, was thrown back, and greatly reduced in number. The great fleet was still threatening to Kyrenaika and Aigyptos, so they then took the only sensible decision in that scenario, a decision which would be disastrous to Karkhedon, they conducted an alliance with the Amavadatidai in Hellas. Karkhedon’s great fleet was defeated at Salamis by Kyprus, which by some was considered a vengeance for the defeat at Salamis against the Hellenes by the forces of Xerxes, and was then defeated again near to the island of Melita. There was no means to hide these catastrophic defeats and reversals from the population of the Empire, attempts to do so were ridiculed and howled down, for how could such crushing damage to the armies and navies of Karkhedon be hidden? This was not the end of Karkhedon, not by itself, but the sequence of events leading to its final defeat had begun.
The destruction of Karkhedon’s authority, and the diminished ability of its navy and army to keep the peace in its far provinces, led to an increased independence in these provinces’ policies as they sought to defend themselves from the many peoples who poked and prodded at their territories in those days. If Karkhedon would not provide an army, they would have to. If Karkhedon would not provide a navy, they would have to. The dispute between Tartessos and Gadir, now competing for mercenaries and for control over the Iberian territories of Karkhedon, intensified, and broke into open warfare. At the same time, the recently established colonies in North-Eastern Iberia, which had meant to challenge Emporion’s dominance over that district’s trade, effectively declared independence as they conducted alliances with the Ausitani, and even brought in Hellenic mercenaries to help strengthen their situation. Karkhedonian dominance was wobbling, and the army was sent out to Iberia in order to recover this situation. But this proved the perfect opportunity for Utika and Hadrumetos to air their grievances with Karkhedon, who raised their own armies in order to force Karkhedon to alter the situation. But this had immediate and unforeseen consequences, as the province of Nomadia and its governor used the opportunity to expand Nomadian control towards the Afrikan coast. In Iberia, whilst this was all escalating, the army of Karkhedon had some luck in preventing Gades from conquering Tartessos, but found that the two cities could not be made to recognise one another’s authority. News of the revolts in Afrika forced them to leave prematurely, leaving the situation between Gades and Tartessos resolved, and the colonies in the North-East effectively independent. Gades once again attempted to forcibly conquer the territories of Tartessos, who resorted to calling upon the Banduati and other native peoples in revolt against Gades. Nomadia, meanwhile, had expanded to control all of the lands settled by Nomades in Karkhedonian territory, and the success of this venture persuaded the governor that he might make a success of independence. Just when it seemed that things could not escalate any further, that Karkhedon had reached the nadir of its fortunes, a punitive expedition from Hellas managed to raid Karkhedon’s fabled docks and destroyed many of its remaining fleet. Much of its army had now deserted, what remained was of questionable loyalty, and its fleet had been decimated. Had this crisis come in a different order, or had been spread out, Karkhedon could likely have weathered all of these things, but such things together and simultaneously were unconquerable.
The authority of Karkhedon had completely and utterly ended. Utika and Hadrumetos both decided that the future no longer lay in regaining their ancient privileges, but at becoming the new capital of the Empire, and this was only confirmed when the city was assaulted by the Nomades. This assault was driven off by Utika and Hadrumetos but much damage had been done to the city, and they used this as an excuse to begin ‘evacuating’ the now fearful citizenry to their own cities. But this is where the former confederates fell out, for Utika insisted that they become the capital of the Empire whereas Hadrumetos would not countenance playing a sidekick role to an alleged greater city once more. The war that followed succeeded in confirming neither city as the new Karkhedon, though Utika inherited by far the greater share of Karkhedon’s government, population, and managed to take possession of the city itself. What this war did then allow is for Gades, newly frustrated at its conquest of Tartessos, to begin to take over Mauretania, increasing its resources and fleets and throttling the Pillars of Herakles to the detriment of the others squabbling over the former territories of Karkhedon. By this point, after years of such bloody and relentless combat over these lands, Karkhedon and her legacy had already begun to be forgotten. The goal of reuniting her Empire became more and more impossible as the differences and powers of her successors entrenched and the memory of unity was cut out. This resulted in the present situation in Afrika, where Utika and the Maxake Kingdom contest whilst Gades gorges itself on the wealth that passes through the Pillars of Herakles. The breaks have now set, and whilst prosperity has indeed returned to Afrika there is never any suggestion that one should reunite the entire domains of Karkhedon, let alone the entirety of Afrika.
THE CHILDREN OF KADMOS BY DRUBL BEN IGDR (1454 CE)
The enmity that has prevailed between the heirs of the Hellenes and the Finiqi has been a truth of our history for over two thousand years, so it would seem. The history of Italia and Sikelia appears replete with examples of conflict and devastating warfare between Qarthadast and any number of Hellenic powers opposed to their aims at that point, not to mention stories of ancient and bloody war between the Finiqi and Hellenes in general, being a kind of cipher for all such venomous and long-term conflicts. Those of us who have claimed more heritage of one or the other have similarly carried on these seemingly eternal grudges, asserting our greater claims to civilization and supremacy on the basis of which heritage we draw upon. It has reached the point at which the Kings of Qarnoon and Othionia, of all places, have refused to treat with one another as equals as a result of their claimed ancestries among the Hellenes and Finiqi respectively. But this understanding is only possible because of a limited perspective on relations between those two peoples, and the construct of an opposition in the first place. If one consults the history of Hellas proper, for instance, no such offensive breach between these peoples seems apparent, with the Finiqi being regarded as the source of writing and much other civilized behaviour.
It was only on the matter of Sikelia, a rich island of boundless opportunity, that a highly fractious conflict developed, and that was particularly between Qarthadast and Syrakousai with their mutually disagreeable imperial ambitions. But the original colonisation of Sikelia was conducted by the two peoples in co-operation, the Finiqi having helped take the Hellenes to the sea and the wider world in the first instance. The island of Kyprus was also shared between the two peoples, and it has always been considered the very birthplace of Aphrodite, the Hellenic Ishtar. There were Finiqi colonies in Hellas itself, be that the dye factories on the isle of Kythira or the temple of Melqart on Thasos, or the smaller communities in Rhodos, Kumai, Attika and Krete. The growth of intense commerce and settlement of the Great Sea was conducted as a joint exercise, and indeed the entirety of the civilization around our grand sea was produced by these two peoples in equal measure and in active co-operation between them. These civilizations are, in fact, two branches of the same true civilization, that of the Children of Kadmos, produced from the coastal fastnesses that expanded their reach following one another’s example. Lest we forget there is also the far later enterprise of Oretania, a three way enterprise between Finiqi, Hellenes, and Ishfanians. There was nothing inherently incompatible between these two cultures, who in truth helped create one another, and under the Persians this shared heritage was in fact celebrated in Hellas and Kyprus. In fact we might be tempted to say the majority of the breach has been between those claiming Italiot and Tyrsene heritage vs those claiming heritage of Qarthadast or her numerous successors such as Tartish or Utika. Nonetheless, this attitude has no basis in fact or philosophy, and has never been accurate to the reality, which is that the Finiqi and Hellenes were the pillars of the entire Great Sea.
This Kadmeian civilization, as I have described and you have conceived, is a far more accurate and complete understanding of what it was that happened to the Great Sea, and how it was that many of our present nations and peoples came to be as they are. There are no doubt Hellenes from Sikelia or Massalia or Kyrenaika are in my ancestry, just as there is no doubt that the esteemed Daiphandis of Sikelia was in part descended from men of Qarthadast and Motua and Sardinia. History is not something we compete over, something we posture using, history is something we all share. In our ever-changing world, in which new peoples are brought into deep congress and relations with each other almost constantly, this is only ever going to become more startlingly relevant and more closely accurate to the simple mechanics which humanity and human nature is party to.
