Μηδίζω! The World of Achaemenid Hellas

[Falecius]

And by "Mesopotamia" of course we only mean "things and regions therof that pertain to the bible or the succession of civilizations". So lots of Assyria, Sumer, and Babylon, not much from all sorts of other interesting regions.

I agree. To make a particularly startling example (at least in my view) the disregard Elam is treated with in normal general historiography is really impressive, despite being very close and historically deeply tied to Mesopotamia proper for the best part of three millennia, most of which documented by written records.
The Hurrians, Mari, Urartu, the non-Jewish Levantine polities (Phoenicians receive some space, much of it undeservedly for the alleged invention of the alphabet) and to a lesser extent the Hittites also get the same treatment, but none of the those displays such a continuity of writing tradition as Elam.

 

[Daeres]

I'd argue we're still suffering from that, to some extent... Among other vices of historiography.

Oh, no doubt, but I am glad that it has markedly improved since then... I'd probably be looked upon as a wild man for most of my academic specialties if transported back to then.

Those graffiti are absolute gold.

I'm glad you like them! They are somewhat based on Pompeii and Herculaneum graffiti, via the few examples of this style of graffiti from Classical Greece that I've found.

Also, thank to everyone else who is enjoying the timeline and providing commentary, I know sometimes you might feel that you don't have much to say but it is a very affirming thing to earn commentary from people.

 

[Gonzaga]

This is truly a great timeline! Keep the good work!

Looking forward to see how Persian Greece is evolving.

Also, any consequences in the Greek colonies in Spain and in the Black Sea?

 

[Daeres]

Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​

CHAPTER 2
EPILOGOS​

The interview begins now.

So, this is what happens. I must admit, you are not what I expected, but no matter. This is what it is, and I am here. This is what the Gods have willed, and so it is that it now comes to pass. I have long since ceased to sigh and fret as their decisions. Are you yourself going to speak? I shall take that as a no. No matter, I am used to the rigours of public speaking, where one does not expect responses to the thing that one says, unless one is stirring the heart or stoking wrath. Or simply being a bad speaker... Though speaking between individuals in such a manner can at times be just as nerve wracking, can it not?

So, ‘the interview’ you say. What manner of information do you seek, I wonder? Perhaps you are one such as Sophrosnikos, who was always keen to see what could be revealed by men unintentionally. I see now that you do not respond to anything I say, it is up to me to dictate what questions I answer. Very well, I shall apply myself to the task at hand.

I am Perikles, son of Xanthippos, son of Ariphron, Alkmaionidos. I was born Athenaios, and shall end my days Athenaios. But when the Persai came I relocated to Italia with my father, where we refounded the ancient and opulent city of Sybaris in memory and image of Athenai. There, after my father died in war, I became one of the most prominent of our body of politai. In my first election as strategos, I beat back the Tyrsenoi and their allies from the sack of Italia. I led the fleet that supported our intervention in Krete. I listened to Aiskylos talk as he lay dying in his bed. I stood firm when the supporters of oligarkhia tried to take power away from the demos, and I personally prosecuted every last one of them that I could get my hands on. I persuaded old Aristides to come to us at last, to die at peace and surrounded by free Athenaioi, and I persuaded Anaxagoras by the labour of my speech to depart Athenai and enrich us with his wisdom. I lifted the wavering hearts of the politai when tragedy, mishap, and dreadful war threatened to overwhelm their faith in our future. I sought power for my people not through excessive violence, whilst still resorting to measured violence when necessary, but through strength and wise diplomacy with other Hellenes, and where necessary even engaging those considered barbaroi by most thinking Hellenes.

I also led thousands of young, brave men full of life to their deaths. It was always done with the intention of meaningful service, I never treated the lives of fellow politai or even our allies as being merely the cuttings from which a wreath was to be fashioned, but not all of those deaths were necessary. I made mistakes and errors, and I made decisions that ensured loss of life where perhaps I could have chosen a less deadly path. When you are young, proud, and imbued with the authority of the entirety of your fellow politai, seeking to fulfill duty and other obligations, it seems to come easily, the kind of decision where a life, or many lives, are exchanged for something valuable. But I am old, I am so very old, and the memories of vanished people gather around me as swallows gather around the edge of a lake. If you were the kind of person that was on speaking terms with Haides, I would ask of you to ensure that their afterlives are glorious and sweet. I did not save them in their days of living on Ge’s green fields, but at least I can say that I strove with every facility at my command to ensure that not a single Athenaios lost to war was ever lost in vain, or without swift vengeance following his departure. Then I steadily lost my facility to take part in battle directly, as though those spirits that gathered around me slowly drew out the vigour from my body, and I could only steer the other politai with my word-shaping skill, and my confident voice.

What was the purpose of all this? That is perhaps what you think, in the midst of your silence. Why so much death, and plotting, and tragedy? There is no greater power in the universe than the need for freedom, and the price of freedom is one no intelligent being could dare hope to esteem, be they mortal or divine. Our freedom was taken from us at the hands of war and treachery, the lands we lived in forcibly subjugated to a king of the Persai. No cost was too high when it came to preserving an independent community of Athenaioi, no risk too daring, no emotion too passionate. Yet in our ultimate goal we have failed- we have not recovered the lands of Attika from the foe, nor freed any other land in which Hellenes dwell which the Persai have successfully conquered with military force or diplomacy. Is this a task that could even have been successfully completed, in the face of so mighty a force that stalks Ge as the Empire of the Persai? Perhaps it could not have, not in our current generation, not with so few set against so many. But though the King of the Persai remains the sovereign of our homeland, though he remains vigorous and mighty, we bloodied his nose in a way that has not been done since the battle at Marathon.

Yet, now that I am come to this interview with you, I feel no anger towards the king of the Persai, nor his father or his father’s father. They were the curse of many lips, the cause of many a long and bloody story of vengeance. They conquered my homeland and those of many of our fellow Hellenes, and have sacked more than a few of the poleis of Hellas. And yet, now that we are at this point, I do not think of them as barbaroi. Who could look upon the splendour of the sons of Achaimenes, at the realm they have carved from man and marble alike, and not feel awe rising through both body and soul? There are the corrupt, the sycophantic, and the cruel among those that serve the king of the Persai, but there are also noble warriors, wise councillors, and inspired poets. To have stood against that and made something for ourselves was exhilarating, and perhaps something that addicted us. We, I, became drunkards for defiance. Perhaps that’s all our resistance to the Persai amounted to, the overwhelming need to take on the most powerful human force upon Ge and say “We defy you!”. No, I don’t think so, actually. It is true that the experience of standing against a great power is exhilarating, but that was not all of what we amounted to, nor the only reason that we have fought and will continue to fight on beyond my death. We have built, together, new societies and new possibilities in this land of Italia to which we came. We have defended those who sought our mighty arm, not simply for our benefit but because we know what it is to beg others for the survival of your community, and not all of those who we defended were Hellenes. Some may have held their noses when barbaroi fought alongside us, I did not, not in my heart. Athenai comes first, the Hellenes come first but there is still a place for basic ethics when it comes to barbaroi, of basic entitlements to fair treatment and avoidance of violence. I suppose I have always felt that, even when my hatred of the Persai drove me to say that no barbaroi could ever be fully trusted without superior strength in arms guarding against treachery. Even after decades of occupation of our ancestral lands by the Persai, even after stating such passionate anger over barbaroi and their behaviour, I could not overcome my own innate sense of justice. There is a need for freedom, but also a need for justice, is there not? It is justice that I wish for the Hellenes, and my instinct has been that only Hellenes can provide justice for other Hellenes. But perhaps a Perses, or a Medos, or a Babylonios can provide justice too. If anyone can provide justice for the Hellenes, perhaps that is enough for me.

The interview is over.

 

[Faeelin]

Wow. A superb ending. This whole thing has been a bit of a gem.

 

[nlspeed]

Is that really the ending of this whole thread / story?

 

[Daeres]

Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​

CHAPTER 3:XSHAHYAM or BASILEIA​

EXTRACT FROM COMMENTARY ON ARISTONIKOS’ XERXOU ANABASIS
AFFAIRS IN MAKEDONIA​

The departure of Xerxes from the European side of the Aigaion Sea is also what signalled the beginning of the Makedonian phase of the war. This aspect of the conflict between Persians and Hellenes has, to my mind, been neglected considerably by previous accounts of this history, but here too we find Hellenes and Persians in conflict with one another. However, this was not in support of the defeated Hellenic League, and though related to the Thermopylaian phase by proximate cause and opportunity it was in essence an entirely distinct conflict between a certain number of Hellenes and the Persians. It was also caused by older rivalries between several peoples and the Makedones. What transpired is the following- Alexandros of Makedon, the first to make his kingdom of any importance(1), had angered many of the other ethnoi in that part of the world, for he had made war against them and taken their lands, at times sending the inhabitants away and instead sending Makedones to settle these territories. Thus, once Xerxes had departed, these peoples considered that this was an especially good time to make war upon Makedonia, and gathered in coalition. All gathered together were the Hellenic ethnoi of Almopes, Elmiotai, Lynkestai, Orestai, and Pelagones(2). They wished to settle their disputes with Alexandros and recover the lands which had been taken by the Temenidai, whilst also feeling threatened by the continual growth of Persian influence and control in the area. Once they had decided upon this course of action, and once Xerxes had returned to Asia with that segment of the Persian army, they assaulted Makedonia, besieging settlements, raiding the countryside, and attempting to cut off the roads that lead southwards into Thessalia. Upon the invasion beginning the Paiones, Thrakes, Eordoi, Pieres, and Bottiaioi all remained on the side of the Persians(3). These were the initial combatants of the war.

As soon as Mardonios heard the news of the invasion, he began assembling his satrapal armies to march north and repel the invaders. Some have taken his initial tardiness as being an enmity with Alexandros of Makedonia, whereby he wished to see the latter killed or humiliated, whereas others have suggested incompetence(4). I am not personally convinced that the delay was due to either option, for the assembled army attacking Makedonia was sizeable- 100,000 fighting men. To assemble sufficient strength to repel these numbers would have taken time and attention, and so to my mind this is the likeliest reason why the satrap Mardonios would have delayed his departure to Makedonia. Meanwhile, whilst this was ongoing, Alexandros of Makedonia was thrust into command of the pro-Persian forces in his territory and surrounding areas, by virtue of the proper satrap being away, by being an acknowledged authority by the Persians, and by being the target of this armed invasion(5). Given that Alexandros was of a pro-Hellenic disposition this was an awkward scenario for him, whereby he was forced to further align himself alongside the Persians by virtue of the situation that he was confronted with, despite the fact that he had been anxious to expel the Persians from his kingdom when the right time arose(6). In addition, many of those that he commanded were not particularly fond of Makedones in their own right, having their own ancient disputes of various kinds with the men led by the line of Temenos. Nonetheless, need drove them to co-operating.

Battle was joined between Alexandros and the anti-Makedonia coalition near to the place called Mieza, where the Makedones maintain a temple to the Nymphs(7). The battle was extremely confused, as it is agreed that a large part of the Hellenic army ambushed a segment of Alexandros’ troops in a place set aside from the main place of battle. Where exactly that place was is nearly impossible to fathom, for talking to Makedones is extremely unhelpful in trying to establish where the location was- some will say it was on this hillside overlooking the road, some will say it was by these woods overshadowing this little dip, and more besides. Regardless of this, this induced the main battle to be extremely closely fought, but in the end Alexandros and his men were able to get the better of their enemies. Alexandros then led his victorious men to the aid of his beleaguered allies, where success was once again achieved. However, this second battle was at the cost of Alexandros’ life, though his body was successfully recovered unspoiled of his panoply. This, more than anything of the rest of this war between Hellenes and Makedones, is what is chiefly remembered by the Hellenes- among the western Hellenes he was remembered as an ally who provided much needed assistance, even though the conflict had been ultimately unsuccessful for those Hellenes, and among the eastern Hellenes he was considered a philhellenos(8). The battle, although it had been won, had come at a heavy cost. It was in the aftermath of this that Mardonios entered into Makedonia. He launched punitive expeditions into the territory of those who had attacked Makedonia, and strengthened the garrisons of Persian troops in the kingdom. Being of crafty policy, he also took this opportunity to reassert that the satrap of Hellas was also the satrap over Makedonia(9). He did not abolish the kingdom of Makedonia, nor displace the Temenidai as rulers of Makedon. But Philippos, the son of Alexandros, was very young, and thus was swiftly brought under the control of Mardonios. He was not harmed or coerced, but neither was he free to do as he wished, and it would be partially at the whims of Persians that he would be educated so as to be more friendly than his father- though Xerxes had been given no direct cause to distrust Alexandros, and though the extent of his assistance to the Hellenes opposed to Persia had remained undiscovered, still was Mardonios aware of where Alexandros’ sympathies had been(10). However, whilst his decisions were of benefit to the Persians and to Mardonios, this was the beginning of troubles for the satrap, for it was at this point that some began to suggest that he was overstepping the boundaries of the authority bestowed upon him by Xerxes.

Notes

1- Perhaps dubious, given that Alexandros’ father Amyntas is often credited with this distinction as well, but it is perhaps notable that it is only later sources which credit Amyntas more greatly, despite Herodotos’ clear reference to him being the first king of the Makedones to engage in foreign relations.

2- As ever, Aristonikos is uninterested in explaining ethnography where he is not required to do so. All of these peoples are, by Herodotos and others, clearly considered to be Hellenic by this stage in antique history, and all lived in various mountainous regions surrounding the plain of Makedonia proper. They are most oft said to be of a kin with the Molossoi.

3- These peoples, by contrast to the earlier list, are usually consistently considered to be of an entirely different kind to the Hellenes, though some of them less so than others- the Bryges were oft linked to the Phrygioi, who were said to be distantly consanguineous to the Hellenes. Nonetheless, all were barbarians, living themselves in the regions surrounding Makedonia proper. Many of them feature in the much antique histories of the Hellenes, including the Homerik epics.

4- Though no surviving source predating Aristonikos’ explicitly makes such claims, this may be evidenced by Herodotos’ claim that “all mourned the passing of the respected and valorous king of the Makedones, except those who had resented him and secretly sought his demise”.

5- Other chronicles make abundant the notion that petit kings of the Persian state were capable of, and expected to, lead armed forces in times of dire need. The emphasis here seems to be instead to show why it was that Alexandros, so noted a philhellenos, would be placed in this position of command against other Hellenes.

6- Again, the secret wishes of Alexandros to aid in the removal of the Hellenes is emphasised because of the contrast with his leading a campaign against a part of the Hellenes.

7- This be the same temple that Amavadatos is said to have attended when seeking counsel as to whether to rebel against his Akhaimenid sovereign king.

8- The distinction here is that even those Hellenes who were unopposed, neutral, or supportive regarding the Persians regarded Alexandros as being philhellenos, whereas those who had fought against Persia also valued his specific attempts to aid them.

9- Herodotos too refers to a confusion as to whether or not Makedon was included within the satrapy of Hellas, and this action from Mardonios did not fully settle the issue. Though Makedon was now forever joined with the affairs of the Hellenes, the two sometimes danced together and sometimes apart in the ages that followed.

10- This is once again an expression of the assertion by this lineage of antique sources that Mardonios was almost excessively wise, by contrast to Xerxes.

EXTRACT FROM DATIS OF SINOPE’S HISTORIA
ON THE ORIGIN OF THE HAXAMANISHIYA

It is beyond doubt, to all that study the history of mankind, that the eponymous Haxamanish was the man for whom the dynasty was named. This fact was preserved by Hellene and Persian alike. King Haxamanish was the father of King Cishpish, who was the father of King Kurush of Anshan, who was the father of King Kambujiya, who was the father of King Kurush the Great King who united Asia for the first time. Haxamanish was also the father of King Ariyaramna, who was the father of King Arshama, who was the father of King Vishtaspa, who was the father of King Darayavaush the Great King. Who was Haxamanish, whose progeny would come to create a kingdom on the Earth? The Hellenes said that he was the son of Perses, the son of Perseus, with the Hellenes being the sons of Herakles. The men of Babylon and Asshur said that he was of the line of Gilgamesh. The Hujiyans, those whom the Hellenes call the Susianes, thought that he was the son of an eagle who rescued Gilgamesh from death as a boy. And the Persians? The Persians said nothing of his origins, a matter which has aroused much curiosity by those seeking to understand the founding dynasty of Asia. However, my attitude towards his origins is thus; the Persians were notoriously honest, even to the Hellenes that was their most defining trait as a people. I suspect that, in truth, not ever having known the full origins of Haxamanish, they declined to supply the gap with knowingly false tales, or at least tales that they themselves could not test the truth of.

The line of Haxamanish were, for a time, the rulers of twin kingdoms- the line of Cishpish were the rulers of Anshan, and the line of Ariyaramna were the rulers of Parsa. Both were under the rulership of the kings of Mada, whom the Hellenes call the Medoi. The barbarism of the Hellenes at the time of King Darayavaush was so high that they could not distinguish between men of Mada and men of Parsa, referring to King Darayavaush and King Xshayarsha as Medoi and to the Persians as Medoi. Nonetheless, the Medoi were of an entirely different land and culture, having come to prominence upon the collapse of the mighty Kingdom of Assur. Unlike Persians the Mada were in lifestyle more akin to the Saka of the steppes than a civilized, civic lifestyle, maintaining their capital at Hamgmatana, that which the Hellenes call Ecbatana. The last of the line of Mada kings, Arshtivaiga, by cause of subterfuge and ugly excess of luxury caused the rebellion of both lines of Haxamanishiya royalty, of whom the greater in vigour and valour was King Kurush, who became Great King. His cousin King Arshama recognised this, and without scorn or jealousy Arshama abdicated any claim to the throne of Asia, leaving King Kurush as the sole holder of the office. It was with noble King Darayavaush that the line of Ariyaramna took up the diadem, so that the mighty Empire which Kurush had built would be preserved.

How was it that King Kurush, at first only king of Anshan, became the Great King of Asia? As the histories say, first he conquered Mada, when he found he could no longer stomach the rule of Arshtivaiga. Then he conquered Sparda, that which the Hellenes call Lydia, when its king Kroisos attacked the lawful possessions of King Kurush. Then he conquered Babylon, when its people cried out for a saviour from their mad king. This was the very act by which Asia was first brought together in its chief parts, for though kings had in times past become dominant within Asia, or had stretched their dominion far beyond their original kingdom, never had they brought these three districts together into unity and peace. Without understanding the Haxamanishiya, without understanding Kurush, one cannot understand Amavadata and his progeny, nor Agnimitra and his progeny, nor Inaros and his progeny, and bit by bit one cannot understand anything about the world in which we dwell.

What of Anshan and Parsa, wherefore did these kingdoms arise from that they would become the nursing grounds for the Haxamanishiya? And what of the Persians, from where did they come? In answering these questions one treads carefully, for the stories told about the origins of the Persians are as numerous as the stars. The Hellenes believe themselves and the Persians to be akin to one another, with the Persians the sons of Perses and the Hellenes the son of Herakles. Some Persians believe themselves and those who are most akin to them to come from the land of the Good River, that is the river Vakshu, and to be descended from the guardians of the Tree of All Seeds, and that it is from this that the Persians acquired their love of growing things and gardens. Then the Ariya spread themselves across the lands that Ahura Mazda had raised, and the Persians came to the land of the Hujiya, where all that had been glorious had been made barren and grey, and where they nurtured the lands back to life. Other Persians believe that they grew from seeds from the Tree of All Seeds dropped into the land of Hujiya, and by this account are therefore accounted the greatest of all the Ariya. Other Persians believe that their first king was Gayo Maretan, whose tears were gems and gold from which sprang the human race, and it was he who forged the land of Parsa to make it suitable for the Persians. As for myself, I am generally moved to the world where human beings are the cause of will in events, and where divine presences appear it is by incidental rather than deliberate means. It is well known that the Saka speak a tongue of the Ariya, and that they are the most primitive of peoples. The Ariyans are famed for their horses, and no people are more famous for their horses than those born to the saddle, the Saka. Given their primitiveness, it is my belief that this is the ancient lifestyle of all Ariyans, that Persians, Saka, the people of Mada, Suguda, Baxtrish, and all the other Ariyan countries were all were born from the saddle, and lived in the manner of the primitive Saka.

BIBLIOTEKHE HISTORIKE BY MOHANE
ON AMAVADATOS

Amavadatos was born in the 68th year after King Xerxes conquered the Hellenes, to two Persians of noble birth; his father was one Akhaimenes, not the aforementioned Akhaimenes the progenitor of the selfsame dynasty of Persian kings, and also not Akhaimenes the brother of Xerxes, but he was a distant member of the Akhaimenidai. He was born to two Persians but he was born on Hellenic soil, in the capital at Thebai. By his relation to the royal dynasty he gained attention from King Ariabignes, and from his deeds he received favour from Daieobazanes, who was the satrap of Hellas during this time. He was a general in the campaign against the men of Epeiros that occurred in the fourth year of Ariabignes’ kingship. But in addition to his qualities as a soldier and a commander, he was also learned- he spoke Hellenic fluently as well as his native tongue- and charismatic, being equally popular with Hellenes as he was with other Persians. However, a dispute over a girl caused a rift with Kyros the son of Ariabignes. Kyros was uninterested in the Hellenes, seeing them as soldiers for hire and not even the best of those, and when he came to power he appointed Amavadatos to Hellas as satrap, assuming that this post on the frontiers of the Akhaimenid domains would be a way to keep Amavadatos out of any influence at court wthout necessitating violence.

However, Amavadatos had absorbed the lessons that Daeiobazanes had taught him about how to treat the Hellenes and other peoples under his command, and the Hellenes were increasingly disposed to trust to their satraps above their sovereign king. This came to a head by an unlikely series of events- a group of Keltoi, led by one calling himself Perseus, claimed ancestral rights over the city of Rome, because he claimed that Rome had originally been founded by Hellenes, the current occupants being Hesperai and Tyrsenoi bastards with no legitimate claim to the rulership of the city. Rome, in need, called for aid, and Amavadatos answered. The Tarantinotes were by this period extremely cordial towards the satrap of Hellas, and they also agreed to aid in the rescue of the Rome and more besides- other peoples besides the Romaioi had been attacked and savaged by the horde of Perseus. The assembled army then marched at breakneck speed across Italia to reach the city of Rome, where they found the city already partially sacked and occupied by Perseus’ army. But there Amavadatos and the Tarantinotes fell upon the Keltoi, and drove them out of Rome with great slaughter. There the Romaioi were said to have sworn fealty to Amavadatos in gratitude, and this is where King Ariabignes grew fearful of his relative for he instinctively believed the reports, and thought that this signalled the beginning of a revolt. He made orders to remove Amavadatos and arrest him, but they were not carried out- the entire part of the Persian army stationed in Hellas was loyal to Amavadatos who they saw as nobler and more fit for rulership. Upon their rejection of the terms, they declared him to be the rightful king, and he made for war with Ariabignes.

The two armies clashed at Sardis, whereupon Amavadatos was victorious. King Ariobignes was forced to give up control over the Hellenic districts of Anatolia, which were conquered or surrendered to Amavadatos one by one, and also the entire region of Karia. However, whilst Ariobignes was unable to throw out Amavadatos from these territories, neither was Amavadatos able to gain further progress into Anatolia for the time being. Whilst the two men remained hostile to one another, conflict between the two swiftly became impossible, and an undeclared peace existed for some time. Upon Ariobignes’ death, he was due to be succeeded by one Artabana, who was acknowledged by all in the Empire to be noble and fair-minded, and Amavadatos was going to willingly cede control to him. But upon the beginning of his journey, in advanced years, Artabana was assassinated by the treacherous Dareios, who was the brother of Ariobignes. Amavadatos then once again led his armies forth, and this time there was no force that could stop the force of his approach. The news of this conquest reached the ears of one Agnemithra, a king among the Indoi. Seeking both riches and to emulate Amavadatos, he distracted the attention of Dareios whilst the conquest of Anatolia was underway at the hands of Amavadatos. However, the conquest was brought to a halt by the death of Amavadatos in his seventy-second year, and there was a dispute among the sons of Amavadatos as to who should inherit his title.

Amavadatos was the founder of a mighty kingdom, uniting Hellenes, Persians, and others in common purpose. His instinct for fairness was as sharp as his ear for language, his love was for peace but he fought injustice with a mighty arm. He brought the Hellenes to the forefront of Asia for the first time, whilst continuing the noble lineage of Persia in a far away country. His weaknesses were that of women, and egotism, and an inability to preserve his life when it might well have been preserved. But when balanced against the sum of his achievements, Amavadatos was pious as few men are, and righteous in the tumult of countries and kings.

 

[Martinus Paduei]

Just glanced through this quickly. Must now read with full attention. Wow, wow, wow.

 

[Abhakhazia]

Rome as a Persian client (at least in some sort of loose sense)? Philip of Macedon being raised among the Satrap in Thebes?

I'm very intrigued by all of this. Can't wait for more!

 

[Practical Lobster]

This thread is entirely amazing. Subscribed.

The hints at how the world turn out are particularly fascinating.

 

[Jonathan Edelstein]

Just wanted to say again how much I'm enjoying this.

 

[Grouchio]

I'm going to need a name translation chart for this thread.

 

[Russian]

I like your style, Daeres.
The TL is worth reading. definitely.

 

[Daeres]

Μηδίζω! ÞE WOROLD OF ACAIMENIDISC GRECLAND​

CAPITOL 3:XSHAHYAM or BASILEIA​

AN BRYD FRAM TRAHTUNGA ABUTAN ȜEFYRNESS BI ANGLEHELM BOCERE

Hit biþ anmodlice to þe willa of God þæt æce gendales of þe eormencyn onufan þe middanȝearde þer hafast cymst abutan, hæbbende micelmest gefyrnness. Þas biþ, æfter þon, eallswa folgaþ- þe rices Asian, þe rices Egipta, þe rices Cjenan, þe rices African, þe rices Indian, end þe rices Europan. Þe eldmæst of þas bist þe rices Egipta, end þe ȝingest bist þe rices Europa. Ælc an of þas biþ gemercod æfter þon: þe middelmæst of þe rices Asian bist þe fyrn landes Mesopotamian, hwær þe Babilonburh lieȝest; his mæra westerne biþ þe Haimus beorgas hwær þas meteþ þe Adriatica sæs, his mæra norþern biþ þe micel horsgærstun, his mæra suþerne biþ þe micel ælæte, end his mæra eastern bist þe Indus æ. Þe middelmæst of þe rices Egipta bist þe nioþoweard Nilus æ hwær þe Memfisburh lieȝest, end bist bi æ end ælæte behringed. Þe middelmæst of þe rices Cjenan bist þe Ȝeolu æ hwær þe fyrn Þongdoburh lieȝest; his mæra westerne biþ þe Himalaȝa beorga hwilc to þe middanȝearde hrofe riseþ, his mæra norþern biþ þe eastern micel horsgærstun, his mæra suþerne biþ þe orwudes Nanȝe, end his mæra eastern bist þe eastern biganges æres. Þe middelmæst of þe rices African bist Aldafrica end þe fyrn Cartainaburh; his mæra westerne bist þe westerne biganges æres, his mæra norþern bist þe Wendelsæ, his mæra suþerne biþ þe micel ælæte, end his mæra eastern bist þe Siwa oasis. Þe middelmæst of þe rices Indian bist abitweonum þe Indus æ end þe Gandis æ hwær þe fyrn Afanteburh lieȝest; his mæra westerne bist þe Indus æ, his mæra norþerne biþ þe Himalaȝa beorga, his mæra suþerne bist þe sutherne biganges æres, end his mæra eastern bist þe Gandis æ. Þe middelmæst of þe rices Europan biþ þe landes Barda end Muntȝiof end þe fyrn Wiaburh; his mæra westerne bist þe westerne biganges æres, his mæra norþerne biþ þe landes isa, his mæra suþerne bist biþ þe þe Wendelsæ, end his mæra eastern biþ þe Haimus beorgas. Hit bist þe æþelu of þas ricu þæt ic sceal nu cunnie.​

Happy late April Fools!​

 

[Codae]

Should this be taken as an actual text from the TL, or just a perversely translated one? I'd expect the former case to result in something less readable.

 

[The Professor]

Hit biþ anmodlice to þe willa of God þæt æce gendales of þe eormencyn onufan þe middanȝearde þer hafast cymst abutan, hæbbende micelmest gefyrnness. Þas biþ, æfter þon, eallswa folgaþ- þe rices Asian, þe rices Egipta, þe rices Cjenan, þe rices African, þe rices Indian, end þe rices Europan. Þe eldmæst of þas bist þe rices Egipta, end þe ȝingest bist þe rices Europa. Ælc an of þas biþ gemercod æfter þon: þe middelmæst of þe rices Asian bist þe fyrn landes Mesopotamian, hwær þe Babilonburh lieȝest; his mæra westerne biþ þe Haimus beorgas hwær þas meteþ þe Adriatica sæs, his mæra norþern biþ þe micel horsgærstun, his mæra suþerne biþ þe micel ælæte, end his mæra eastern bist þe Indus æ. Þe middelmæst of þe rices Egipta bist þe nioþoweard Nilus æ hwær þe Memfisburh lieȝest, end bist bi æ end ælæte behringed. Þe middelmæst of þe rices Cjenan bist þe Ȝeolu æ hwær þe fyrn Þongdoburh lieȝest; his mæra westerne biþ þe Himalaȝa beorga hwilc to þe middanȝearde hrofe riseþ, his mæra norþern biþ þe eastern micel horsgærstun, his mæra suþerne biþ þe orwudes Nanȝe, end his mæra eastern bist þe eastern biganges æres. Þe middelmæst of þe rices African bist Aldafrica end þe fyrn Cartainaburh; his mæra westerne bist þe westerne biganges æres, his mæra norþern bist þe Wendelsæ, his mæra suþerne biþ þe micel ælæte, end his mæra eastern bist þe Siwa oasis. Þe middelmæst of þe rices Indian bist abitweonum þe Indus æ end þe Gandis æ hwær þe fyrn Afanteburh lieȝest; his mæra westerne bist þe Indus æ, his mæra norþerne biþ þe Himalaȝa beorga, his mæra suþerne bist þe sutherne biganges æres, end his mæra eastern bist þe Gandis æ. Þe middelmæst of þe rices Europan biþ þe landes Barda end Muntȝiof end þe fyrn Wiaburh; his mæra westerne bist þe westerne biganges æres, his mæra norþerne biþ þe landes isa, his mæra suþerne bist biþ þe þe Wendelsæ, end his mæra eastern biþ þe Haimus beorgas. Hit bist þe æþelu of þas ricu þæt ic sceal nu cunnie.​

Happy late April Fools!​

From the top of my head:
It is [anmodlice] to the will of God that each [gendales] of the human [onufan] the midlands that has come about, having largest [gefyrnness]. That is, thereafter, also follows - of the Asian realm, the Egyptian realm, the Chinese realm, the African realm, the Indian realm, and of the European realm. The oldest of these/those is the Egyptian realm, and the youngist is the European realm. Each one of these is marked[?] thence: the middlemost/most-central of the Asian realms is the [fyrn] Mesopotamian lands, where Babylon lies; the more western are the Haimus mountains [ie the Balkan] there they meet the Adriatic Sea, the more northern is the great [horsgærstun], the more southern is the great [ælæte], and the more eastern is the Indus River. The mostcentral of the Egyptian realm is the Lower Nile River where the City-of-Memphis lies, and is by river and [ælæte] ringed. The most-central of the Chinese realm is the Yellow River there the [fyrn] City-of-Thongdo lies; the more western are the Himalaya Mountain which to the midland roof rises, the more northern is the eastern great [horsgærstun], the more southern is the [orwudes Nanȝe], and the more eastern is the eastern Biganges [?] Rivers. The most-central of the African realms is OldAfrica and the [fyrn Cartaina-]City; the more western is the western Biganges [?] Rivers, most-central of the Indian realm is between the Indus and the Gandi River where the [fyrn] Afante-[City] lies; the more northern is the Indus,

[his mæra norþerne biþ þe Himalaȝa beorga, his mæra suþerne bist þe sutherne biganges æres, end his mæra eastern bist þe Gandis æ. Þe middelmæst of þe rices Europan biþ þe landes Barda end Muntȝiof end þe fyrn Wiaburh; his mæra westerne bist þe westerne biganges æres, his mæra norþerne biþ þe landes isa, his mæra suþerne bist biþ þe þe Wendelsæ, end his mæra eastern biþ þe Haimus beorgas.] etc etc

It is the inheritance of the rich that I shall/will now [cunnie].

 

[fasquardon]

Ohhh. Now this looks good.

I shall be following this.

fasquardon

 

[Libertad]

Subscribed. This is awesome!

Will there be any updates?

Sorry for the bump....

 

[Daeres]

Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
CHAPTER 3:XSHAHYAM or BASILEIA

EXTRACT FROM MITRADORA’S BOOK OF GAMES
THE ROYAL GAME, ALSO KNOWN AS SHATRANJA OR XATARANA​

There exists no more universal marker of Asiatic civilization than this, the Royal Game. All who read this work know of its grandeur and sophistication, and we know the civilizing of Europa continues apace because the most cultured among them now too play Shatranja, Xatarana as it has been called by the Hellenes. I shall for a time describe its history, as all thinking Asiatic peoples should be aware of this marvelous game’s origins, particularly those coming from barbarous stock who aim to elevate themselves and their progeny to the heights of Asian sophistication.

Shatranja comes from the lands of the Indos and Gange, which though not part of Asia is of a kind with it. It is a land of wisdom both subtle and ancient, ancient beyond the span of man’s measure of time. The Royal Game is but one of the exquisite gifts to the world that my ancestor’s homeland has provided to the civilized world. It originated from a region famous from India like no others, the region around the city of Ojain, Ozaine to the Hellenes, the motherland of Agnemitra the Great King of Asia. Being the most civilized part of India it attracted the greatest amount of wise people, advising the splendid kings that ruled from Ojain. One such person who is now, at last, known to Hellenes is the great Chanakya, and it was he who first devised the game of Shatranja. He, advisor to the king Mitrasena who was the father of Agnemitra, established the rules of the game and told it to the king. He established the board of eight by eight squares, each square measuring three angula on all sides. He created the division of pieces so as to be an accurate tool for considering military strategy, and so created the Archers, Boats, Horsemen, Elephants, Minister, and King. The Boats were, in ancient times, sometimes known as Guards, and the Horsemen as Chariots, but their movements and distinguishing features have not been altered across the long centuries. Being noble and intelligent Mitrasena and his advisor did not require different colours or flags to indicate the pieces’ ownership, they were able to keep track of the game state with memory alone, but the game was soon spread to those of less subtle arts, and they did require visual indication of the two different sides as present in Shatranja. This has now become the normal practice, and the art of crafting differentiated chess sets has become one of the most exquisite products of Asia in all its many countries and regions.

Agnemitra, so noble, learned, and respectful towards his father, was taught the Royal Game, beginning its tradition of transmission from one King to the next. When he began his indomitable conquest of Asia from the corrupt Achaemenids he took his nobler arts with them, enriching Asia with a new cultivar of civilization and restoring its vigorous health. Among those noble arts was the art of Shatranja, which he shared with those kings and rulers in Asia and elsewhere that he found to be civilized, cultured men. In this way the baser but rousable races of the western world were slowly suckled to the milk of true civilization, resulting in the far more equitable situation of our present day. Even now the finest Shatranja craftsmen are to be found in Kypros and Kyrenaika, and if only those more pessimistic Asians in the past had known that the Hellenes would one day cast aside their barbarism for all time and stand alongside them as equals. Agnemitra duly passed on the game to his own son, Krishnamitra, who would become his successor as Great King, and he to his own sons Pushyamitra and Mitradatta who would both become Great Kings themselves. The days of the line of Agnemitra are passed now, but they remain in our memory as the most noble and excellent of kings of Asia until the coming of the present dynasty from Imera, who once more reinvigorated Asia from one of its extreme quarters and rule with wisdom from Amida. What more fitting legacy could there be to represent the eternal gift of India to Asia than the Royal Game, and what greater demonstration of the Amidani dynasty’s right to rule than their world renowned mastery of Shatranja.

For those young or previously ignorant enough to be unaware of the rules of Shatranja, Chanakya’s game, has the following rules. Each army is arranged on opposite sides of the board, occupying two raji in their entirety. At the front of each army are the eight Archers. They are the mass of the army, who protects its advance and screens it against charges. They may move one raji forward in each turn, and if another Archer is in his way then that which advances removes the other Archer from the battlefield. They may not do this to the greater pieces, which Archers can only capture by flanking. This is the one exception to their otherwise forward movement, the only rationale by which an Archer may move one square left or right along a raji rather than to the next one ahead. Then next come the Boats, found at either end of their raji behind the Archers. Boats, being swift, may move any number of raji ahead if they are not obstructed by a piece, or any number of spaces along a raji. They may take a piece of any kind along this range of movement. They are enormously manoeuvrable, as boats are, but they must be used carefully as they cannot bypass other pieces, and are trapped behind the Archers at the start. The act of allowing their movement is named ‘opening the dock’ for this reason. Next are the Horsemen. Their swift mounts enable them to move up to two ranji ahead, or in such a fashion as to move one ranji forward and then one space along the ranji. Any piece which sits on the second square may be removed from the battlefield by the Horsemen. They may also bypass a piece which seems to block them in order to complete this move, and they are used to penetrate the great regiments of Archers on the board, though they must be used carefully lest they be flanked and cut off by the enemy infantry. Next are the Elephants, which are the most difficult piece to utilise correctly- they ordinarily move one space in any direction, including diagonally, taking any piece found in this arc of movement. But, once during the battle, an Elephant may move as many spaces in a particular direction as his master likes. Thus Elephants can be the most devastating attackers of all the pieces, though to take advantage of this they must be directed with great care and timing. Then we come to the Minister, who is capable of two forms of movement. He may move two squares in any diagonal direction, and may capture any piece found in that range of movement. He may also choose to forgo this ability in order to move both himself and the King beside him one raji ahead. This move may only be utilised if the Minister and King are on the same raji, next to one another. In this way the Minister serves both the Kingdom and his King directly. The King may move on his own, and being the most fearsome warrior can move one square in any direction like the Elephant. The King is also too noble to be captured like any other piece. However, he is also no fool, avoiding death if he can, and so he must move out of the way if a piece would be able to capture his piece, as that is putting him in danger. The game is lost for the player who is no longer able to move the King away from such dangers, and whose Kingdom is now at the mercy of his opponent.

Those who wish to learn the full subtle arts of this game are advised to practice a great deal, for as a blade is sharpened a mind must be kept keen by practice and regular use. But students are also advised to consult the Great Games, those most well fought Shatranja matches which are recorded below in their full subtlety and arts. Learn to appreciate the true mastery of the game, come to understand why a certain piece is used thusly and another is used another way, why certain Archers are chosen to be moved at the start of the game by their masters above others. The more cultured the mind, the more civilized the stock, the more potential the student has for becoming a true master of the game. Take heed, then, of the poor man who displays a total mastery of Shatranja, make him your advisor or your minister, or do anything but let him wallow in the cruel fate that he has somehow been consigned to by misfortune or malice on the part of others. Quality will always tell, and there is no better way to quickly find the quality of a man than to challenge him to the Royal Game.

EXTRACT FROM THE PERSIANS BY KIMON
ON KINGSHIP

What is it that drives the hubris, the unnatural lusts that make a man disposed to become a king over others, a father who treats his children as his slaves? For those of us born with the virtues that Hellas inculcated in her sons and daughters, who understand what liberty and proper conduct between human beings entails, it seems almost impossible to imagine. What monsters could be born into the human race, how could they remain human I hear you ask? The answer is that a King, such a wretched and avaricious creature as he, cannot be born, he must be made. Nothing whatsoever kingly about a person is determined by their birth, not their fitness to be a king nor their ability to become one. Who is he made by? He is made from the immoral, transgressive lusts of his parents and family, who goad him to seeking dominion, pleasures of all kinds, and tell him that this is what the Gods wish for him. The blasphemy of this is impossible to measure, the Gods are not using kings as their instrument of rule or division of humans, kings are a form of punishment on humankind meted out by the gods, and only the deserving are spared their presence. They are not marked as blessed, they are marked by the kakodaimones, who join forces with their parents in corrupting them to perverted, destructive ends. They are the rats that infiltrate the polis who, if allowed to bloat and become convinced of their own power, will devour all other things in their path. As rats chew away at barrels so do kings chew at polis walls.

How then do such creatures become kings, those so twisted against nature as to wish to do so? They do so with all the basest measures known to man, the threat of violence, humiliation, bribery and gold. They forge armies and mint followers, relying also on those other humans too crude and stupid to even understand what they are looking at and who they are supporting. They become kings because other men allow such men to take what is not theirs. The size of the Akhaimenid domains is a measure of the weakness and corruption that lies at the heart of Asia, that so many men would capitulate, would allow themselves to watch the rape of their communities and families. The true Hellene is of a fundamentally different character altogether to such people, which is why it so hard for us to understand them and why they would desire a King to rule over them if they are such a just and noble people. I tell you that any ethnos upon this earth which so strongly desires a king has no justice in their awareness, only a natural desire for servitude, slavery, and the compulsion to abdicate their existence as true human beings. Treasure the barbarians who tolerate no kings among their presence, for no matter how savage such peoples are they are more civilized, more ethical than any civilized people who willingly call a man king, or a woman queen.

The sheer numbers of such indolence-ridden people as support these kings leads me to but one solution- the cleansing from the world of those with such instincts, in the name of the Gods high on Olympos. We grant them mercy from their own broken nature by doing so, respite from their cracked, half-baked forms. It is a duty of every right thinking Hellene to do this thing, in concert with every right thinking barbarian in necessary. The chaff shall be removed, leaving only those people, constitutions, and ethneis which carry sustenance. The Persians are such chaff, and their rotten forms threaten to suffocate the life out of our homeland. Drive them back, with all strength in your arms and faith in your Gods, drive them into the sea, the welcoming arms of Poseidon. Leave no Persian alive to spread the disease, cut off the infected material, heal the body of humankind.

EXTRACT FROM HERODOTOS OF HALIKARNASSOS’ HISTORIA
ON KIMON OF SYBARIS​

It came to pass that the Dikaiotes wished an alliance with one king among the Messapi friendly to the Hellenes. But Kimon of Sybaris would not let this come to pass, for the older he grew the more he desired to destroy all monarkhia states, and to kill all kings. For his own polis to consider treating with a king was, for him, unacceptable. Being a people of free speech, as the Athenians had been, the Dikaiaotes were prepared to accept this opinion, but Kimon was not satisfied with simply sharing his opinion to those in an immediate area, his friends, or even simply discussing them in the Assembly. He did all in his power to sabotage talks with this Messapi king, physically restraining people to delay them, causing embarassing incidents, launching invectives at the Messapi king’s ambassadors. Given that this ignored the stated will of the Dikaiaotes, and the other poleis who formed the Italiote League, this was no longer considered an issue of sharing an opinion, and Kimon was arrested. His trial, it is said, was one where the jurors were disposed to division on the issue, and where they would likely have ruled in his favour. But his behaviour in the trial, featuring obscenities scarcely imaginable to jurors in such an environment, turned the jury against him definitively, and his rage at them grew so great and so uncontrolled that their chosen sentence was execution. Despite the nature of his behaviour and his transgressions there remained a sizeable portion of Dikaiotes who agreed with his views, though it was not considered prudent to air such views and thus this was not well known to the general Dikaiot population at the time. These who agreed with Kimon were enraged at the decision to prosecute him, let alone his execution, and so began to ensure that the compositions of Kimon, such as his speeches, poems, plays, and historia, became more widely known among the Dikaot population, and at this time at which Herodotos of Halikarnassos writes they have become very popular indeed.

AULE TINNA'S LITANY OF KINGSHIP

Scores of men, across all peoples, have claimed to be kings, to be born and justly appointed rulers of men. Many of them were strong, and some even wise, it is clear that great destinies were determined for them by the Gods. But to be a true king, a king such as the Rasna possess, is to be more than marked for an unusual destiny, to be more than a great warrior or a wise minister, to be more than elevated by riches, pomp, and ceremony. The chosen of Tinia, son of Uni, he is the only real and true king among all the others, and one of their number is one day destined to rule the world. He is the will of the Gods made manifest, and this is not something that can be taught or imitated. Only the chosen of Tinia are marked by lightning, the champions of vaulted sky that sound the Gods’ thunder across all the realms of men. He, the King of the Rasna, is the crashing of relentless sea, the sudden onset of storms, the immovable mountain. No opponent shall master him, no foe shall delay him, no obstacle shall keep him from his destiny. Look at what destiny has determined that the chosen of Tinia shall achieve- the great union of all Rasna, who are become the children of Tinia and Uni, the defence of our lands against the depredations of northern barbarians, the conquest of rich lands not controlled by the Rasna for many centuries hence. Not the King of Persia could stand in the way of the chosen of Tinia, not all the Kings of India, not all the cities of the Hellenes standing together as one. His armies are as Myrmidones, invincible and peerless. Never before had we, the Rasna, dreamed of such lofty destiny, but now every man, woman, and child born to the Rasna knows our birthright is the world, that our borders are the seas and stars, that our hand stretches out and takes whatever we aim to grasp. Such power is this is only possible with the leadership of Tinia’s chosen representative on Earth, the power of god-elect kingship harnessed. No Rasna shall ever again accept a false king, however destined they be, nor any foreign master. Thus we truly know ourselves to be the superiors to the Hellenes, who despite their ancient wisdoms have remained a conquered people despite all their toings and froings. It shall be the task of the chosen of Tinia to redeem the Hellenes, that is his destiny, and the destiny of the Rasna.

EXTRACT FROM AMASTA OF APPO’S HISTORIA
ON CONSTITUTIONS​

See the Hellenes, and how they constantly argue among themselves on the matter of constitutions- which form of particular government is to be preferred, as though all exist at the expense of others. Realise then reader that this turmoil, this angst, is one that can be experienced by cultures that are less comfortable in themselves, less attuned to the reality of life and instead holding to impossible ethics, not to mention false ones. Witness that the Persians understood this too, for despite rule by king they also retained other ancient measures of rulership alongside their king, and were comfortable with mixed and diverse constitutions existing in their dependencies. Perfidious were the Persians, cruel and conquest hungry, but yet this understanding was granted to them, as it has been granted to those who call themselves the children of Qart-Hadast. Acknowledge that the Qarthadastim relieved their own kings of rulership but also that they would continue to call on kings during emergencies, and that they were happy to have kings as allies or servants during their time of dominion. This lesson have we, the citizens of Maziga, learned from the Qarthadastim, and adopted for our own, possessing a mixed constitution. Behold that such constitutions are not unusual, for they have been utilised by such famed peoples of the Tyrian Sea as the Messenioi, the subjects of the Battidai, and even the Spartiates utilised a mixed constitution, though mentioning these last Hellenes among scholars of Asia is rather akin to a meeting of sheep where one decides to casually bring up a ravenous wolf. Maziga possesses a perfect balance of monarch, assembly, and recognition of talent, combining the best qualities of our predecessors with the innate sense of justice bestowed upon the ‘Mazigen. Whilst all peoples strive for their own freedom and quality of life it is this, our ability to create a balanced constitution fair above all others, that shows why we are the worthy successors to the dominion of the Qarthadastim. A constitution that is solely of one kind or another, where its people refuse to even consider measures which could be construed as belonging to the other kinds of constitution, such a constitution is doomed to collapse, either from internal pressure or from the superior manoueverings of more flexible peoples around them. Not only that, such systems are strengthened by immorality among their rulers to the detriment of that country’s overall power, whereas with a mixed constitution virtue is encouraged, leading to a healthier motherland in the first instance.

Let us, however, briefly consider those peoples who lack constitutions, those called barbarians. Note that they, uncivilized and rudimentary as they are, still form an innate understanding of government, and can be taught the constitutional form of conduct, showing that all humans with intellect available to them have a formative instinct to seek government, and to understand good government when it is presented to them. Not only that but, ignorant as they are, such barbarians can themselves create something not dissimilar to a mixed constitution, whereby multiple crude institutions are balanced against one another by fear of mutual annihilation. What they lack is an understanding of kingship beyond the idea of the strongest member of their community, which is not kingship as understood by the ‘Mazigen, nor even that as understood by Indians, Hellenes, and other civilized peoples of the Tyrian Sea. We understand kingship to be sacred direction, that kings are for more than military leadership but overseeing the health of the citizen body, and directing their subjects away from destructive conflicts amongst themselves, and moral leadership. In this they are supported by such institutions as we call part of Demokratia, whereby the morality of the king is supplemented by wisdom over the long and short term; if the king is the guardian of the motherland’s health then the assemblies and other instruments of demokratia are what produce the movements of the body, and a number of the instructions for what the body aims to do, understanding its hungers and passions more deeply than its ills. In this manner the body behaves as an entire organism, rather than an unthinking wretch or a cerebral recluse staggering through the world one struggle at a time.

 

[SlyDessertFox]

IT LIVES!!!!