Μηδίζω! The World of Achaemenid Hellas


the Amavadatids were thus able to consistently able to punch above their weight in conflicts with other large powers, most infamously in the invasion of Akhaimenid Anatole.
Well, what we need is a map.
From what I gathered the Amavadat was a satrap of the Balkan Greece who rebelled against shahanshah and created the independent Amavadatid Kingdom? Right?
Isn't Greece too poor to be the ground for a strong independent kingdom?
 
Oooh, dis gonna be good! :D

A Persian splinter state in a conquered Greece is something I had never even CONCEIVED of! :eek:
 
Isn't Greece too poor to be the ground for a strong independent kingdom?

Don't worry, the Amavadatids will not just pop into existence. And bear in mind a lot of things about the Amavadatids have not yet established, more will become clear soon.

It's a bit difficult for me to see them being able to extend their reach that far that fast (and conversely, if Taras is included, why not also e.g. Rhegium, Kroton, Thurii, etc. as well as Sicily?)

One thing to bear in mind- the time scale and duration of this conquest has not been indicated, so at present you need not worry that it's a fast one. As for the logic of why Taras and not elsewhere, that will become clearer later.
 
Hellas

Probably in a Hellas, which is governed by the Achaemenid, the Hellenization of the Persian Empire, at least in Anatoly, would have a more rapid progress than in Otl.
Propagated and stimulated by the Persians themselves and their bureaucrats, sent by the Empire to administering and policing that the new satrapy and boundary Marches , theirs buffer zones in the Balkan border, do not rebel and collect taxes; becoming in the news Maecenas of the culture of Hellas, of course by sponsoring those who are kindred to its policy.


Not forgetting that free circulation of people and goods, which would enjoy as members of the Empire, would stimulate the Greek economy. The Greeks gradually replacing the Phoenicians in the Imperial Navy and competing with them in trade, as Otl, but now both being members of the
Empire also in the Political.


In my opinion, the impact on the economy and the Greek culture, could be similar to that Otl serious, provoked the Macedonian conquests, excepting that having been conquered and the 'shock' Cultural subsequent, would open more to Greece a certain Orientalism at least in the Persians Philo groups.
Which together with the Imperial Administrators and the troops of the garrison, which would fulfill the function of spreading among the general population, knowledge of the ideas and customs of Asia.
But at the same time in this situation it would create a new group of consumers of tangible goods, but also eventually of cultural assets.
 
Do not forget that Xerxes' father and predecessor Darius the Great deported thousands of Greeks from Cyrenaica and Miletus to Bactria after they became a hindrance to the Achaemenids. It was their Siberia. Alexander the Great IOTL encountered the descendants of these Greek exiles when he subjugated Bactria and added it to his empire. You won't have the Hellenistic age but Greek culture is sure to spread to even these far corners of the empire as I'm sure Persian culture would leave an imprint on the Greeks.
 
The place of Greeks within the Achaemenid Empire in this timeline is definitely a subject that's going to come up.
 
Completing the Conquest of Hellas
Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
CHAPTER 1:NIKAO! or AVAJANAM!​

Greek-Persian_duel.jpg


EXTRACT FROM A COMMENTARY ON XENOKRITOS' PERSIKA- ON THE BATTLE OF THE ISTHMUS

At length, the Argeioi were finally persuaded to end their neutrality, and commit fully to the cause of the Great King. King Xerxes was under no illusions that they were acting out of anything other than self interest, however, for it was well known that the Argeioi and Lakedaimonians had a fierce rivalry(1). They would, nonetheless, contribute to the intricate plan which the King had woven. The attack on the Peloponnesians would be threefold- the Royal Army would advance under the command of King Xerxes and lay siege to the Isthmian defences which had been constructed; the Argeioi would launch an attack on the rear of the Isthmian defences; and an additional detachment of the Persian army would be landed in Argolis, moving south into Lakedaimonia itself.

The Royal Army thus entered Megaris. The Megareis remained opposed to the King, and had evacuated their territory. Terms had been offered to them, as with the Athenians, but they continued to rebuff the King’s Peace(2). As with Athens in the previous year, Megara was reduced as punishment. The Royal Army then advanced to the Isthmian wall. Having used their northern allies as a shield, the Peloponnesians had indeed had time to create a most impressive set of fortifications.
Such services could the Hellenes render in the cause of peace.” said the King.
The King prudently advised the army to construct various ladders and other engines of siege(3) to breach the wall, but did not attack at first. Some chroniclers, opposed to the King’s Peace, have falsely mistaken this as a sign of weakness. It was instead a measure of respect towards noble opponents, and to allow time for final efforts to resolve the conflict with words and diplomacy(4). A tale that many accounts give is that Mardonios was sent to parley with the enemy, in which he said thus;
Do not reconcile yourselves to oblivion, and to hatred. The Great King, king of lands, king of Sardis and Marakanda and all lands inbetween, seeks friendship and peace. He has come to punish those who have given him false friendship, and who have broken his peace, for we Persians are a people for whom justice is our foremost instinct. But behold; chief among those who have wronged the King were the Athenians and the Lakedaimonians. And observe the following carefully- are the Athenians not now returned to the city in which they rightly belong? Are they not now treated as true friends, unmolested, and accorded the right to govern themselves in whichever mode of constitution they choose? Others among you are sundered from your homes; the noble Plataieis, Megareis, and Thespieis. There is no need that this should continue to be the case. Even for the Lakedaimonians, for all their grievous offences against the King and fellow Hellenes, even for you there is friendship should you take the hand which is extended.”
Many of those Peloponnesians listening found the words to be pleasing, but the hearts of the warlike Lakedaimonians were forever hardened against peace, and they commanded their confederates to refuse the offer.

A tale is also preserved that says differently, that Xerxes himself was his own ambassador. And that he said thus;
Here I speak for the Great King Xerxes, and I say this to you Hellenes; is Xerxes not head of the line of Perseus? Are the Hellenes and the Persians not brothers, defenders of the day against the night, beholders of truth, and haters of lies? Do we Persians not accord Delphoi the highest esteem and authority? Do we not honour the valour of the Hellenes, accord them rank, greet them as family? We are Eteokles and Polyneikes, cursed by others to fight! And the Hellenes are afflicted most of all, cursed to fight amongst themselves! But the Gods are kind, and they have brought King Xerxes before you to end it, and you know that is the opportunity that lies before you. And I say to you that it is the Lakedaimonians who prolong this curse of fighting, because they are given over to the love of it. The Gods love bravery, the Gods love valour, but all those on Olympos and on earth despise savagery. And savagery is what the Lakedaimonians ask you to commit to! If any of the noble spark of Herakles remains in your blood, Lakedaimonians, then cease your effrontery to the Gods lest they cast ye down! And those of ye who they lead by the nose, give in to nobler instincts, take the righteous course of action! Ye are no lesser than the children of Ion, and they recognised the value of what was offered! So I say unto ye that ye should take up your courage, and cast aside fratricide!
All who listened were struck by the power of his words, and immediately there was dissent among the ranks of the confederates, for many recognised the righteousness of his words. But Pausanias the Lakedaimonian, a titan among them, had grown suspicious as to the majesty of this ambassador’s speech and bearing, and cried out;
Mark well Hellenes, for among us walks the very King Xerxes himself, clad in poorer garments and naming himself falsely!
And so Xerxes was forced to immediately flee to avoid capture, but his words were nonetheless spoken to his enemies face to face.

Of these two tales, it is known not which is the true account, and so accordingly Xenokritos reports them both(5).

The peaceful overtures made by the Persians being at the last rejected, principally by the Lakedaimonians, battle was inevitably given. But before the order was given for the mighty Royal Army to assault the fortifications, there was alarm among the confederates- the Argeioi had arrived with loud war cries and war horns at the rear, their spears biting bitterly as they attacked the vulnerable segments of the Peloponnesian camp. They were not numerous enough to defeat the assembled confederates- for there were Plataieis, and Megareis, and Thespieis, and Spartiates with their Heliotes, and Korinthioi, and Aiginetai, and Sikyonioi, and Tegeatai, and Mykenaioi, and Tirynthioi, and Epidaurioi, and Orkhomenioi, and Troizenioi, and Phleiasioi, and Hermioneis, and Keioi, and Malioi, and Tenioi, and Naxioi, and Eretreis, and Khalkideis, and Styreis, and Eleioi, and Poteidaiatai, and Leukadioi, and Anaktorieis, and Kythnioi, and Siphnioi, and Ambrakiotai, and Lepreatai(6). It was a gathering of the largest army a confederacy of Hellenes had ever assembled(7). But nonetheless the onset of the Argeioi was powerful and relentless, and defenders from the Isthmian wall began to desert it in order to defend against the newcomers. And King Xerxes knew it was time to take the wall.

The siege engines were rushed to the wall, ramps and ladders and scaling ropes. The King sent in a division of his finest soldiers(8), along with the Theban hoplitai accompanying the army as his allies- the remaining defenders of the wall were mostly Spartiates with their Heilos slaves and other impressed warriors, and the Thebans were eager to prove themselves superior to the men accounted the bravest and strongest of all Hellenes. The fighting at the top of the wall was fierce, for the Lakedaimonians were nothing if not skilled in battle. But at length the gate of the fortifications was won, and the Great King sent forth the rest of his army through the Isthmian wall, though only one company at a time could pass through the narrow entrance(9). Despite the huge numbers of Peloponnesians present at this battle, being the largest assembly of Hellenic arms in history until this point, the valour of Persian arms and those of their allies proved the superior, for direction among the Hellenes was confused. The strategoi of the various contingents acted on their own instincts, not in consultation with their comrades, and thus a disciplined army defeated their battalions in detail. Some parts of the army never even engaged. Demoralised at the wall being bypassed and breached, and at the tide of battle, the Peloponnesians and their confederates began to rout.

The Hellenes, of the two hundred thousand men they had assembled, lost half of their number, whereas of the King’s army of a hundred thousand only four thousand were lost(10). Last of the Hellenes to quit the field were the Plataioi and Thespieis, and they were allowed to pass out of battle unmolested in recognition of their high valour(11). Remaining on the field were Pausanias the Lakedaimonian and his remaining men, who had been surrounded by Thebans but fought on regardless. A parley was declared, for King Xerxes saw that there might be ways other than violence to finally end the battle. Pausanias was brought to the royal tent, to negotiate with the Great King, and if you believe the reports of some this was for the second time.

Thou art here to settle the affairs of the Lakedaimonians with the King of Persia.” said King Xerxes.
But sire, you speak only to a regent. I am not a King among my people, only its appointed general and servant of one too young to rule.” said Pausanias.
When you capture a Persian commander, do you not make him answer for the slights you falsely hold against myself and the Persians? Thou art representative of the Lakedaimonians here, and answerable for their grievous behaviour in relation to myself and to other Hellenes. The Lakedaimonians reneged on sacred friendship with myself, you refused the hospitality accorded to me by that friendship. Not only that, the Lakedaimonians murdered inviolate ambassadors sent only to negotiate with you in fair terms. And as for other Hellenes, did you not violate sacrosanct law when you slaughtered Argeioi under the protection of Argus’ sanctuary(12)? Did you not make as your slaves those who are not servile, are the Heliotes not from the noble stock of Messenia and those places of Lakedaimonia who did not obtain favourable conditions from your ancient forebears(13)? Do you not seek the hegemonia of the rest of the Hellenes?” said the King.

Is it not natural that those graced with bravery and skill would seek to lead those around them, particularly when your lands are given over to order when those of your neighbours are full of chaos and strife? Did Cyrus not bring the nobility and fair judgment of the Persians to the other peoples of Asia, stretching forth his hand not in aggression but in sincere love of peace? Are we Lakedaimonians not the Persians of Hellas? It is not wrong or unseemly to seek hegemonia in a world of chaos and lies(14). As for our sacred transgressions, the Gods have punished us accordingly, and no people among the Hellenes are so pious as the Spartans. But at times, duty to the state comes first. I did not seek battle with the Persians, or command that transgressons be made upon you, but it was my duty to be ordered into battle. Surely you shall not begrudge any Lakedaimonian this.” said Pausanias.

Thou art of a nobler strain than many of thy people I have met and fought, and make fairer arguments than they. But look to how the vaulted Spartiates rest their weight upon the pillars of Heliotes and Periokoi, and at how they treat all other Hellenes as xenoi! King Xerxes treats those under his peace as brothers, in arms and in blood, not as slaves. If you seek to be Persians, we are proud in war but do not seek war, and we are just. Would you tell me that the Lakedaimonians are such?” said the King.

No, but I would that Sparta was thus. The laws of Lykourgos are based on fair division and isonomia, and all Hellenes should experience justice, and no Hellenes should be treated as xenoi, and neither Persians. Persian friendship should not have been treated like the loyalty of a courtesan. But I am sworn to service the laws of Lykourgos, and those who execute them, and thus however rashly the Lakedaimonians act I must accordingly follow.” said Pausanias.

Then go, son of Lykourgos, to thy home, and make it as you describe. This one last chance I offer to the Lakedaimonians, the chance to be brothers to the Persians. If ye betray my command and my trust, or if thy city rejects thy nobility, then the wisdom of Lykourgos was for naught, and the soil of Lakedaimonia and Messenia must be tilled anew. This then is the judgement of King Xerxes.”(15)


Observations for this Section

1- All sources, western and eastern, agree on this particularly heated relationship between the two warlike peoples. It dates to the reign of King Pheidon over Argos, in which he defeated the warriors of Sparta in pitched battle. The two were locked in combat over dominance of the Peloponnese, and in the latter days of this rivalry the men of Sparta had proved the superior. This is why the Argeioi had remained neutral in the the war, rather than siding with the other Peloponnesians, and why they so eagerly leapt to King Xerxes’ suggestion.

2- Xenokritos once again proves unfavourable to the opponents of Xerxes the Great, even where this is not necessary. A more reasonable explanation for the recalcitrance of the citizens of Megara was the high place accorded to the Thebans among the allies of Xerxes- they feared, incorrectly, that the Thebans would be assigned the lordship over their lands.

3- For those interested in artisanal history, it is not known precisely what all of these other siege engines were, though Xenokritos later mentions ramps and scaling hooks. The advanced artisanry of Persia may have resulted in the construction of stone-throwing engines, but it seems to me unlikely, due to the haste of the situation.

4- Again, methinks that Xenokritos tries too hard to be of the King’s party, and avoids the truths of the matter. King Xerxes would have been perfectly prudent to take caution when approaching a well prepared fortification. In addition, his enemies had characterised the events at the Thermopylai as slaves being driven at a narrow fortified location, and having no wish to falsely be associated with this notion avoided an overly aggressive approach.

5- Here, interestingly, is demonstrated how even in the most oppositional of times Hellenes from both pro and anti Persian parties influenced one another- here Xenokritos directly takes his cue from Herodotos, though elsewhere he maligns the Halikarnassian by name, and the two are most opposed on many key points.

6- Herodotos names several other Hellenic states as taking part, but it is clear this was not considered accurate. Later sources which combine western and eastern Hellenic historiographia do not, notably, use Herodotos’ list but Xenokritos’.

7- This question is fraught, that is to say if Xenokritos was correct in his estimate of the size of Hellenic forces and as to the truth of Homeros’ reports of the Akhaioi armament in his Ilias. See further at the tenth note.

8- This is almost certainly the same company as identified as being ‘Immortals’ by Herodotos. Despite the utter fiction of the concept, the erudition of the Halikarnassian captured the imagination of Europa and Asia both- regardless of the truth of the matter, latter kingdoms and Empires really did muster ‘Immortal’ battalions, including the Capuans and Tyrsenoi (as they were then known to the Hellenes).

9- Much mystery has existed in centuries since as to the exact nature of the entrance, for even fitting a Persian company though at a time would make the entrance very generous indeed. Perhaps Xenokritos was referring to the largest formation that would be able to quickly reform upon reaching the other side?

10- So thus we turn properly to the matter of numbers. Here the western and eastern sources never reconciled, and those who created the New Historiographia had to endlessly regurgitate the topic simply to write upon the subject. The western sources, as a learned reader would note, consistently state that King Xerxes brought an enormous army to Hellas, and that he continued to outnumber the Hellenes at the Battle of the Isthmus by some margin. By contrast, eastern sources such as Xenokritos continually stress that the Hellenes, particularly in the final confrontations, actually outnumbered the royal army of Xerxes. Here I follow Datis of Sinope- Herodotos in particularly clearly exaggerated the size of the Persian army, in part due to fear at its unprecedented size for a parochial Greek. So we can safely discount the western counts of a million, two million, and so forth. But equally, it makes no sense that Xerxes with his immense army would end up at smaller numbers than the expedition in Darius I’s reign, and why would Xerxes have left the issue to chance when it was generally agreed upon that the Hellenes possessed the finest fighting infantry? Even with the deaths of soldiers, and their use as garrison forces, the King would still have had a sizeable army. Neither does the figure of two hundred thousand make any sense as the combined strength of all of the states which were named as taking part. So I hold Xenokritos to be in clear error, and deem that perhaps a hundred thousand Hellenes against a hundred and fifty thousand Persians and allies would make the most sense.

11- Whilst the honour of King Xerxes, known to us as the Great, is not in question, methinks again does Xenikritos try too hard to be of the King’s party. For all that Xerxes was merciful and cognisant of bravery, these peoples were still in breach of his peace and fighting against his cause. He would not have left them leave the field unmolested. Instead, I deem that instead the rearguard actions of these two contingents were too fierce, and resisted all attempts to put them to full flight, and that this instead is why they were not overcome and withdrew in good order.

12- This crime is, by earlier chroniclers, established as happening under the direction of Kleomenes and was never denied by the Lakedaimonians. But Kleomenes’ vicious end reflects that even among slavetaking warmongers, there remains a shred of piety.

13- The origin of their Heliote class was uncontroversially that of other originally free Hellenes captured or conquered in war, especially the entire region of Messania and its cities which was entirely given over to providing agriculture and slaves to Lakedaimonia.

14- If the dialogue is true to the character of Pausanias, bearing in mind that the western Hellenes were loathe to admit any righteous quality to him, then he had quite a clear understanding of Asian religion, in particular those of the Persians and those similar in culture.

15- There is of course, the final question- is this even likely to have occurred as portrayed? Whilst Xenokritos is at pains to demonstrate what he understood to be the majesty of the Great King, he is also flattering the position of the Hellenes in relationship to King Xerxes, as the tale of King Xerxes as his own ambassador does earlier. The Hellenes are still elevated to being the level of equals to the Persians- earlier it’s all Hellenes who are the brothers of the Persians- and here it’s through the medium of the Lakedaimonians. King Xerxes is portrayed as being both foreigner and Hellene. Being of a lineage known for respect and knowledge of the traditions of other cultures, it is indeed possible that the Great King really did have that great an insight into the Lakedaimonian and Hellenic mindset. But the King is still made something other, familiar when useful to Xenokritos’ purpose, and alien when that is the more useful. As we have seen, however, Xenokritos was actively attempting to acclimatise the Hellenes to the rule of the Persians, and it is understandable why his approach is therefore as it is. As for the real meeting, I deem that Pausanias had likely been desirous of gaining permanent power over Lakedaimonia for a long time previously to these events, and that he saw the King as the main method of achieving this. His reluctance to fight against the Persians may thus have been genuine, at least, and he was certainly a talented strategos. He may well have been articulate and spirited with the Great King, and the one ring of truth here comes from how he is not portrayed as engaging in lakonic dialogue, which befits something improvised rather than a set of witticisms that has been considered for hours in advance. But nonetheless, it is difficult to perceive of him as the defiant yet noble heart of the Lakedaimonian people as he appears here.


EXTRACT FROM DATIS OF SINOPE'S HISTORIA
A DESCRIPTION OF THE MILITARY OF HELLAS IN THE REIGN OF KING ARTAXSHAHYA


gw-hoplite-art-run.jpg


An ancient Persian saying attributed to the poet Uparivana (c.400-337 BCE).
Like selling spears to a Yauna.”​

We shall presently turn to the state of the land army fielded by the Haxamanishiyan satraps in Hellas at this time, for it was at this time that major changes occurred. Dahyubarzana (the Daieobazanes of the Hellenic historians) with the permission of King Artaxshahya, instituted changes to the military duties of Hellenes upon his arrival as the new satrap. He brought the position of tagus in Thessalia under the direct control of the Hellenic satrap, as a title that they possessed. Thus the Thessalioi knights were now a force that could be raised and commanded at any time, along with the hoplitai of that region. This ended the continual transgressions of the tagoi against the King and the satrap. Additionally, the now pacified Akarnanioi was given new military obligations- the kybernetes, during war, would be required to issue forth with at least five thousand promakhoi, being the famous hoplites-breaking formation of the Akarnanioi. This is because the initial peace settlement had solely concentrated on the navy of the Akarnanioi and their allies, in particular that of Korkyra. The full muster of the Messenioi was revised, due to their continued prosperity, and they were now required to assemble at least seven thousand infantry in times of war- of this, at least four thousand were to be hoplitai. The assize of the Boiotians was similarly altered, but this was also the first time that the noble estates of non-Hellenes near to Thebes were reckoned, and was thus the formal introduction of the Theban klerarkhal hetairoi to the satrapal army.

The klerarkhal hetairoi were famously utilised by the Amavadatic kings, and the words of Thukydides on them also inform as to their purpose in the time of King Artaxshahya:
Warriors of truth, their armour not merely of bronze but piety, and their swords are glimmering justice in the gathering night.”
King Artaxshahya settled men of all nations in the area near the capital at Thebes, with plots of land, as in those times it was still continually suspected that the Hellenes were warlike and would not need much encouragement for a general revolt against the King’s Peace. These men were nobles among their peoples, and loyal to the ideals of the Haxamanishiyan Empire. But at first they would have been so small in number that they would have only been a small number of highly skilled retainers for the satrap and the King above him. At this time, the time of Dahyubarzana, their plots and families had grown numerous enough that they could be assized. And what an assembly they were, as shown in the days of Amavadata- Baktrioi, Babylonioi, Medoi, Persians, Kappadokians, Armenioi, Aiguptioi. They not only provided warriors and securities, they also broadcast to those Hellenes who were not serving in armies, trading goods, or serving in other parts of the Empire exactly what the full scope of the Empire’s domains were. This became Mikra Asia, as the former Thebais is now known in my days, and the Mikra Asians were thought to civilize the Hellenic barbarians.

This is also the period in which Hellenes in the service of the King began to change their shields. In addition to their many and ancient symbols carried upon their bronze shields, some began to carry images of the King armed for war. This was considered pleasing and encouraging to those Persians who still believed Hellenes to be barbarians, and those cities and individuals who bore the King’s image were quietly rewarded. It was done quietly so as to guarantee that this was as a result of genuine friendly feeling among the Hellenes, and not instead as a means to accrue wealth and influence among the Persians (though this did not entirely succeed). This era also saw the reoncilement of Hellenes to the bow, for even though many famous bowmen lived in Hellas in ancient times the Hellenes had thought of it as a poor weapon. But, being exposed to the high esteem the weapon was given by the Persians and other Asians, and seeing that those Gods associated with bows were highly respected by Persians, the Hellenes began to think of it differently. This was of course never the case for the Kretans, the sole famed bowmen among the Hellenes in those days, but we have already discussed the armies of the Kretan satrapy. In all regards, this was the era in which the Hellenes for most parts became more friendly to Persians and Persian culture, and it is to that wider subject that I shall now turn as we continue the tale of Dahyubarzana’s time as satrap of Hellas.
 

Abhakhazia

Banned
Fascinating. The pacification of Greece will be quite the difficult task for the Persians. I'd imagine you may see sizable communities flee west to the Greek colonies of Magna Graecia and Sicily. That would be significant on the development of Rome.
 
Seconded.

You pull off the very difficult task of making your "ancient sources" actually sound like ancient sources, which I've only ever seen done once or twice. I'm currently reading Herodotos, and it's not at all jarring: great work!

I agree with this feeling (reading Xenophon here btw :) ).

Good work.
 
The 'obsession' Achaemenid: Greece

I agree entirely with the sentiments expressed in the previous posts, Achievement give the impression of reading ancient sources. :)

As for the update, what caught my attention was: the first is that is being applied to some extent, the Persian politics, transplanting in the newly conquered regions, groups of faithful and interest in the permanence of the Empire people belonging to more assimilated peoples, as applied, if they do their counterparts to send members of vanquished nations or rebel, to distant regions and integrated the empire where people would be surrounded by strangers to them, being assimilated.

Aside from the suggestions on the military value of at least part of his new subjects, the new social value acquired by the arc of war between the Greeks is interesting and perhaps be included as part of the team of explorers and / or light infantry ... take a bow because it is not very practical for use in the hoplite formation.

Nevertheless which the Macedonians, especially what might be included as a weapon for cavalry, from where could begin to spread its use.

Geopolitically, the new satrapy with its politico-commercial interests that now would be functional to the Persian Empire would make it a naval power.

Given its immense human and material resources, but those of Greece and its ability and potential, they would do the Naval and military hegemonic power in the Eastern Mediterranean and Central.
Which could only be met by a very implausible union of the Magna Greece or perhaps, given the military and commercial threat, which represents the Empire.

Perhaps by an alliance between Punics- Hellenic-Etruscan (something that would be almost in Otl 'level Asb').

Finally regarding the Empire itself could, without the 'obsession' Achaemenid: Greece ('removed' after their annexation to the Empire); would have the will to pay attention to the eastern border and Otl seventh satrapies (upper Indus) Gandhara and Kamboja , perhaps the richest of the Achaemenid Empire; expanding them and the Empire, conquering the wealthy neighbors Realms.

Something that would have been possible in Otl., not to be concentrated in Europe.
Incorporating rich new satrapies to the Empire not only would benefit his economy and safety but also would avoid the emergence of the rule of Chandragupta Maurya and his successors.
 
I'm glad you all enjoyed the update, and that I was successfully pompous enough in the prose to pass muster as an ancient historian :p.

So, just to let everyone know what my plans are to do with updates in the future- my plan is that, at minimum, there'll be an update each Tuesday unless something has gone very wrong, at which point I'll have said something. There may sometimes be updates more frequently than once a week, like with these last two, but the minimum aim is for at least once a week.
 
So, just to let everyone know what my plans are to do with updates in the future- my plan is that, at minimum, there'll be an update each Tuesday unless something has gone very wrong, at which point I'll have said something. There may sometimes be updates more frequently than once a week, like with these last two, but the minimum aim is for at least once a week.


Ok. Thanks by the info.
 
The Destruction of Sparta
Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS​
CHAPTER 1:NIKAO! or AVAJANAM!​

Greek-Persian_duel.jpg


EXTRACT FROM HERODOTOS OF HALIKARNASSOS’ HISTORIA
THE DESTRUCTION OF LAKEDAIMONIA

After his meeting with Xerxes, Pausanias rode swiftly to Lakedaimonia. He soon caught up with those Lakedaimonian forces who had not been cornered at the Battle of the Isthmos, under the command of Leotykhidas. Now Pausanias, desirous of the position which had been offered to him as satrap, sought to bring in Leotykhidas into the arrangement, and explained to him the following on the road.
The battle having been lost by our confederates, and with so many hoplitai dead on the battlefield, it is plain to see that many of them will accordingly capitulate to the Medes. Those without the stomach for defending their strongholds and firm walls against Xerxes’ army will seek equitable surrenders, especially with the example of the cowardice of the Athenians behind them. I say then that we Lakedaimonians, the natural hegemones of Hellas, cannot withstand the full might of Xerxes and his Hellenic allies by ourselves. But I also say that we are Lakedaimonians, and that we shall not sully our name with the ignominy of surrender. Rather than, as lesser Hellenes, pledging ourselves as meek vassals to the Mede and hoping for a few seeds to drop into our nest, I say that instead we become the viceroys for the Mede. It is plain that Xerxes will eventually quit Hellas, and equally plain that the task of managing the Hellenes will become the responsibility of whomever Xerxes trusts to act in his stead when he returns to Asia. Xerxes has brought such an offer to me, and holds the remaining Lakedaimonians under my command as hostage against my breach of it. The Mede shall not reign forever, and in secret preparations shall be made under our leadership for the liberation of Lakedaimonia and trustworthy Hellenes. We should take this offer, and secure the future of the Lakedaimonians against this high tide, then to prepare our boats for when it reduces.”

Leotykhidas considered this offer, but as with Pausanias so it was with him; the hard shell of Lycourgos’ laws cracked, the corruption of power found the soft matter within. Rather than ruling jointly with Pausanias, he saw that he might instead remove the regent and exercise sole power over the Lakedaimonians as a Persian viceroy. Becoming certain that Xerxes would be equally favourable to this solution as to one of Pausanias as satrap, he had Pausanias killed in the night as the Lakedaimonians made camp. When the Lakedaimonians, in the morning, questioned what had happened, Leotykhidas said that Pausanias had committed suicide due to the shame of defeat, having first executed his duty by bringing a message from Xerxes. Due to the lingering shame of the defeat, the Lakedaimonians not involved in the murder did not question the story, and they proceeded back to their polis. But they were surprised, for as they neared their home they found that Persians were awaiting them, having overcome any forces guarding the Lakedaimonian borders. Artabazos had received a rider in the night about the negotiations with Pausanias, and was thus aware of the deal which had been reached, whilst Xerxes had also ordered him to observe the activities of the Lakedaimonians with his force. Not only that, Xerxes had also ordered him to use violence on the Lakedaimonians if something had gone awry with Pausanias. Thus was the situation as Artabazos intercepted the Lakedaimonians.

At first Leotykhidas was confident that there would be no issue, for he believed still that he could simply make any commitments that Pausanias had done, with the Persians not caring who exactly it was that fulfilled them. He explained that Pausanias had committed suicide, but that he had explained Xerxes’ message beforehand, and that the Lakedaimonians would still settle affairs in a just manner. However, Artabazos said the following to him.
The King, upon speaking with him, officially invested Pausanias as his ambassador to the Lakedaimonians, and once again we find the Lakedaimonians have harmed or allowed harm to come to the King’s ambassadors. Nor am I convinced of your explanation of his death, for was he not to become a King among the Hellenes? I also see no grief in your countenance, o King, despite the unlooked-for death of your colleague. I say to ye that ye have sought to displace Pausanias and usurp what was to become his position, and that ye seek to settle matters with King Xerxes so that he might depart for Asia, when your real intention is undoubtedly to gather forth an insurrection against the King without the royal army present, once again treating sacred vows as fair words to be heeded only when within sight. Witness, o Lakedaimonian, the fury of King Xerxes, and the end of Lakedaimonia.”

Having said this, Artabazos rode back to his army, and then he ordered an attack. Even as demoralised as they were, the Spartiates and other hoplitai fought stubbornly and without yielding. But against such fierce onset and such numbers, they were unable to hold out; Artabazos first had the archers with him bombard the Lakedaimonians in their formation, and then ordered his weakest men to attack the Lakedaimonians in order to break their long spears. Then he sent in both cavalry and armoured infantry to finish the Lakedaimonians off, and at length despoiled the corpse of Leotykhidas. Not a single hoplitai in the column that had returned from the Isthmos to Lakedaimonia was left alive in this massacre, no clemency was considered, such was the power of Xerxes over his subordinates. Artabazos was not finished with the Lakedaimonians and their places. He had the remaining members of the Lakedaimonian ethnos in his hand to do with as he would, and he followed the orders of Xerxes- he crushed it. The villages and strong places of Lakedaimonia were stormed, all Spartiates that could be found were impaled for all to see, and those families of Lakedaimonians who were unable to flee witnessed their sons similarly executed. It is said that the bodies of Spartiate boys were piled outside the smouldering ruins of Sparta. But Artabazos, esteemed of Xerxes as few Persians were, had true foresight, for he ordered that not a single Heilos would be put to death. Indeed, identifying leaders and elders among the Heilotes, he began to award them the property of the Spartiates that had been so slaughtered. Neither were any Periokoi who surrendered put to death. And after the Lakedaimonian villages had been destroyed, and all of the Spartiates put to flight or executed, he restored to the Messenians their ancient lands and rights, with the protection of the King of Persia and his satraps. Indeed still is Artabazos held in high esteem by the Messenians, for they hold him to have been their liberator, and accordingly do they esteem Xerxes who later confirmed the decision. So by the sword and fire, but also by gold and subtlety, was Lakedaimonia ended. Many are those who dwell in other places who say they are of Spartiate stock, that they are of the line of this man of Sparta or that woman of Sparta, but none dare dwell in Lakedaimonia still, for the ban of Xerxes still lies upon the lands, and is still upheld to be the law of the Persians by his descendants.


EXTRACT FROM XENOKRITOS’ PERSIKA
THE MURDER OF PAUSANIAS AND THE VENGEANCE OF THE PERSIANS​

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An inscription erected at the sanctuary of Olympia in 479 BCE, written with both Old Persian cuneiform and Greek letters.​
A great god is Ahuramazda, the greatest of the gods, who created this earth, who created yonder sky, who created man, created happiness for man, who made Xshayarsha, king, one king of many, one lord of many.
I am Xshayarsha, the great king, king of kings, king of all kinds of people, king on this earth far and wide, the son of Darayavaush the king, Haxamanishiya.
Xsharyarsha the great king proclaims: King Darayavush, my father, by the favour of Ahuramazda, made much that is good, and this country he ordered to be conquered; as he did not complete a conquest, then I ordered that this conquest be made, and ordered this inscription be made in victory.
Me may Ahuramazda protect, together with the gods, and my kingdom and what I have done

Having dispatched himself to Lakedaimonia with great haste, Pausanias encountered that part of the Lakedaimonian army which his colleague Leotykhidas had successfully withdrawn from battle at the Isthmus. He and Leotykhidas had had cordial relations in the past, so Pausanias informed his colleague of King Xerxes’ judgement that Sparta must reform or be judged. What he said went something like this;
Having had the power to destroy us utterly, King Xerxes has instead made demands of us. What it is he demands is nothing less than the reforging of Lakedaimonia, and that I accomplish this lest Sparta be utterly destroyed otherwise, for he does not entirely trust to our nobility, and seeks this proof that Lakedaimonians are capable of fair judgement alongside high valour. What he asks is not so terrible that I will not consider it, for even though the Lakedaimonians are rightly the most noble among all other Hellenes, we do not always fulfill that promise of fairness. We can be more than proud warriors, but upright sovereigns, commanding a peace that will be famed across the ages, whilst being no less firm and unbreaking in our undertakings of war. I ask, Leotykhidas, that to prevent the ending of our lines for all time that we aid one another in the execution of these reforms, whilst also giving thought to the matter of Hellas in the wake of the defeat that our confederates have just suffered; surely no resistance is plausible or desirable, as Sparta cannot fight alone against so determined, skilled, and numerous an adversary as King Xerxes and his army.”

Whilst his speech was noble and eloquent, Leotykhidas set his heart against Pausanias, and against peace- the warmongering blood was too strong in his veins, but additional to that he was jealous that King Xerxes had made the offer to Pausanias, of royal blood but merely a regent, rather than to himself. He masked his intent with fair words and responses, but that night Leotykhidas slew Pausanias, and blamed the death on a heilos who was executed the next day. He had determined that the Lakedaimonians would continue to resist the Persians, come what may, and continued to march the army home with the intention of causing further mischief to territories that had allied with the Persian king. He reached Sparta successfully with his remaining soldiers, and did not cease in his transgressions, for Leotykhidas was soon convinced that he could exercise sole power in the Lakedaimonian state- he had Pleistarkhos, the infant for whom Pausanias was regent, killed. But he was not aware of the detachment of the King’s soldiers that, as previously mentioned, had been dispatched to Lakedaimonia. This detachment was commanded by the noble Artabazus, and had been sent orders in the night by the King- King Xerxes suspected that one Lakedaimonian or another would prove untrustworthy and bring harm to Pausanias, and had sent Artabazos to ensure that the Lakedaimonian was not harmed. Thus Leotykhidas was surprised when a detachment of Persians approached the villages of Sparta, and was caught off guard.
Where is Pausanias the Lakedaimonian to be found?” said Artabazos.
He was murdered in the night by a slave, cursed may his memory be by all the gods above. The slave has been executed, but the deed has been done, the pollution still fresh on the air.” said Leotykhidas.
But Artabazos was immediately suspicious. He went among the Heilotes that had accompanied the Persians as guides, and picked out the noblest looking among them, who was named Xenokles.

Tell me, o child of Messenia, would one among you have murdered Pausanias the Lakedaimonian? Is it in the nature of the Heilotes to countenance such,murderous acts against what must surely be your hated masters.” said Artabazos.
The vengeance in our hearts cannot be banished, o Persian, whilst our unnatural condition remains upon us. But none among us would commit to violence so cravenly, descending at random upon a Lakedaimonian at night. That is the way of the dreadful Lakedaimonian Krypteia, who descend into our homesteads like wolves every year for sport and to inspire terror among our people. No, were we to give in to our righteous urges it would be on the battlefield, to demonstrate our valour and proudly display our standards once more.”
Such was the directness and honesty of his speech that Artabazos immediately believed the Heilos, and became more convinced in his opinion that Leotykhidas had ordered the death of Pausanias.

Thou art a liar, Leotykhidas the Lakedaimonian. King Xerxes knew that Pausanias might be in danger from his fellows, and entrusted me with seeing either to Pausanias made it to his homeland or that swift vengeance came to those that might harm him. And I find that not merely harm, but death, has befallen Pausanias at the hands of an alleged king of Lakedaimonia! Think not that I am unaware of the proposal which was discussed with Pausanias, and which he surely discussed with you before his demise, and think not that it escaped my notice that you avoided discussing this subject when I approached you. Ye had hoped to slip quietly into your valleys and fastnesses, and simply await King Xerxes and his loyal retainers forgetting that Lakedaimonia exists? The line of Dareios and Akhaimenes is not prone to dotage! But what of the line of Agis, what shall I say of that? What shall I say of a line where Leotykhidas is introduced to me as its first fruit? This is what I shall say; I pronounce that such a man as you is not fit to remain king, and any man who chooses to serve you is not fit to remain alive, and any state who chooses to crown you is not fit to continue to exist. In the name of King Xerxes, I declare Lakedaimonia an incorrigible enemy of peace, and a seat of lies, and that its sentence is death!”

Upon delivering his sentence, Artabazos ordered his men to dismantle Sparta in order to carry it out, whilst ordering that any Heilotes were to be spared, and women where possible. The remaining warriors of Leotykhidas resisted, and there was fierce fighting, but they were overcome by the grace of the Gods and the skill of their captain. Artabazos himself struck down Leotykhidas, last king of Lakedaimonia, and oversaw the throwing down of the last Ephoros of Sparta. The oracle given to King Xerxes at Delphoi had indeed come to pass, and it is said that Zeus armed himself for battle alongside Artabasos, throwing down the city’s temple to Artemis with a might thunderbolt. So the Gods showed their thoughts on the matter of the Lakedaimonians, and through King Xerxes worked their will on the world. Many have argued over whether the story be true, or whether it should be interpreted so, but I believe it to be true and believe it to have been a sign from Zeus of the doom of Sparta. Once Sparta had been pacified, the men of Artabazos moved through the Lakedaimonian countryside, freeing Heilotes and slaughtering the Spartiates. Then we come to the matter of the Lakedaimonian women- they were held as exceedingly lovely by fellow Hellenes, but they were also fierce and strong-willed. It was debated as to what should be done with them, and many conflicting stories emerged regarding what happened to them.

Some say that the Lakedaimonian women were all married to Heilotes, and to the other former servants of the Lakedaimonians. Some say that the Lakedaimonian women were all slaughtered by an errant captain among the Persians, named Gauzes, and that he for a time proclaimed himself as the new King at Sparta until Artabazos overcame him, and that the sons of Gauzes remained a threat to the peace for years afterwards. Some say that the Lakedaimonian women were taken to King Xerxes, and that he made the fiercest among them into a special unit of bodyguards, and that some among them married Persians, desirous as those Persians were for the martial ability of the extinct Lakedaimonians to enter their people. This last story has, within my lifetime, become the most popular story among the Hellenes for the fate of the Lakedaimonian women, even among the western Hellenes. For my part, I do not feel that Artabazos would have allowed the women to be slaughtered in such a way, but find evidence for either of the other stories- for their is a profusion of strong youths among the Messenians, but equally there are places in which it is known that such-and-such a Persian had a Lakedaimonian wife. More than this, Xenokritos does not know.

After Lakedaimonia was pacified in its entirety, in every village, crag, and field, the task was then to resolve the situation with the many tens of thousands of freed Heilotes. The will of King Xerxes, as had been made clear to Pausanias and to Artabazos, had been that the former Heilotes be able to govern themselves, and not treated as slaves. But, with the notion of a reformed Lakedaimonia dead, the aims of Pausanias were thus crushed. Instead, noble Artabazos devised the next best solution, which was the restoration of Messenia. The Heilotes were gathered together in a great assembly; they were to decide what form of constitution they desired to live under in their new state. They were at first divided between those who wished to adopt some kind of monarkhic mode of government, and those who wished to adopt a demokratic franchise along the lines of some other Hellenes. But at length, the samesuch Xenokles that had assissted Artabazos made his presence known, and delivered a speech to his assembled compatriots.
It seems to me that with our accursed conquerors vanquished our task is now to restore peace to our lands. What is it that will most result in peace among us? A demokratic situation would bring all of us together as Messenians, and would restore equality among those who have been degraded as slaves for many years, but that degradation is also a curse, for it fills us to anger quickly, and the new power in our hands is easily misused to fill the holes in our own hearts rather than to build our new walls. A king among us would be a strong leader, who would oversee such matters in our people in the manner of a single dedicated mind rather than many competing magistrates. But, having been slaves, we have known what it means to take orders from one man with no power of our own, to have those who control military force abusing our bodies for backbreaking labour and their own luxury. Thus I say to you, Messenians-to-be, that neither mode of settling affairs is to our satisfaction. But neither is lacking government, as though we were some tribe of wild men eating nuts, drinking milk, and raiding civilization for riches. It is my proposal that we can, with all of our newfound energy and resolve, combine both in a moderate monarkhia- where our popular assemblies work alongside a justly appointed king, who will be able to negotiate with the Persians as our representative and who will lead our armies in battle, but where the law is overseen by demokratic means, where juries decide the results of a court case and not a king. This is what I, Xenokles, say to you Messenians-to-be.”

The Heilotes were all swayed by the words of Xenokles, who it seemed to them had dealt with their dilemma most satisfactorily with his proposed mixed constitution. In particular they recognised that King Xerxes was responsible for their newly freed state of affairs, and that it would be expedient to have a single person capable of negotiating with the Great King who was doing so with the authority of all of the Messenians. They also unanimously proposed that Xenokles himself become their new king, and would not be dissuaded by his attempts to refuse.


EXTRACT FROM DATIS OF SINOPE’S PERSIKA
THE DESTRUCTION OF LAKEDAIMONIA IN THE REIGN OF KING XSHARYARSHA​

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Opening line to Sophokles' Lakedaimonians.​
Now thou mayest behold with thine eyes all that thy soul hath desired so long, for there is the ancient Sparta of thy yearning, and thy search for vengeance.

We now come to the matter of Leotykhidas and Pausanias. Pausanias, having been offered his position as the satrap of King Xsharyarsha in the Peloponnese, certainly returned from the Isthmos and, upon coming across his colleague-in-arms Leotykhidas, desided to immediately conference with him. The nature of what he said to his colleague is the first major disagreement among many- the historians friendly to Persia, with their previously discussed portrayal of Pausanias as being in essence the only virtuous Lakedaimonian, have him wax eloquently to Leotykhidas as to the virtues of Persian rule. Meanwhile, those historians hostile to Persia portray Pausanias as a pragmatic politician first and foremost, presenting Leotykhidas with a plausible strategy to regroup before an eventual insurrection against King Xsharyarsha. In this I am moved to siding with the latter, for as we have already decided the character of Pausanias was that of an adaptable, if not entirely honest, Hellene. It most fits with the kind of offer that he received that Pausanias move to present this to Leotykhidas in the way most pleasing to Lakedaimonian values, as disgusting as those values were. Then we come to another certainty among all sources- that Leotykhidas had Pausanias murdered during the night- and then another disagreement; why was it that Leotykhidas made this momentous decision. Elements of truth are, we find, present in both schools. It is indeed likely that King Xsharyarsha possessed no great attachment to Pausanias, being a Lakedaimonian and at best a necessary tool in the pacification of Hellas. But it is also equally likely that Leotykhidas greatly resented that a negotiation for the entire future of Lakedaimonia had been conducted with a regent, and not with an actual king of Lakedaimonia. As to whether he believed he could negotiate with King Xsharyarsha in the stead of his colleague, or whether he believed that a quiet Lakedaimonia would simply be ignored, we find both explanations lacking. We should instead see that Pausanias was acting contrary to Lakedaimonian custom, and even if Leotykhidas had held enlightened values the other Lakedaimonians would not, and he must have realised this; that those who proposed such a method of escaping the situation would be treated as cowardly by the Spartiates and disregarded. Pausanias would have, if he had taken the proposed peace to the Lakedaimonians, found another method of rendering the situation to have made the potential reaction among them more amenable. This then is the truth of the matter regarding the death of Pausanias.

Immediately afterwards, Artavazdah and his detachment of the royal army arrived in the aftermath of this murder, having been ordered by a suspicious King Xsharyarsha to observe the situation. This was likely an encounter on the road and not, as has been described by some past authors, a meeting at the (entirely figurative) gates of Sparta; what would the good have been of inspecting the state of Pausanias by arriving tardily to the city, with the initial reaction to his presence and his objectives already underway? So then, Artavazdah confronted Leotykhidas, and would have realised swiftly that Pausanias was not present. He certainly challenged Leotykhidas about his colleague’s whereabouts. Leotykhidas offered whatever explanation would satisfy Artavazdah, but Artavazdah had already been informed by his King that Pausanias was liable to be attacked, and was unlikely to believe Leotykhidas in the situation. His orders were probably open-ended, with permission to decide for himself as to what to do had any harm come to Pausanias; Artavazdah was particularly trusted by King Xsharyarsha, and in addition the King had been occupied with the rest of the aftermath of the battle of the Isthmos- Lakedaimonia was important, but not more so than resolving matters with the Korinthioi, for example. Artavazdah was of noble spirit, having never been able to stomach the Lakedaimonians, and was confronted with yet another transgression made against Persians by them. Herodotos of Halikarnassos uses this to continue his theme of the Lakedaimonians dooming themselves by ignoring their own religious instincts, and continually offending the gods by defiling sacred rules. It is more likely that Artavazdah evaluated the Lakedaimonians as permanent trouble-makers, never able to give the Persians peace so long as they were ignored for longer than a moment. In addition, Artavazdah was disgusted by the conditions of the Heilotes, who were in no way in a natural situation. With his cunning insight, he saw that Lakedaimonia’s destruction might be used to restore the Heilotes to Messenia, who would remain forever grateful to the Persians who had remedied their situation, and he knew that this would please King Xsharyarsha.

Artavazdah duly began to slaughter the Lakedaimonians, though it seems that some women were spared and enslaved. It is likely that he spared any Heilotes serving with arms in the Lakedaimonian army present, for that would have made persuading the Heilotes of his genuine intentions much easier. This was certainly confirmed to be the will of the Gods when the main temple of Lakedaimonia, the Orthian temple at Sparta, was utterly destroyed by a thunderbolt. Artavazdah then continued his task with vigour throughout Lakedaimonia, although many Lakedaimonians escaped and sought refuge outside the reach of the the King. This was truly one of the most noble deeds the Persians performed in Hellas, and King Xsharyarsha’s accession to it vaunts him to the height of his dynasty. We know the Lakedaimonians to have been barbarians among barbarians, skilled only in war and possessing no other instincts considered civilized even among other Hellenes, as uncouth and impoverished as the Hellenes were in those days. They had reduced entire peoples to eternal bondage, and so the few Lakedaimonians profited from the misery of an entire nation crying out for vengeance. But at last, the Heilotes were restored to their rightful condition as free men, and Messenia was once again a jewel as Persian rulers continually restored and rejuvenated it. This was done by the destruction of the Lakedaimonians, and their state, and their cities. The Argeioi were awarded lands formerly belonging to the Lakedaimonian, but we shall turn more to the affairs of Argos in later years, merely remarking that at this date they remained the allies of King Xsharyarsha.

There remains only one more tale to tell of ancient Lakedaimonia, and that is the fate of the Lakedaimonian hostages that had been kept by King Xsharyarsha when Pausanias returned to Lakedaimonia. No prior historical inquiry has ever mentioned what happened to them, due to a total lack of knowledge, though the tragedians have won many awards from their speculations upon the story. But we have access to information of a superior kind to previous attempts to tell the tale of the winning of Hellas. By consulting the diaries of the Haxamanishiyan Kings, we discover that the Lakedaimonian hostages were transplanted to parts far from Hellas, and were made a small regiment in the royal army. The reason that Hellenic authors never knew or mentioned this is that these men were kept far away from fellow Hellenes, being used in wars far from Hellenic settlement or from other Hellenic soldiers in the service of King Xsharyarsha. It is not known where they, at last, perished, for the diaries only recall a few incidents involving them. If we are generous with Lakedaimonia, perhaps this was a fitting end; they were after all a barbarian people, and they were unleashed in all of their warlike prowess at the enemies of King Xsharyarsha, and perhaps their restlessly savage needs were satisfied before they were taken to the afterlife.


TELEO or AKUNAVAM: END OF CHAPTER 1​
 
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Damn, this is amazing. I have the feeling of actually reading ancient history, not only because (as others have mentioned) your updates capture the feel of ancient prose, but because you present the disagreements and leave it to the reader to separate truth from fiction.
 
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