The Raptor of Spain

Bump

This great timeline needs a bump.
MNP, a few questions:
-Why exactly did Scandinavia split, and were Denmark and Sweden the only successor states?
-I see Denmark kept OTL north Germany. What is the population of this region like linguistically and ethnically? Do you think Francia will try to expand into this region given that Denmark is smaller, its in their sphere of influence, and the land is just right there (along with the fact that they held if for some time already)?
-Whats going on in Normandy and Bavaria?
Thanks in advance, and I look forward to the next update and getting back to everyone's favorite alternate history medieval kingdom, Spana!
Scipio
 
14 July Update: Maps of Italy

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NEW ERA

After 1148, change was in the air. It began with the resignation of Marcus de Granada. Retirement did not end his family’s influence. When Ortiz Almagre was recalled to the capital to attend the marriage of his sister Salia who left the queen‘s service, Samuel Marcus was named in his place.[1] Leonora took over the queen’s ladies, working with Ortiz who commanded her bodyguard. While he often described her as ‘God’s test of faith,’ they had written each other while he was in Africa and no one was surprised at their betrothal and marriage the following year.

Amina’s last vizrey was her husband who would help manage the transition as he was trusted by the military commanders, but Marcus was not only the departure. Grand Duke Giovan retired due to age, while Andrés de Moya was forced out of finance by the influence of the merchant community. Joseph Tibbovin was installed as Financial Magistrate because of his ties to the Crown Prince, his own success in trading ventures and his recent celebrity.

Enrique himself fully recovered. He was the first to rebuild in La Rosa on the Tagus, laying the foundations for a small palatial residence later renowned for mixing the Western Arabesque style with the Sevillan. His family continued to grow. Despite Amina’s personal difficulties with her heir and his wife, Amina welcomed the revitalization of the dynasty.

In her final years, Amina focused on repopulating those areas devastated by famine, disease and conflict. In a continent with well over 80 million inhabitants, empty land in the west was in short supply and Amina welcomed foreign migration to these regions interspersing them with native Spaniards. To facilitate immigration and commerce the roads and ports in the northeast were repaired or expanded by the state and private interests. Suggested by the Crown Prince, in exchange for temporary trading privileges, several merchant associations in Sicily and Provence funded the effort.

With peace reducing military expenditures and gold flowing more freely from Africa, the state revived quickly, more so than its northern neighbor. The changeover was a grand event. The Councillarium avoided in 1146 was rescheduled to coincide with it. While technically called by the queen, the Crown Prince took the lead in official policy leaving Amina to concentrate on making the transition a joyful time instead of the usual uncertainty and tension. Announcements were sent out to foreign states inviting them to attend the celebrations and most sent delegations. The capital was decorated in light and color, and even during the gathering the sounds of merrymaking echoed off the walls of the palace.

“Our consejos will agree to anything so they be done and can join the festivities,” Amina laughed.

The gathering produced little momentous legislation. Previous policies were confirmed or expanded. The power of Amina’s General Administrators were reduced. The boundaries of administrative divisions were adjusted to be more practical. Several cities or regions were recognized for a particular craft or trade and some tax exemptions followed. Trade and craft associations gained more power to set and enforce regulations--and promptly set about protecting their members and reducing innovation. The only decision of significant importance though, was the creation of a new coin, the gold corona, to replaced the dar which saw its gold content significantly reduced over the years.[2]

Historically, the king’s reign officially began upon acclimation by the Royal Assembly, a vestige of the elective monarchy. Some time later, a special service was held where the monarch was anointed by the archbishop of Toledo. The interval symbolized the independence of the monarchy from the church. Amina had been anointed together with her first husband due to special circumstances but consorts usually did not take part the ceremony. This time a few changes were made.

Through the use of silk and wooden posts an aisle was created along the Grand Hall. Starting from the doors, the councillarium members took their places on either side. At their head on the left were the councillarium’s advisers to the monarchy, for the first time referred to as consejo homines, on the right were the members of the general court and their deputies. Using the entrance at the far end of the hall, Amina and the archbishop entered and stood on the dais. A ceremonial table held the globe-and-cross, while the votive crown based on those used by the Visigoth monarchy stood on a stand beside it. After a few minutes the doors opened and the Royal Assembly entered the hall, taking their places at the head of the gathering.

The Crown Prince entered the hall, slowly taking his place in the center in front of the dais. He knelt and spoke a profession of faith. Then the archbishop anointed him with the traditional mixture. It was said that some vapors rose from his head which was accounted a very fortuitous sign. Amina stepped down to his level and removed the Royal Sword from around her waist, fastening it around his with her own hands. Leaving her there, he ascended the dais alone and took up the orb in his hand turning to the assembly. Then he swore the coronation oath before them. For the love of God, he swore to uphold the laws of God and the state, administer justice in an orderly manner, make diligent inquiry before making decisions, prize virtue and morality over eloquence and elegance, support and defend the interests of the people, make decisions for the benefit of the people and respects their rights.

“…for the glory and majesty of the Spañan people is of God and manifest in the proper interpretation of justice administered by the king. This is the law and the whole of the law.”

First among all the others, Amina knelt before Enrique and acknowledged him as king. Together with the Royal Assembly she repeated the words spoken in the vote, ‘rex ejus cris si recata facis.’[3] Decorum crumbled as the audience began to cheer Enrique II. Outside would begin the procession to the Church of St. Eugene where a true service would be held to finish the ceremonial aspects of the coronation. Along the route would be the emissaries from the foreign powers and the large crowds gathered for the occasion. Amina watched as the others filed out of the hall, left behind. She would not be attending the service. In the empty hall she spoke the second half of the formula that had never been used since Abd ar-Rahman had taken the throne.

“If thou do not do right, thou shalt no longer be king.”

*********

From Ortiz the Great to Amina Araman was a period of 201 years and nine kings. The stability brought by the House of Araman had led to vast territorial expansion and economic development. Spaña could stand proudly against its rivals and contemporaries. Now a new branch of the dynasty, the House of Baiona, would rule. Where Amina had been firmly rooted in the tradition of bureaucracy, Enrique II looked first to the financial elites of the state. He said to his court “My predecessor fought for the independence and authority of the state. Her people were her weapon, but our greatest weapon is wealth, and I intend to use it.”

As all rulers of the period though, his first concern was security. The border in the north was worrying. Francia itself had not become quiet. The free companies Amina had set in that kingdom showed no signs of weakening their grip. Enrique immediately encouraged their activities but he also did not want them to turn on him. He continued the fortification of Castile and established it as a military district reducing the power of the civil authority there. He officially appointed his younger son Rolando, to command it. Because the child was only eight years old, actual command was vested in Ortiz Almagre who with his family took up residence in Albi, which was added to the region as its capital. With him he took a number of his old comrades as well as other military units designated as the “Northern Frontier Legion.” When some of the Francian regency council attempted to regain control of their southwestern areas, the warlords there were able to unify long enough to repel them. Their continued authority was by a disaster for that part of Francia and contributed to the political disunity of the council.

In Italy, similar districts were created. The coasts north and south of Naples had been thoroughly settled by the Spaniards. A band of settlement ran east through Benevento, León and Fovia. These two provinces, known officially as Beneventura and Napolesa were governed in a similar manner to those in the peninsula or Africa. The borders areas in the south with Matera and Sicily were instead combined into the Grecina military district, headed by Duke Hugo de Gaeta. Hugo was an example of Spañan rule of Italy--he was the son of a Spañan official by a local woman--serving under Duke Juassan and as the commander of Corfu. At home in the Ispañesa of the court or the local dialects[4] he commanded the Southern Frontier Legion. In the north, Toscana continued to be restless. By 1154, Toscana was reclassified as a military district and Duke Juassan and the Sandstorm cavalry were dispatched to the region. The cities of Lucca and Pisa were placed in a different province to reward their loyalty, but very harsh measures were imposed on the rest of the region, especially around Florence. The economic output of the region plummeted as urban enters were sacked and craftsmen and scholars left the region for other parts of Italy, Zaragoza which was experiencing an economic revival, or Toledo.

Despite the losses in Toscana, the economy under Enrique II improved. The new corona was backed by a steady supply of African gold and its lighter official weight combined with the state’s political power made it the coin of choice in the western Mediterranean and increasingly, along the Atlantic seaboard.[5] He also reformed the bureaucracy, combining some offices, discontinuing others and reviewing existing tax exemptions instead of renewing them all. A number of anti-corruption initiatives were launched but targeted to favor the friends and allies of the new king. His personal project was a reformation of the inheritance laws but that would not be completed for some time. Enrique II also continued to favor printing. During his reign, he ordered large numbers of printed works and gave copies as gifts constantly. It was during his reign that what scholars would term Hispano-Gothic type was set down in a form readable (with effort) to this day.[6] While pronunciation avoided standardization for at least another century, certain features are attributed to the reign of Enrique II. Chief among them are the preservation of the Latin F- and phonemic contrasts between /b/ and /v/.

Enrique II sought to broaden the audience for printed works in his kingdom and funded and endowed no less than eight public libraries in and around Toledo and Sevilla. He also revamped the universities giving them charters and endowments. They became private institutions, closer to those found in Francia while reserving several slots for students he could fill at his leisure to reward allies or develop promising men in his employ. The universities now began to compete for prestigious lectures of all disciplines though there were biases toward philosophy and religion which were considered the highest sciences.

During this period, Amina lived quietly in a small town on the southern coast of the peninsula, facing Africa. It was a beautiful but small town full of jasmine and orange trees. Surprisingly or perhaps not, she would sometimes visit her old enemy Robert of Francia and he would occasionally visit her. While they never became truly friends, there developed and understanding between them. When he died in 1156, it was at her residence. In exchange for 2,000 pounds of gold, the Spaniards transported the body back to Francia for burial.

In 1157, a delegation of black Africans sailed to Spaña. Black Africans were not unusual especially in the Maghreb, but they were most often seen as slaves[7], traders, or the occasional mercenary. These however came dressed in outlandish (to the Spaniards) finery on a Spañan ship. They presented themselves to the king saying they came from the newly formed Kingdom of Kwalu, centered on a great river of the same name. The purpose of their visit was to request a number of priests and teachers to return to them. Some slaves, ivory and other goods had been traded for some years but now the new king of that land was intrigued by the religion of the Spaniards that had been adopted by many of the great kingdoms of the Sahel. Thus it was that the first King of Kwalu was baptized along with his family (some reluctantly) and took the name Enrique in honor of the king.

1158 proved to be a momentous year. First and foremost the Robertine dynasty was overthrown by Duke Selver of Alsesta who obtained the allegiance of over half the Francian dukes. This led to a number of repercussions of which the most immediately urgent was a formal repudiation of any ties to Francia by the Duke of Sorbia and who was proclaimed by the Franco-Danish nobility as the Prince of Normandy. Second, the war between the Persians and the Makanids ended in firm imposition of Makanid control in Iraq. Because they were opposed to the religious doctrine of their new rulers however, a number sects began to emerge, in particular an odd group who called themselves the Brotherhood of Purity. Thirdly, the Battle of Mesembar occurred. There, a surprise attack annihilated the imperial Black Sea fleet and led to the fall of the city to the Kimeks. Initially considered merely a setback, the emperor fell ill and died on the way back to the capital--leaving the throne of the eastern empire vacant.

All eyes in the Mediterranean now turned to the eastern empire, seeing both opportunity and uncertainty and King Enrique was no different….
____________________________
[1]Jewish names. Historical Jewish naming followed a multitude of patterns depending on time, place and circumstance. In this case, it’s a non-genitive patronymic but Samuel Marcus may still acquire a place name or some sort of cognomen.
[2]3.5 grams, 98% gold for the new coin.
[3]Thou shalt be king so long as thou dost do right.
[4]Well on their way to becoming considered “Italian Spanish.”
[5]Eastern Mediterranean still uses the nomisma.
[6]A modified form of Visigothic miniscule and Roman capitals.
[7]Slavery is not confined to black Africans, is mostly domestic and constitutes perhaps 6% of total population on the peninsula at best. There are also a number of rules on conditions for manumission. We’re not into the whole sale sugar-slavery yet.

Author's Note: 10 years in one update! I feel good about moving forward that much. Especially since some of the Amina updates cover only a day! Thanks to The Professor for suggesting the eventual name of the "main" language. Probably a Middle East map next time, as well as an update centered more on that chronicling the bad times the eastern empire is going to go through now that the Balsamon dynasty is gone for good.

ScipioA. always asks such questions...

-Francia is going to take a whack at Denmark certainly in the near future. They have been taking advantage of the chaos, so most of the area south/west of the Elbe is traditionally Francian. However the Pomeranian parts were originally conquered by Denmark.
-Scandinavia split up because the union itself was always very weak and when the Danish part of it tried to establish itself as the strongest power (due to population) it fissured up a lot like OTL but more extravagantly. Probably need to review my notes on Scandinavia.
-There is no Kingdom of Norway, but a lot of independent areas right now however they are going to be looking to some relatives across the water... As I pointed out, Normandy which was a vassal/extension of Francia for a long time is striking out on its own--a bit of a situation like OTL's Normandy.
-I'm not sure what's going on in Bavaria just now. They grabbed a few border areas at the end of war, but otherwise are sitting tight trying to prevent religious strife.
 
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Yay! it's back! the maps are visually stunning as always.

Very interesting this rule of Enrique II, Will he manage to avoid any major conflict? Spana sure as hell would be grateful.

and now we go to the Eastern empire.
 
Very interesting this rule of Enrique II, Will he manage to avoid any major conflict?

That'll probably depend on how he interferes with the crisis in Byzantium. Plus, Spana has been at peace for around a decade now so it'll probably have recovered from the war with Francia by now.
 
Awesome update, it's nice to see such a meaty one after the break. I loved the maps, and it is very interesting that Italian is beginning to merge with Spanish. Very interesting depiction of the coronation. What exactly is Amina's problem with Enrique? He seems a bit arrogant and materialistic, but is there something else? Interesting developments in the Mediterranean too, Byzantium seems to be in trouble, and they seemed to be doing so well what with taking back Syria and all. Also, Christianity is developing very interestingly in Africa.

The level of development in the TL compared to OTL is really incredible, people in Western Europe were just transitioning back to a currency economy in the mid-12th century in our world. Here, the economic and social development seems more akin to the mid 15th century. These transitions in the timeline remind of my readings on Burgundian and French history that I've been doing for my timeline.

Also, thanks for answering my questions. Sorry if they get annoying. I love your depictions of Spana, but everything in the Med-region is so well fleshed out, I feel the need to ask more questions about the less-covered region. You have to admit, despite Spana being totally awesome and the center to this timeline, Germanic peoples have also developed very interestingly, covering more territory centralizing earlier as well. I know Iberia/the Med is your main focus, but I have always maintained an interest in both cultures. I don't know why Germanic peoples interest me so much, I have not a drop of Germanic blood in me (mostly Irish). In fact, these readings for this timeline have prompted me to have more of an interest Iberian history, could you recommend a good introductory book on Iberia in the middle ages (this goes out to anyone who can recommend one)?

Anyway, awesome stuff MNP, you really set a gold standard for medieval TLs that I shall try in vain to make myself comparable to. I personally enjoy your inter-character writing the most (I'm talking about the writing itself).

Scipio
 
Wow!! 10 years in one update! Neat!!! And such a good update as well. MNP once agin you blow us all away with your world-building and storytelling abilities.

I like the irony of Robert dying in his rivals palace in Spaña. Seems a bit odd that Amina and him were able to maintain a good relation after the wars (did you settle on a collective name for all the wars? BTW) but I guess it works. They both went through a lot and peace between both nations is certainly good for all Western Europe.

The coronation was cool. I'm not sure if you have touched on this before, but is resignation after a certain time the way Amina did the norm? Or are this special circumstances due to her marriage or her being a woman?

Anyway keep up the good work MNP. This world/story is amazing. And I kinda agree with Scipio sometimes it seems it soo fleshed out that we can't help but ask questions, about the nations you cover a bit less on. You somehow make it feel that all the information of every nation you created, Spaña to the Cholas exists out there.

And I am really curious over how other countries like Bavaria or Rossiya work. I get the feeling that they might grow into important players at some point.
 
So the religious - economic penetration of sub Saharan African continues apace. This will make the development of a massive slavary network perhaps less likely I would guess
 
Amina/Enrique animosity: Part of it is that they just don't get along that well. They simply have different styles and I hope to show that neither way is "good" or "bad." Amina doesn't want to see the state she fought for so long to go down the tubes. Her vow is a personal one that may or may not amount to anything.

Amina/Robert: When neither no longer has to worry about ruling their respective state, it defuses a lot of the conflict. Other factors are his attempt to ingratiate himself to shorten his stay, and quite simply that she's a person of comparable social status. There's still a kind of collegiality among monarchs. I might have written it as too friendly, I can rewrite that section to be more contentious if the readership thinks it would make more sense that way.

Future:
-Things are not going to look good for Rossiya much longer...
-I do want to go into more detail about Bavaria since it's a "middle" power stuck between Francia, Spaña and Byzantium.
-Next update well definitely focus more on the Balkans and Eastern Mediterranean.
ED: And maybe Alt-Scotland!
 
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MNP said:
Future:
-Things are not going to look good for Rossiya much longer...
-I do want to go into more detail about Bavaria since it's a "middle" power stuck between Francia, Spaña and Byzantium.
-Next update well definitely focus more on the Balkans and Eastern Mediterranean.
Sweet! I look forward to the next update. The east med seems very interesting, and it would be nice to have Spana project more influence there, perhaps even establish some naval bases? Could you include some information and Dalmatia and the Umayyad Emirate (?) of Damascus, I'm very interested in Damascus in particular. What is the status of the Spanan navy at the moment?
Thanks, I hope my questions don't get annoying, I just enjoy this timeline so much I get curious about things.
Scipio
 
Amina/Enrique animosity: Part of it is that they just don't get along that well. They simply have different styles and I hope to show that neither way is "good" or "bad." Amina doesn't want to see the state she fought for so long to go down the tubes. Her vow is a personal one that may or may not amount to anything.

Amina/Robert: When neither no longer has to worry about ruling their respective state, it defuses a lot of the conflict. Other factors are his attempt to ingratiate himself to shorten his stay, and quite simply that she's a person of comparable social status. There's still a kind of collegiality among monarchs. I might have written it as too friendly, I can rewrite that section to be more contentious if the readership thinks it would make more sense that way.

Future:
-Things are not going to look good for Rossiya much longer...
-I do want to go into more detail about Bavaria since it's a "middle" power stuck between Francia, Spaña and Byzantium.
-Next update well definitely focus more on the Balkans and Eastern Mediterranean.

Oh good! I am interested to see how the Balkans have developed
 
16 August update

THE ISLAND

The state known to its Christian contemporaries as the Empire of the Greeks was a source of some irritation with its ancient claims, politics, ways of war and religious rites. Since the establishment of Spaña two great dynasties had occupied the imperial throne. The Bulgarians, descendants of a Bulgar general and mercenary, brought the eastern Balkans and lands north of Danube under imperial control.

Their successors, the Balsamon dynasty of Antioch, looked more to the east. Their principle means of doing so was by keeping alive the agreement dividing the Mediterranean between them and the Spaniards. Emperor Nikolaos even agreed to a marriage alliance through his daughter Sophia to gain support for the war known to historians as the Ecumenical Reconquista. That war saw the collapse of unified Muslim authority in the Middle East and establishment of imperial dominance over the Caucasus. Despite setbacks, a century later Syria and Tripoli were provinces of the empire with Trebizond tied so tightly to Constantinople it might as well be. Ar-Roha (Edessa) and Cyprus were following similar paths to Trebizond. At the same time, an arc of vassals and dependencies ran from Abhkhazia in the north to Homs (Emesa) in the south. By the 1150s plans were made to for a new war to regain Crete or with the Makanid Caliphs of Egypt, who though victorious in the recent conflict with the Persians, were militarily exhausted. The fanciful among the emperor's courtiers dared to dream of a return to Jerusalem.

The main reason for political stability brought by the Balsamon dynasty was a tremendous economic expansion of the eleventh and twelfth centuries. These trends had begun as early as the eight century, but accelerated rapidly resulting in major land clearances and urban growth similar to the rest of the continent. Towns were centers of administration and ecclesiastic governance, but they were also production centers. Agreements with neighboring powers brought in supplies of precious metals in exchange for high-quality luxury and semi-luxury goods. The government was able to invest in estate management improving agricultural production significantly furthering urban growth and education. Some imperial intellectuals began to consider new economic theories or re-evaluate old ones and their relationship to imperial Justice.[1]

In certain core areas of the empire, long periods of peace, prosperity and political stability had resulted in return to primacy of the civil authorities, whose power grew with the urban centers in part due to the expansion of large estates as well as factors already mentioned.[2] Agreements were made with the central government to supply and provision a number of professional soldiers in exchange for lowered commercial duties. The growth of trade in these areas in particular led to a major increase in the power of private wealthy classes, only tangentially connected to the state. Toward the end of the eleventh century these men began to take positions in the senate.[3] There was resistance to this by the older group of senators and they began to divide themselves into old and new.

The only blemish during this time, was the Emirate of Crete. Since the 1030s, Crete had been a co-Dominion between the Makanids and the empire. At first extremely valuable, Makanid attention was diverted by events in Egypt and Arabia, but imperial rule also relaxed for similar reasons. As a result the island became increasingly autonomous and began to threaten shipping. After the Makanid civil war that began in the reign of Saloman II, the island became a refuge for the losers. The balance tipped by the numbers of Muslim refugees, it declared itself independent. Considered pirates by the Spañan and imperial authorities, the Emirate of Crete was a small but fully functional state. Ships from the Emirate threatened the Aegean and the Morea, even raiding Thessalonika at one point. One frightening expedition had pillaged the west coast of Cyprus with impunity. For the emperors, Crete became vitally necessary to subdue to maintain the economic prosperity of the empire. Several expeditions against failed for various reasons that boiled down to difficulties of supply. The greatest was prepared by Emperor Leo in 113 but that expedition instead invaded Syria.

The latest attempt was ready to embark in 1158 but had been diverted by the Kimek invasion. Following their triumph, the Kimeks poured into the Voloch lands north of the Danube, a key source of cattle and horses. With the emperor dead, the question of succession was paramount. The senate and officials urged the young empress Maria to remarry, but could not agree on a candidate. Factions developed, several proposing candidates that would be puppets, others reactionaries that would clamp down on the new senators and a few advocating a strong hand to sustain the order that was held responsible for prosperity. Eventually enough senators united behind an undistinguished member of the bureaucracy, Andronicus II.

Andronicus II was no soldier and it remained an open question whether he could secure the loyalty of the outlying commanders, particularly in the eastern regions where support for the Balsamon dynasty had been strongest. However this became a secondary concern when the Kimeks invaded Bulgaria, the most important source of imperial European grain production outside Thrace. Two expeditions were launched against them, but the Kimeks defeated them first by a surprise attack and second by a failure of logistics. A third of the core imperial armies perished, and the situation was not helped when its commander, Isaac Bagvashites, blamed the emperor for the lack of supplies and rebelled.

Considering him unfit after his defeats, Senators with ties to the eastern provinces reached out to certain the eastern generals to offer financial support in a bid for the throne. While a few preferred to see to their tasks in the east (perhaps to establish their own authority) others were more open to these entries. Several set out for the west to seek the throne to advancement themselves, protest the growing chaos in the center, the good of the empire, or all three at once.

*********

Enrique II outright forbid any intervention in the civil war. Crete however, caused trouble for both Saloman II and Amina Araman and the current situation led to demands by his merchants as well as by the Adriatic powers that he do something as the great power of the west. Enrique was far more concerned with a domestic scandal. His eldest son, Alejandro the Prince of Sevilla had fallen passionately in love with a silk weaver and Jewess. Being denied permission to marry, rumors had him departing the palace to live with her in a house in the Jewish neighborhoods of the city. Enrique was thankful his younger son had the sense to accept betrothal to a relative of the Bavarian king in 1154.

In 1158, royal envoys were in Italy to finalize the contract as a show of good faith. Edir was a member of the delegation but his mission was to determine the desirably of expanding naval operations against Crete. He reported favorably on the matter. Warships sailed east where they raided several pirate strongholds, but it became clear that only an attack on the island itself would put the matter to rest.

The violation of the agreement with the empire was side-stepped by the lack of imperial response, but there was nothing false about the preparations. A preliminary reported indicated that any assault would require preventing the emirate from gaining Makanid assistance and creating a reliable supply line to the west. Military, it suggested a campaign of two years, requiring a force of about 40,000 men with a cost of 2.6 million coronas at minimum.[4] This was a staggering sum, equivalent to almost half the yearly revenues, but Joseph Tibbovin seized the opportunity with both hands.

He had kept abreast of economic thinking abroad as well as Spaña. He had already achieved significant standardization and organization of the private debts the state incurred during the war with Francia. To the bankers and merchants who were political allies of the king, he extended state backing for private bills in exchange for some of the profits of their enterprises. This increase in security and improvements in the accuracy of state finances put in place under Amina, had resulted in demand for these types of instruments—with some honored even by merchants outside the borders. Now he proposed a combination of this practice and with the practice of private loans sold by his predecessor, only on a scale vastly greater than had been attempted before. In a letter to the king he described this as a bank issuing “royal receipts” for “accounts not directly convertible to coin” to manage these debts.

The program was attractive because of the economic strength of the state. Spaña's coins dominated the western Mediterranean and even circulated in the empire. This had created an inflationary problem because the smaller states of the region used Spañan coins for their own currencies and tended to clip them in times of distress. Internally this practice occurred on a smaller scale and through normal wear. Tibbovin's idea was to take large deposits, melt them down and issue receipts for the intrinsic value of the coins in exchange for a fee. The money would be coined to official standards and spent by the state to finance the expedition. Meanwhile the government would engage in what was termed “advance profit-sharing” paying out small amounts every half-year out of the expected profits of a successful conquest of Crete. To obtain the confidence of the investors in the new bank, a Councillarium vote would be required to authorize government withdrawal of the funds—an implicit acknowledgement of the Councillarium's ultimate power to levy taxes and make good on the loans. That many potential investors were already Councillarium members of in close association with them made it all the more likely they would be repaid. To help assure the reliability of the system, a committee made up of councilors, financial officials and wealthy men was created. A fuero formalizing their mandate was written, with the title “Charter for the creation of a Royal Bank of Toledo.”

By now so many of the traditional nobility had business interests that resistance to the idea was never able to organize. Tibbovin assuaged the private bankers by two methods: a promise the bank would only lend to the state, and opening up investments to private banks to increase the security of their own deposits, allowing them guaranteed access to official weight coinage. The new bank leveraged the stability and economic and military strength of the state to turn debt into ready cash. It was only possible due to the legacy of property rights protection and access to African gold. While it took some time for the bank to get up and running, it proved highly successful. The equivalent of over a million legal coronas was raised after eight months. Even some of the private Italian banks bought into the system. Preparations for the expedition accelerated.

Massive diplomatic efforts were engaged to reduce the chance of Makanid involvement. Two major reasons for the eventual success of the policy was that Crete would be much harder for the Spaniards to hold than the empire as evidenced by the decay of Spañan power on Cyprus. Another was the opportunity presented against the imperial territories in the east—if the Caliph chose to direct his armies there, why not have the Spaniards help finance them? Meanwhile, recruitment of mercenaries was stepped up. With the new Francian monarch demonstrating both pragmatism and military skill, the reign of the petty-lords western Francia was ending and they knew it. Large numbers took the steady employment offered by the Spaniards.

The first troops arrived in Italy in 1161. They met with local forced to establish encampments for later forces to minimize losses due to disease and buy time to gather supplies and ships. Troops and ships were also promised by the local powers, the Dalmatians, Sicilians and Materans, who were menaced by the Emirate. Because of the nature of invasion, the armies had less cavalry than usual which reduced expenses and need for space. More and more ships gathered along the eastern Italian ports and those friendly ports on the east coast of the Adriatic Sea.

The Emir of Crete at the time was Abdul Rahman ibn Hassan and he was not about to wait to be attacked. While he set the populace to fortify the capital, he sailed for Bari with the intent of destroying the concentration of enemy ships gathered there. His initial assault was successful with several ships being set aflame. However there were enough soldiers to contest most of the vessels and as his men were fully engaged, a fleet of 70 Dalmatian warships arrived and seeing the battle, fell upon the pirate fleet. In this way the emirate's naval forces were much reduced and the victory served to boost morale as booty and slaves were divided among the victorious troops.

As soon as the weather cleared in 1162, the combined fleet[5] set sail. The first troops landed in the western half of the island near Al-Hanim. That city had not yet been fortified and the allied expedition made contact with the Christian communities in the mountains. These were favorably disposed to assist them, for in contrast to the earlier period of Muslim residence, the Makanid rebels in the region had proved difficult overlords. The garrison commander saw the impossibility of the situation at once. He negotiated a surrender of the city that allowed his men to depart with their weapons and horses. Abdul Rahman had him beheaded for this act, but otherwise pardoned the troops themselves. Leon Ornos as a former Greek mercenary was left behind in the city as the Spaniards hoped he would have better relations with the locals and he had been a reliable captain for them for many years.

Thanks to Bari, the allied invasion was able to dominate the sea. This allowed forces to be landed in ports and coastlines that were the vital points of the island. The farthest east the landings came was the small village at Panormo. However these were small groups—the largest landing after Al-Hanim was made at Rethymno where a fortress was built with remarkable speed, first of earth and then of stone. It was still not completed when word reached them from Panormo that the Emir was on his way with as many troops as he could muster and the battle was fought beyond the fortress.

The Battle of Rethymno was fought in two parts. Allied forces were at first commanded by Duke Bernardo, who had experience with rough country in the Massista Central north of Tolosa. According to surviving records, the contest lasted the better part of a day. While the terrain hampered allied military cohesion and Abdul Rahman's forces were motivated, the Spañan army had a large number of veterans from the Francian war. Formidable the emir's forces might be, but on land they proved unable to stand up to the disciplined Spañan troops. Never the less the battle ended when the emir's troops saw reinforcements led by Duke Juassan de Vivar arriving.

While Duke Bernardo's men celebrated victory, Duke Juassan's men controlled themselves severely and did not join the revelry. When the emir rallied his men for a night attack, it was Juassan who prevented the Spaniards from being routed and drove Abdul Rahman's men back. While a severe loss, Abdul Rahman did not expect his men to prove superior in the contest. His purpose was to delay the invaders enough to fully provision the capital of the island, Al-Handaq, to stand siege. His best option was to disrupt the enemy supply lines during a siege so the Spañan army would collapse in on itself. He gained more time because Juassan's reputation had risen even higher after his successful defense during the night attack. Grand Duke Eblas was forced to recall Juassan to the mainland giving Duke Bernardo clear precedence after they proved unable to work together. Pro-Juassan sources suggest the Duke did not oppose being recalled as he did not want to have to endure what promised to be a torturous siege.

And so it proved.

1162rethymno.png

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[1]The economics are similar to what happened in our TL, but accelerated due to various factors. The ideology mentioned has a religious aspect to it.
[2]In our TL, during the period when large estates appeared in the empire, share-cropping and tenant farming was popular. Due to the tax system and the broader economic situation, it was economically advantageous for the free farmer to sell his land but continue to farm it. Here the system makes it more valuable to work your own land—if you have to sell it you are more likely to move to the cities.
[3]A development of our TL halted by the Comnenus dynasty. Even during their era, this class was powerful and important, but they did not have official positions as they do here.
[4]Cost estimates extrapolated from several imperial expeditions to Crete in our TL and overseas campaigns in Italy by Manuel I.
[5]I am using the number of ~6,000 combat troops for every 125 ships. They will make multiple trips from Italy to Crete. Imperial statistics for our TL indicate about 5,000 troops for every 175 ships, but changes in ship construction and size in this TL account for the difference.

Sorry it took so long. I had to buckle down and do some serious research on the eastern empire and Scotland... which I had to postpone until next time. Also thanks to Eflwine for his suggestions regarding imperial organization. I'll follow up with a map of the eastern empire in the coming days.
 
Great update. I particularly liked the detail given to the establishment of the State Bank and the economics surrounding the financing of the military expedition. So we'll get to see Scotland next update then? Fantastic!
 
For flags I just try to give an impression so... it's actually the Allah-eser file from the wikipedia Islam section, only cut out and placed on a blue flag (a color used by at least one Islamic North African state). :eek: I honestly don't know what it says but it's probably an artistic motif of the shahada. If Alejandro did do some er, sewing, his father is going to pray day and night for a girl. Or maybe someone will panic and do something murderous as in the legend.

Trying out yet another new style. The little outlines are vassal states, so you can see that the empire is riding high right now. It's revenues are probably ~25% greater than Spaña's. LSCatilina, I will answer your PM tomorrow.

Greek-KimekWar.jpg
 
It's no use, I love your maps :). Just a question, the northern border of Abasiga seems a bit strange, how they can control the territories north of the Caucasus, they are slightly apart and only the easternmost seem close to the main pass in the mountains.
 
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