XVII.
August 1944:
After taking the fight to Thomas Dewey,
Vice President Henry Wallace battles a major scandal
July 1st to August 20th,
New York City, United States of America:
Following a competitive primary season that marked their thirteenth year out of power, the Grand Old Party had finally settled on a presidential ticket a the end of June, 1944. Coming out of the convention with all guns blazing – and desperately trying to hide irreconcilable divisions in the realm of foreign policy – the Republicans shouted: “Let’s win the war quicker with Dewey and Bricker”. Their presidential nominee, New York Governor Thomas Dewey, had hardly served eighteen months as governor, and at age 42 he was the opposite picture of a tired, exhausted FDR. Still, even with encouraging signs in the horizon, it was acknowledged by most that getting the Republican Party to victory in 1944 was still an uphill battle. Dewey started his general campaign with a bang, spending two days alongside the entire slate of GOP governors at a private conference in St. Louis, an effort judged mostly successful in allowing him to marshal the resources of said fellow state executives and take advantage of their own political machines [226]. Stunned and gratified by the sudden announcement of Hitler’s death in July 20th, Dewey and his team were even more pleased by Henry Wallace’s successful defeat of an attempt to remove him from the ticket.
Said confidence was not mere arrogance. As Dewey’s campaign manager and RNC chair Herbert Brownell argued, Wallace could be popular with the Democratic base, but not so much with other voter blocs. And furthermore, his victory as something of an underdog appeared to showcase the growing factionalism within the Democratic Party, which could help mask the GOP’s own divisions. But more important than that – and the reason Dewey jokingly suggested to Brownell they ought to send Wallace a fruit basket, they were confident Wallace was a liability and a ticking bomb for FDR. Installed from their suits at the Roosevelt Hotel in New York City, Brownell and his hatchet men were preparing to release what they felt was a political bombshell, a surefire way of sinking the Democratic ticket and making their attacks stick. As far as they could ascertain, Henry Wallace had been in contact for over two years in the early 1930’s with the eccentric Russian emigre and pseudo-philosopher Nicholas Roerich. Wallace had written several letters, all starting with “Dear Guru”, in which they had discussed a number of subjects and in which Wallace himself – signing as “G”, for “Galahad” – had espoused unorthodox views on religion.
The letters, acquired by a prominent GOP media baron in the 1940 Election, had almost come out then. But the RNC’s hesitance that they would cause actual damage, combined with an unspoken fear that then nominee Wendell Wilkie’s extramarital affairs would be leaked in retribution, forced them to keep the power dry [227]. But Brownell and Dewey knew the White House had nothing on the Governor. Still, they might have delayed publication, were it not for the fact that vice presidential candidate Bricker embarrassed himself by equivocating on whether the campaign would accept support from far-right politicians Gerald Smith, something Henry Wallace was all too glad to pounce on. Indeed, the Vice President effectively mocked the GOP ticket before the press while President Roosevelt way away in the Pacific, infuriating his opposition [228]. Whilst a chastised Bricker is sent into a barnstorming tour to redeem himself, Dewey and Brownell hand over the “incriminating” material to Westbrook Pegler, a fiercely anti-FDR columnist for the Chicago Tribune. As soon as Pegler publishes his articles, the GOP’s attack machine comes out of the gate storming, attacking the Vice President as a crackpot. By making Wallace look like a security risk as a future president, they hope, they will be able to exploit the issue of FDR’s health as well.
August 28th to September 2nd, 1944
Across the Seine River:
Frustrated by two failed assaults on von Rundstedt’s defensive setup, and not convinced a third attempt will be enough to break the German lines, General Eisenhower is also keenly aware that the battle for the Seine must be brought to an early conclusion, particularly given the pressing state of Paris. Although, logistically, the liberation of the city would pose immense strain on already limited resources – with the port of Rennes still being repaired -, political pressure is on the rise, as General de Gaulle’s forced insubordination later showcases. Having previously suspended airborne operations planned to support the Normandy breakout due to events overtaking planning, it is decided to utilize the newly formed 1st Allied Airborne Army – led by Lt. General Lewis Brereton – to force the crossing of the Seine and clear the route to Paris. For that purpose, the previously planned Operations Axehead (Seine) and Transfigure (Paris) are given the greenlight, with the airborne divisions split in order to fulfill both objectives [229]. After internal debate and several considerations, both operations are initially scheduled for August 31st.
Due to a threatened mutiny within the Polish 1st Parachute Brigade, which had been recently denied permission to be flown to Warsaw to relieve the Home Army, the operation is pushed back to September 1st, and only after extensive efforts to get brigade commander Maj. General Sosabowski and his men back on board. It takes threats of disarmament from Churchill himself to get the elite Polish unit to agree to participate, and they are subsequently destined to Transfigure alongside Roy Urquhart’s 1st British Airborne Division. They are to land at Rambouillet, encircling the German position in order to allow for Bradley’s divisions – with the exception of the French 2nd Armored, “grounded” after the De Gaulle offensive – to seize it and push through to Paris. For their part, the US 101st Airborne is destined to Axehead, intending to secure local airfields near Rouen in order to land the British 52nd Infantry Division and firmly secure a bridgehead [230]. The night of September 1st, whilst Montgomery and Bradley’s respective Army Groups retake the offensive, Allied transport planes close in their targets. Having made a few corrections since the Normandy drops, the airborne units mostly land close to their targets.
Axehead finds immediate success, the 101st striking the German rear while it is mostly devoid of functional reinforcements. Scattered elements of a Kampfgruppe attempt to prevent the capture of the airfields before von Küchler can draw reinforcements from the 7th Army, but the already experienced paratroopers are able to push them back. Despite significant damage to some of the runways intended for landing more units, enough are captured to allow for the returning transport aircraft to start airlifting the 52nd Infantry Division. Several parachute companies – particularly “E” and “F” Companies of the 506th Infantry Regiments – distinguish themselves in the fighting. Hausser and von Küchler instantly recognize the danger and report to von Rundstedt, opening the question on whether the Seine line will remain tenable. Even though it has always been a temporary stop gap in Rundstedt’s mind, it was hoped it could last a bit longer, in order to allow equally temporary defensive lines in subsequent rivers as well as the West Wall to be sufficiently beefed up. Despite the increasingly limited availability of armored forces – which might be crucial in future maneuver warfare after retreating -, the reinforcements are rushed through to try and contain the Allied drops.
August 20th to August 24th, 1944
Washington D.C., United States of America:
At a White House Press Conference, President Roosevelt announces to the press that he’ll be meeting Prime Minister Winston Churchill and other allied leaders in Canada soon, in what is expected to be an early September conference in Québec. Retiring back to the Oval Office, Vice President Wallace is left to answer questions of his own, and goes into a passionate tirade disparaging the Dewey/Bricker team as clueless and dangerous. His confidence, however, is temporarily shattered when the first reporter asks about the “Dear Guru” letters. Wallace seeks to delay at first, arguing he hasn’t read the Pegler article. When additional reporters start citing details, including Pegler’s accusation that Wallace is the author of a few letters published in the article, the Vice President continues to deflect, and even prepares to take the offensive on his own. He stops at the last moment from lashing out at the reporters, maintaining his cool and ending the press conference without giving a clear answer [231]. At the Oval Office, the mood is positively poisonous. An irate Roosevelt, already exhausted from a difficult trip, not only has just seen the Québec announcement lose its media relevance, but has a crisis on his hands. In anger, a planned offer for a meeting between Secretary of State Cordell Hull and Dewey’s leading foreign policy advisor John Foster Dulles is canceled [232].
Over the next couple of days, a gleeful GOP heaps attack over attack on the Vice President, all while Prager continues to publish letters. A particular source of public laughter and derision appears to be the nicknames present in the letters regarding prominent Democrats, including calling the Vice President “Galahad”, Secretary of State Hull “The Sour One”, and FDR himself as “The Wandering/Wavering One”. Amidst this barrage, two different camps of Democrat politicians hold their own secret meetings. On one side, allies of Vice President Wallace – including Senator Claude Pepper – converse with Wallace and try to lift his spirits, discussing ways to face the scandal and to stop the Vice President from resigning from the ticket. On the other hand, DNC Chairman Robert Hannegan resumes his opposition to Wallace and lobbies powerful allies to convince Roosevelt that he must be dropped from the ticket, before it’s too late. Hannegan goes as far as preparing to push either Senator Truman or Justice Douglas as his ideal replacements, and, despite attempts by Admiral Leahy, FDR’s Chief of Staff, to keep the President from excessive stress, Hannegan goes as far as providing the White House with a letter of resignation they should “persuade” Wallace to sign.
As pro-Wallace politicians fiercely defend their man in editorials, speeches or radio broadcasts, a crucial meeting takes place at the Naval Observatory on August 23rd between Senator Pepper and Vice President Wallace. Rousing his friend into action, Pepper is able to talk Wallace out of resigning, and suggests going all out in a press conference to counter the GOP smear campaign. A successful performance, he suggests, could earn him FDR’s respect back and save him. Wallace agrees, and later that night meets the President at the Oval Office. Despite his anger, Roosevelt remains reluctant to seek a personal fight with Wallace, and after a spirited discussion agrees to his request [233]. The next morning, Vice President Wallace faces the press corps, having rehearsed and prepared his own defense alongside his allies. Defiant yet not defensive, Wallace argues many of the published letters are undated and unsigned, and even of dubious authorship. While acknowledging some degree of communication with Roerich, the Vice President makes an passionate case calling the attacks a “smear”, and makes a point of casting himself as a devout Christian before the press. After a series of questions, the Vice President notes that he will leave for the good of the party if the President asks him to, and steps off the podium [234].
September 1st to September 10th, 1944
Across the Seine River:
Starting on September 3rd, German reinforcements attempt to contain the 101st and the gathering elements of the 52nd Allied divisions, hoping to create a defensive ring that can protect Rouen and prevent the enemy from supporting Montgomery’s crossing attempts. Initially successful in protecting the outskirts of Rouen from the first enemy push, and after two days of intense, fierce fighting, the Germans are forced to stop their attacks due to increasing material and human fatigue. Seizing the opportunity, the 52nd Infantry Division leaves the paratroopers to defend the airfields, and marches west to link up with Montgomery’s advancing forces. On the evening of September 5th, Hausser’s 7th Army is finally pushed beyond its breaking point, enabling the 2nd Canadian Division to finally cross the Seine and link up with the 52nd. A makeshift bridge is constructed by the divisional engineers, protected from counterattacks through thick air cover. By September 7th, the Canadian 1st Army is rapidly pushing through the bridgehead, threatening to encircle Rouen and move into the German rear.
A critical decision must now be made, and upon consultation with his commanders von Rundstedt phones Field Marshal Guderian at Zossen and requests permission to withdraw from the Seine. Initially reluctant, Guderian finally relents upon the prospect of an encirclement. Due to the pressing need for reinforcing the eastern front – Guderian’s priority-, the Supreme Commander is willing to sacrifice ground if it means von Rundstedt can preserve strength. Hausser’s 7th Army is immediately withdrawn to prevent being encircled around Le Havre, the key port – already severely damaged by Allied naval and air bombing – being destroyed with demolition charges. Despite an initial plan to have a division-strength garrison remain and fight to the last man, von Küchler prefers to retain the men for future operations [235]. On September 8th, Rouen falls to the Allies, followed by the capture of Le Havre on September 10th by Montogmery’s British divisions. For all purposes, the Lower Seine has been secured as well, clearing yet another hurdle in the Allied advance in northern France.
Out east, after being forced to stop for a couple of days, General Patton and his 3rd Army resume their attacks against the 1st German Army. After initial assaults prove costly and only partly successful, subsequent attacks cause sufficient damage to force the German 15th Army to move units to bolster said flank, further diluting German strength in the vicinity of Paris. Exploiting the low quality of troops defending certain sectors, Patton is able to achieve his own breakthrough on September 1st, encircling Troyes and forcing its surrender the next day. Having covered enormous extensions of ground since the breakout from Normandy, Patton is nonetheless extremely close to the exhaustion of its fuel supplies, with no prospect of resupply given the prioritization of Montgomery’s assault on the Lower Seine. Still, Patton plunges forward, smashing through the already crippled 1st German Army and capturing thousands of prisoners. Shifting north, the 3rd Army reaches as far as Chalons – attempting to cut off the escape route for Army Group B – on September 5th before fuel stocks are finally and utterly exhausted [236]. To his immense frustration, the impetuous armored commander is forced to completely stop his advance.
August 24th to September 1st, 1944
Washington D.C., United States of America:
During the first week following the breaking of the Roerich story by the press, President Roosevelt faces a difficult decision. The question of whether to dump Wallace from the ticket was already raised back in 1940, only for the President and his advisors to consider that getting rid of Wallace after his nomination – even without the letters being public - would cause too much harm. And with him re-nominated again, it’s not entirely certain that his departure would fix the mess. Despite Hannegan’s insistent lobbying, several prominent newspapers – though not the Republican-aligned ones – speak favorable of Wallace’s press conference, and/or argue that he may deserve the benefit of the doubt. Pepper and other Wallace allies also make a point of having prominent figures, particularly labor leaders, re-state their support for Wallace, and mount a media campaign of their own accusing the GOP of trying to smear an innocent man. With the Vice President having thus seemingly acquitted himself for now, Roosevelt struggles to make a decision. Making matters worse is the issue of Warsaw, as the increasingly successful uprising is likely to have significant consequences regarding the Polish-American community, a key voting bloc in industrial states.
Roosevelt also ponders on the likely alternatives, and Truman’s prospects also suffer when some aides point out the Missouri Senator could just as well be smeared over his association with disgraced political boss Tom Pendergast. And Justice Douglas, though very well regarded, could easily put the South at risk given his views on segregation, failing to achieve the unity that would be paramount in trying to replace Wallace. In the end, Eleanor Roosevelt comes to the rescue of her friend Wallace, something she had already done back in 1940. Speaking in favor of Wallace’s zeal and honesty, she suggests Roosevelt might benefit more by standing up for his running mate and taking the fight to the Republicans rather than allow them a win. It takes a final meeting between the President and his Vice President to be convinced, but in the end, on the morning of August 27th, President Roosevelt informs the press that he stands by Wallace as his running mate. Despite his grim appearance, the President nonetheless makes an eloquent case for Wallace, and attempts to shame the GOP for “putting a man’s faith in question”. Although Hannegan and company fume, the ship has sailed for them [237].
Back at the Dewey HQ, the Governor chastises Brownell for “botching the release” of the letters, the issue now having become divisive rather than a strong, clear-cut condemnation of Wallace. Although the Vice President’s reputation appears to be damaged after the week-long scandal, further publications arguing in favor of inconsistencies in Prager’s published letters further muddy the waters, and the long desired kill shot turns into a purely partisan fight [238]. Brownell, keen to redeem himself, shifts his efforts back into a previous planned media blitz that has been launched since late July, trying to build up Dewey’s national pressure and focusing the Governor’s campaigning towards widespread use of radio broadcasts. Domestic policy is selected as the proper focus, foreign policy remaining a distinct weak spot for Dewey due to GOP infighting. Still, there are positive developments registered at the Dewey HQ by the end of the week. A cover story for Time Magazine, despite being even handed in its prose, portrays Roosevelt and Wallace together, with the President looking thin and pale. More importantly, Brownell bursts into Dewey’s office on September 1st in a state of joy, showing the Governor a series of private polls that place Dewey in the lead after the “Dear Guru” controversy.
September 1st to September 6th, 1944
Paris and its vicinity, Occupied France:
Following the forceful halt of Leclerc’s push on Rambouillet and the subsequent removal of the 2nd French Armored Division on Eisenhower’s orders – deepening a diplomatic crisis between De Gaulle and the Western Allies -, General Bradley prepares his forces for a renewed push ahead alongside Operation Transfigure, which is launched on the night of September 1st. Despite issues with the accuracy of the drop zones, Sosabowski’s Polish Brigade and Roy Urquhart’s 1st Airborne are able to secure the Rambouillet zone after a few hours of infighting, the previous damage inflicted by the French having weakened the German defenses. The paratroopers soon link with the advancing units of the US 12th Army Group, and by the night of September 2nd the march on Paris is on. By September 3rd, the Polish paratroopers storm the Versailles area and find a delegation of the National Assembly deputies gathered around Herriot, asking for a garrison to protect their now daily meetings. Uninterested in playing French politics, Sosabowski only makes sure the Germans have abandoned the area and then presses forward. Trying again, the deputies succeed this time in getting Maj. Gen. Urquhart to leave a company behind as a courtesy, and only as a guard for the palace itself.
Within Paris, von Zangen recognizes the battle for the city is soon to reach its climax, and reviews the outer defensive perimeter once again. Attrition and the battles for Rambouillet have drained the German garrison, and the constant ambushes of the FFI have made it difficult – if not outright impossible – to freely mobilize the garrison units to where they are needed. The Allied assault on Paris begins on September 4th, a fact reported with glee by RNF broadcasts that assert the city’s suffering is almost at an end. Forced to direct the battle from the city center, von Zangen relies on Lt. Colonel von Aulock to hold the outer lines, making extensive use of 88mm guns to try and stop Allied armored columns. Initially successful in forcing the Allies to pay a heavy price, it rapidly becomes clear the German infantry – most of them coming from security divisions – are far less suited to take on the enemy forces than the considerably less well trained FFI. Colonel Aulock himself is killed in battle, and the outer perimeter breached by the night of September 5th. In the meantime, the FFI have launched what they hope is a final offensive, hoping to keep the Germans pinned down on their strongholds until the reinforcements finally fight their way through.
Despite sending messengers to Bradley, to Eisenhower and even to De Gaulle offering to help negotiate a German withdrawal from Paris and a peaceful transition of power, Herriot and the Versailles deputies go unheard. Although von Zangen is willing to entertain some sort of arrangement, the apparent lack of attention paid to this new would-be French government quickly leads him to conclude it is a pointless endeavor. Thus, the German commander feels his moment of truth has arrived. With news of the Seine front collapsing on both wings, it appears the encirclement of Paris may be imminent. Should the garrison stay in place, they would have to fight to the bitter end, and supplies are low after almost three weeks of fighting over the city. Von Zangen subsequently asks for permission to withdraw his garrison, and von Rundstedt agrees. When asked about the demolition charges placed across the metropolis, Rundstedt passes the question over to Zossen. Although some officers counsel the destruction of Paris – including bombing runs by the Luftwaffe – partly out of spite, others publically question the military benefits of such a decision. The matter is eventually settled through the intervention of President Speer, who requests the city’s architectural landmarks be preserved. Speer’s motives are eventually used as a formal justification, though, in private, many officers feel the actual reason is to avoid the eventual retribution of such an act [239].
September 7th to September 9th, 1944
Paris, Liberated France:
General von Zangen acts decisively, ordering a stage withdrawal to the east by removing his troops from the remnants of the outer perimeter and then neighborhood by neighborhood until the city can be evacuated. As they retreat, and whenever the relentless Allied advance does not prevent it, bridges are blown up, and streets filled with rubble to block the enemy armored units. The garrison can only withdraw under ceaseless harassment by the FFI, resulting in heavy casualties and even in the isolation of units that find it impossible to fight their way through. Von Zangen and his staff evacuate the Hotel Meurice on September 8th, their armored convoy successfully leaving Paris alongside Ambassador Abetz, Gestapo personnel, and collaborationists that wish to flee. Some of the Milice units fight on to prevent what they fear is the capture of the city by the Communists, but such efforts of resistance are quickly put down – most violently – by the FFI. Indeed, the Resistance troops and/or militia have no qualms in executing Milice personnel, as well as those that have been previously marked for death. On the other side of affairs, it takes significant effort for Swedish Consul Nordling to prevent last minute executions by the Gestapo, which are only countermanded as von Zangen’s last official order as garrison commander.
In a final, and wildly successful act of theatrics, Colonel Rol outmaneuvers Delegate General Parodi and General Delmas, leading his FFI units to secure the main buildings and seats of power within the city center. By that afternoon, places such as the Palais Bourbon, the Invalides, the Hotels Meurice and Majestic, and even the Élysee Palace are under firm FFI control, the Cross of Lorraine flying from them as German flags are taken down and burnt. Due to this, RNF broadcasts waste little time in proclaiming that “Paris has liberated itself”, and hail Parodi, Delmas and particularly Rol as heroes of the city. As Allied units – British, Polish and Americans – march through the streets, the signs of the struggle during the Paris Uprising are clear. Although a number of key buildings have been relatively preserved, the damage is significant. Still, the crowds pay no attention to it, flooding the streets – whenever there isn’t active gunfire – to celebrate. The Allied tanks are swamped by civilians or FFI personnel jumping towards them due to sheer exhilaration. As nightfall comes and September 8th comes into an end, Parisians still gather in the streets as though it were noon.
Improvised fireworks start showing up as enthusiastic crowds chant the Marseillaise. At moments the chanting and cheering is interrupted by further gunfire from German soldiers trapped in their barricades or buildings, resulting in immediate counterattacks by enthusiastic FFI soldiers. Effigies of Hitler and Laval – though not of Pétain – made with whatever materials are available are also burnt in bonfires, alongside posters and other material favorable to collaboration. However, as September 9th starts, the joy of liberation as Paris celebrates its first free day in four years is also shared with the apprehension or desperation of hunger. With the breakdown of the supply system within the city, many have gone hungry for days, showing clear signs of malnutrition or even starvation. Allied troops are asked for supplies, and air drops or land convoys have to be organized to try to keep the city fed. Local government is also taking shape, though clear signs of dissent show up as Parodi and his pro-Gaullist officers see pro-Communist local administrators work on their own to set up their own local government. A dispatch is immediately sent to General de Gaulle, asking for his presence. In the meantime, Colonel Rol, presently touring the streets, appears to bask in the sincere adoration of the Parisian masses.
September 1st to September 10th, 1944
Southern France, Western Front:
After the subsequent liberation of Grenoble and Vienne by the last week of August, the corps that form the US 6th Army Group converge up the River Rhone to target Lyon, with the American 6th Corps approaching from the right and the Free French forces from the left. At Lyon, currently experiencing open infighting between the Vichy milice and rebelling Resistance and maquis units, Colonel General Blaskowitz is concentrating elements of the 19th German Army, intending to have the city form his first line of defense. Thus far, Blaskowitz has conducted a manic withdrawal across Southern France, saving the vast majority of his command despite Allied air attacks and repeated attacks by the maquis. The race, however, is not yet won, and a rapid defeat at Lyon could enable the Allied forces to attempt another encirclement of the 19th Army. The Allied offensive against Lyon begins on September 1st, as the US 6th Army Corps attacks the 11th Panzer Division, the key element of the 19th Army. Despite its higher quality as a formation, said division has been covering the retreat over the past few weeks, resulting in severe attrition to air raids as well as material fatigue due to moving over bombed roads.
Soon reinforcements are needed, forcing 19th Army commander Friedrich Wiese to have one of his withdrawing corps assist in the defense of Lyon. Despite the arrival of reinforcements, the lack of morale and the widespread desertions of Hiwi volunteers and auxiliaries undermines the German resistance, and the steady arrival of more Allied units soon threatens to turn the tide. Despite being able to stall the Allies for almost a week, Wiese is forced to give up the city on September 6th, withdrawing his units back to Blaskowitz’s second planned line of defense at Dijon. Lyon is liberated on the 7th as the Maquis led by commissar Yves Farge link up with Free French troops, the city having been severely damaged during the struggle between the Maquis and the Milice. Much like in Paris, executions of Milice personnel and suspected collaborators take place, and the resulting violence and strife is enough to worry officers in the liberating French divisions. One of them, pro-de Gaulle General Diego Brosset, attempts to strip Farge and the local Resistance of police powers on September 9th, and is rebuffed. Undeterred, Brosset persists and steps in with his men to restore order, forcefully getting Farge to stand down.
The Lyon incident is repeated elsewhere across southern France, as Blaskowitz’s fast withdrawal even in the absence of German forces leaves a vacuum of power to be filled. Unfortunately for the Free French government in Algiers, not all Resistance forces are fully aligned in their views regarding the liberation and administration of French territory. In Marseille, newly appointed commissar Aubrac struggles to maintain order due to a need to purge the Vichy-loyal police, forcing him to rely on the PCF and the strong trade union movement to maintain order. In Toulouse, FFI colonel Ravanel is firmly in control over the city after the successful Resistance uprising, and then assumes supremacy over the local Gaullist commissar. Also dissolving the local police over suspected collaboration, Ravanel has it replaced by a “patriotic militia”, the core of which is formed by Communist maquis and Spanish Republicans. At the end of August, General Gabriel Cochet – FFI commander for Southern France – issues an order to disarm unreliable FFI units, which he is forced to repeat a number of times. Despite incessant touring of the region, it is clear the lack of organized local government is enabling politically engaged elements to seize control, with Ravanel being the worst offender in Cochet’s eyes [240].
August 1st to September 10th, 1944
Italian Front:
Following a few days of rest and consolidation of the supply lines for Field Marshal Harold Alexander’s 15th Army Group, the Allied forces prepare to resume their advance against the Arno River, seeking to overrun the final German positions before the Gothic Line. For his part, Field Marshal Kesselring has been hard at work trying to foresee the destination of the enemy assault, hoping to gain as much time as possible in order for the Gothic – or Green – Line to be strengthened and turned into a credible position to survive until the winter. The key weakness in Kesselring’s defenses across the Arno is generally perceived to be the city of Florence, a city that, due to its significant cultural heritage, Kesselring is loath to turn into an active battlefield. By the second week of August Alexander’s command is on the advance, having been forced to shift their original targets due to the lack of mountain troops – recently removed from the front for participation in Dragoon -. Instead, Alexander relies on an attack by the British 8th Army in the east, towards the Adriatic Coast, in the hopes of then using the US 5th Army to provide the main blow towards the center of the German lines and, eventually, the city of Bologna.
As a preamble to the operation, the 8th Army secures Florence in August 7th, with only limited damage to its historic bridges as a result of last minute sabotage. Then moving east, the Adriatic offensive begins on the 15th, causing significant surprise within the German high command as the British divisions bypass the Apennines and start to close in towards San Marino and Rimini. Soon the German 10th Army is in dire need of reinforcements, which the Italian front no longer has in sufficient numbers due to the prioritization of other fronts. Although paratrooper units are able to stall the 8th Army for a number of days taking advantage of terrain – in what Allied servicemen soon start referring as a “Monte Cassino of the east” -, and the efficient use of firepower increases Allied casualties at a point in which British manpower is already running low, the German lines are finally broken by the end of the month. Following the capture of San Marino by September 5th, Rimini is seized after a vicious urban struggle and falls on September 8th, signaling the collapse of the Arno River positions and even the easternmost portion of the Gothic line.
In the west and center of the Allied lines, General Mark Clark’s US 5th Army faces heavy German resistance by the 14th Army, which, despite being mauled in previous operations, retains a measure of strength on its center. Out west, however, the numerical and firepower disparity begins to take its toll, and Clark’s divisions are able to break through the Arno and capture Pisa and Lucca in very rapid succession by the third week of August. Having thus turned the center of the 14th Army’s position into a dangerous salient, the Allies force Kesselring to order a general withdrawal to the Gothic Line positions, bringing the battle for the Arno to a clear end by the end of August. At his headquarters, Kesselring retains his trademark optimism, but his staff are increasingly convinced that, with no reinforcements and two mauled armies, holding on the Gothic Line until winter may well prove impossible. As the fighting continues, multiple talks are held, and Kesselring eventually comes to the view that, barring the arrival of new divisions, and due to the collapse of Southern France, a prolonged stand on the Gothic Line could well result in the destruction of its forces. On September 10th, Kesselring flies to Zossen for a meeting with Guderian, intending to settle the issue of the Italian front once and for all.
August 1st to September 15th, 1944
Bern, Switzerland; Lyon, Liberated France:
The sudden collapse of the Beck government and the Valkyrie plot had been a profoundly disappointing experience for the American OSS, particularly for its director General Donovan and for Allen Dulles, its director in Switzerland. Despite last minute attempts to persuade President Roosevelt to provide support, only a handful of hastily printed leaflets had been dropped by the US Airforce by the time Guderian’s Panzers had stormed the streets of Berlin, and upon the arrest of Dulles’s highest ranking contact all communication had gone silent [241]. With the so-called “counter-coup” having clearly taken out the conspirators, Dulles had spent the bulk of August trying to piece together the eventual fate of his contacts and of the plotters themselves. Through the few surviving sources – which then went silent by trying to defect or cutting off contact – Dulles realized most were either dead or in Gestapo custody, most likely experiencing a personal hell in Gestapo Müller’s basement. The OSS agent could not help but feel the United States – and indeed the Allies – had missed on a golden opportunity to end the war right there and then, even if, from what communications he’d held with Hans Gisevius before his arrest, it seemed the Beck government did not have particularly realistic starting goals for negotiations.
General Donovan wasn’t pleased either, and was determined to get closer to the field. Recently promoted to Maj. General, and after a similar appearance in Normandy during D-Day, Donovan accompanies the landing force at St. Tropez for Operation Dragoon in August 15th, and he subsequently spends most of his time in Southern France establishing contact with Resistance and Maquis cells, and placing his own agents on the ground. Knowing he had already spent two years in Switzerland without a chance to get out, Donovan authorizes Dulles to cross the Franco-Swiss border alongside one of his most prominent officers, Lt. William Casey [242]. The trio meet at the recently liberated city of Lyon on September 15th, and Donovan and Dulles are soon deep into talks regarding the ongoing situation. Dulles confirms his earlier reports to Washington that, despite Guderian’s assumption of command, he believes the will of the German Army will crumble from the combination of Hitler’s death and the subsequent purge. More pressingly, both believe some degree of peace talks and/or an overture from Berlin will be inevitable, and worry about its outcome.
Describing the avowed policy of unconditional surrender as a “straitjacket”, Dulles believes the current Allied stance is likely to only prolong the war, which will likely benefit the Soviet Union greatly by providing them with the opportunity to occupy parts of Germany [243]. Both Donovan and Dulles are already thinking aloud of the eventual post-war situation, and their concern over Soviet advances to the West is palpable, but not shared by much of the present Administration. After Donovan makes an awkward joke about Dulles’ brother, who happens to be Thomas Dewey’s foreign policy advisor, both men move into other subjects. It has been decided Donovan will be operating out of London for the foreseeable time, with Dulles by his side. The OSS Director has ambitious plans for the future, including the prospect of rallying anti-Nazi elements within Germany, and pushing for drastic measure regarding the German high ranking officers and politicians who still live (or rule) after the war is over.
August 1st to September 10th, 1944
Gargnano, Italian Social Republic:
Despite the significant blow to his self-confidence caused by the death of Hitler and the German political upheaval, Benito Mussolini appears to recover a measure of determination after a few days of reflection and discussions at Gargnano. Intending to take advantage of the new German government, Mussolini pushes for a number of measures previously denied by Berlin, which include the use of his Italian troops to fight the Allies instead of anti-partisan operations, an offensive to throw the Allies into disarray and recover terrain in Italy, and a demand for greater effective authority for the Salo Republic. To his immense disappointment, not only is Guderian completely opposed to an offensive, he reiterates previous demands by the Wehrmacht that Italian armed personnel should be conscripted for service in Germany, manning anti-aircraft units and building fortifications. Taking the refusals and pressures as a personal insult, Mussolini takes a symbolic revenge of his own by firing Interior Minister Guido Buffarini Guidi, who – aside from having been a close SS ally – is seen as corrupt, too pro-German, and now a personal rival of Mussolini [244]. Irate yet finding Kesselring unwilling to demand his reinstatement due to his ties to Himmler, Buffarini Guidi withdraws and starts seeking out rivals of Mussolini for a plot of his own.
As the Allies storm the Arno River and prepare for the battle of the Gothic Line, Mussolini spends several days at Gargnano holed up with his friend – and socialist revolutionary – Nicola Bombacci and with party secretary Alessandro Pavolini, discussing the future. In Mussolini’s view, the ideal solution is to end the war with the Western Allies, and having previously opened up contact with neutral diplomats, he takes a step further and sends a messenger to the Vatican, expressing his intention to offer the Allies an anti-Soviet Alliance – with or without Germany - involving his own Italian regime. Having to also consider the possibility of not being able to split the Allies apart, Mussolini keeps two options open: one, escape to Switzerland and/or Spain, which while not to his liking is strongly pushed by Bombacci. The other, to lead a “final stand” for Fascism in Milan or at the Valtellina valley near the Alps, which is Pavolini’s brainchild. In Pavolini’s own words, the Duce could go out like a hero in a “Fascist Thermopylae”. With the final stand concept appealing to his romanticism, Mussolini also orders Pavolini to start making arrangements [245].
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Notes for Part XVII:
[226] All of this is OTL. Felt it was a good idea to provide context on Dewey, as we’ll be following the 1944 US Presidential Election closely.
[227] OTL too. The letters were almost published, but there was fear of mutual destruction between both tickets.
[228] Bricker did make this mistake. Truman only started speaking for the campaign on early September, but being the incumbent VP Wallace has every opportunity to comment (more so on FDR’s absence), and he delivers. Ironically, his blistering attacks make him a more tempting target for the GOP.
[229] Both operations were planned but never got implemented due to the fast Allied advance. Here they become viable. Axehead is essentially OTL Axehead II, Transfigure is somewhat modified (the original, it seems, was to cut off the withdrawal of German units towards Chartres and Paris during the post-Falaise withdrawal).
[230] An uneducated guess of how the units would be deployed. Perhaps it would have been decided in such a scenario to keep the Airborne divisions together. I figured the combined urgency of bypassing the Seine defenses AND liberating Paris justified two separate operations.
[231] When originally confronted in the 1948 Presidential Election campaign, Wallace refused to answer after journalists asked him again and again, and greatly hurt his public image in the process. Even worse, he snapped at the journalists and called them “stooges” of Prager. Here, confronted four years earlier, he manages to keep his cool, and lives to fight another day.
[232] OTL this meeting was judged to be an important success for the Dewey campaign, as it showed the potential for policy continuity in foreign policy. Here they lose that advantage, having sought gains through the release of the Dear Guru letters.
[233] This is all a guess. For all I know, Roosevelt could have told Wallace to resign outright. But he showed a remarkable aversion to confront Wallace before the 1944 DNC in OTL, and narratively I think it’s plausible he could have held off from making a rash decision.
[234] Had to borrow from history here, this is Wallace doing the “Checkers Speech” routine before Nixon came up with it. We’ll see how it works for him.
[235] Of course, leaving such garrisons behind to hold the ports, while suicidal in the long run for those men, also prevented the Allies from moving supplies fast enough. It’s a trade-off that’s worth pondering. I do think the notion of having these fortress cities should not be considered something only Hitler would push for, but after so long being told retreat is unacceptable, I think local commanders would prioritize saving troops.
[236] Due to a more effective German resistance, Patton is unable to get as far as in OTL before exhausting his fuel supply. Still an impressive achievement considering his starting point in Normandy.
[237] Again, not sure if Eleanor Roosevelt could or would have tried to save Wallace. But they were friends and she had saved him at the 1940 DNC, so it’s not impossible. In the end, there’s a bit of a “sunk cost fallacy” at play, in that Roosevelt is compelled to decide he has to stand by Wallace and avoid losing even more. Or because he may lose even more with the choices offered to him, none of which were perfect. Of course, we know Truman, though heavily attacked over the Pendergast connection, survived it without issues. FDR doesn’t know that.
[238] Another Checkers parallel, but based partly in truth. Wallace is generally believed to have clearly written the letters, but some of the stuff Prager showed had inconsistencies.
[239] Thus the cultural heritage of Paris is saved. Not of out of the kindness of hearts, but mostly out of cold pragmatism. I have to imagine Speer would actually oppose it due his background and profession. Of course, the Germans are also assuming the French won’t be angry in the first place after a three-week battle for the city.
[240] Much of what we see in Marseilles, Lyon and Toulouse is OTL, with somewhat altered details or context. Planting some seeds for the future.
[241] Catching up with had happened earlier regarding Dulles and “Wild Bill” Donovan.
[242] Thus far, mostly OTL events and reactions with some small changes. Casey may be more familiar to some readers as Reagan’s controversial Director of Central Intelligence during Iran-Contra. I have to say I love doing research and finding people who are to be famous later in the background of events.
[243] These views were held OTL, and will be even more rampant in a world where Hitler is gone. The war seems even more of an afterthought for Donovan and Dulles, and they do not want the Soviets to be the one who profit from all of this.
[244] Buffarini Guidi was fired much later in OTL. Here, Mussolini can assert greater political autonomy because SS overlord Wolff is arrested and not replaced.
[245] Mussolini did want to make this alliance offer, it seems. He also entertained the notion of a last stand, but never committed to it until it was too late. Here he was more time to come to terms with how he wants things to play out, with less hope in a miraculous German victory.