An Age of Miracles Continues: The Empire of Rhomania

East-1644: The Never-Ending Thunder
East-1644: The Never-Ending Thunder

After the battle of the Jhelum, or the Hydaspes, the Romano-Persians easily secure the former lands of Alemdar Mustafa Pasha, but afterwards they must rest. They have performed prodigies over the past year, but they are still men of flesh and bone, not iron. Aside from the areas near the battlefield, the Punjabi countryside is rich and fertile, providing ample supplies, and the soldiers rest and feed, their lean frames filling out again.

However the plan is not to return to Persia once the army has rested, even though the threat of Ibrahim has been eliminated. Iskandar may have no more dynastic challengers, but his authority is thin and his legitimacy based on conquest. He has several military victories and exploits to his credit, but they are almost all over Persians. Even Alemdar Mustafa Pasha and his army were largely Persians, albeit renegade ones.

Iskandar wants something more substantial and impressive and frankly less awkward before he returns to Persia. He is in India where his father’s most lucrative victories had been won. A victorious and profitable campaign in these lands would do much to remind everyone that he is a son of Iskandar the Great, which is a reminder everyone needs in his opinion. The mysterious end of Ibrahim is already inspiring stories, and he was the eldest son of Iskandar the Great and his chosen successor after all. Iskandar needs something dramatic for his own portfolio. The vast wealth that could be gained in a successful expedition would also be rather useful. His authority does need to be consolidated, but the process would be much easier and effective if he has some Indian laurels to his credit. The possible benefits are worth delaying his return proper.

Odysseus’s reasons are less clear, with historians debating the reasons. But he is certainly willing to participate in such a venture once the soldiers are rested and the monsoon rains clear.

* * *

Outside of Lahore, February 16, 1644:

Odysseus walked through the ranks of cannons parked at the side of the field. The occasional boom echoed over as artillerymen practiced. They were a mix of pieces, varying in size and origin, Roman mikropurs, Ottoman culverins, and those Triune 15-pounders. Those were some good cannons; Odysseus had yet to meet a gunner who did not love them.

He didn’t love them. He certainly respected them, but he couldn’t love them. He was too familiar with their capabilities. For while he had used them to great effect in battle, he had also been under those very guns. These guns were the source, the origin, of the never-ending thunder of his dreams, which shook his bones and made his joints ache, that cut through his body as if it were nothing. He had seen too many comrades, too many friends, die by those pieces when they had been commanded by Vauban. That certainly didn’t stop him from using them; he was too much of a pragmatist for that. But that meant a part of him couldn’t help but feel a bit ill just looking at them. He couldn’t help but wonder if this very piece sitting in front of him had been the one to fire the shot that killed Andronikos, or Alexios, or Ioannes, or…

He looked away from the cannon toward the horizon. Those guns had been part of the army of Theodor, and yet Odysseus no longer could find it in himself to hate Theodor. Theodor was no more; he had perished shortly after Demetrios. But his final words, and that question, especially coming so soon after Odysseus’s final conversation with his father, could not fail to strike Odysseus in his heart. After that, he could no longer find it in him to hate Theodor. Envy perhaps, to be honest, since Odysseus wondered if he could truthfully answer the question the same as Theodor, but no longer hate.

Yet that certainly did not mean there was no longer hate in his heart. Theodor at least had believed in something. He at least had a grand vision. Perhaps, probably, it was an insane vision, a dream of reuniting the west and the east, of restoring a bond sundered a thousand years ago. But Odysseus Sideros was in no position to judge the man for having insane visions.

Those guns though had not truly been Theodor’s. They had been Henri’s. The Triune monarch believed in nothing other than power itself. Theodor’s attack never would’ve been so devastating if not for those guns, sent by Henri solely as a cynical maneuver to ensure that as many of his foes would kill themselves. Henri had sent these devices that had killed so many Romans, so many of his friends, and ensured that his sleep was haunted and gave him little rest.

Marching into King’s Harbor and flattening the city, salting the earth, and killing every-single-thing in it was not possible. He understood and accepted that, and knew even if he could it would not stop the never-ending thunder. Nothing could. But he wanted revenge anyway. And if he had to march halfway across Asia to get it, so be it.

* * *

1644 continued: Early 1644 is primarily a time of consolidation and rest, with some diplomacy mixed in as well. A column secures the lower Indus, linking up with the Ethiopian enclave at Thatta. The Ethiopians provide supplies, information, and offer 1200 infantry as reinforcements for the army, an offer Odysseus happily accepts. At this point the army of Odysseus and Iskandar is quite heterogeneous, with those of Roman origin now falling below 40%. While specific individual formations still are homogeneous to their recruits’ place of origin, broader formations are now mixed. Romans and Persians truly fight side-by-side, comrades in arms with friendship forged in long marches and great battles and shared privations and dangers.

Iskandar briefly leaves the army to travel to Thatta, taking ship to Gamrun and Hormuz to personally accept their submissions. While he doesn’t leave the coast, he does take the opportunity to send missives and establish appointments to help consolidate his authority in Persia. After doing that he returns the way he came and rejoins the army.

Things are quiet in his absence. Odysseus has been hard at work at his campaign paintings; he had had little opportunity to do so since Khorramabad and is making up for lost time. Many detail various aspects of camp life and are highly valued by modern historians as visual aids, detailing elements that so often are left out of the history texts. There are also natural landscapes, either devoid of human activity or showing a few small figures utterly dwarfed by nature. These are not just of the Punjab but stretch across Persia and Afghanistan. Odysseus had not had time to paint in most of 1643, but he had made quick pencil sketches of sights he wanted to capture, developing them into paintings now.

It is not all just painting for Odysseus. While Iskandar in Hormuz, Odysseus suffers his first injury in the campaign. While out inspecting some exercises, his horse stumbles and throws him. The damage does not seem to be severe; after a few days’ convalescence the Basileus returns to his regular routine.

There are also ambassadors from the great states of India arriving in Lahore, clearly interested in the shift of political power and concerned about the possible implications. The ambassadors are well-treated but Odysseus declines to discuss business with them until his friend and brother the Shahanshah returns.

Once Iskandar returns to Lahore, the Romano-Persian intentions are quickly made clear. The ambassador from Awadh is strongly criticized for his master’s apparent willingness to support Ibrahim (incriminating letters had been found in the Punjabi camp), an act the duo find hostile. They demand compensation for the encouragement of their enemies, in absolutely stupendous quantities. The pair clearly expect these demands to be refused and are not disappointed.

Odysseus and Iskandar are clearly acting aggressively and looking for a fight, but their target is hardly innocent on that count either. Chandragupta had been most disturbed by the appearance of a new and powerful threat on his western flank, and very keen to avoid a reprisal of Iskandar the Great’s invasions of northern India. In his mind, it would be best to nip this new threat in the bud. The ambassador had been sent to gather intelligence and, if possible, convince the pair to quit the Indus. In the likely chance that the ambassador could not do the latter, Chandragupta was ready to use military force to achieve it, and made the necessary preparation to launch the attack once the summer monsoon rains had ended.

The pair are much warmer to the Sikh representative, Ranjit Singh, who has prior contacts with the Romans. The Sikhs, concerned about their large and overbearing neighbor which had clear designs on their holdings around Delhi and Agra, are eager for an alliance. Meanwhile Odysseus and Iskandar, well aware that Chandragupta’s forces outnumber theirs handily, are eager for more manpower. An alliance is soon formed with the Sikhs pledging to commit 10,000 troops that will fight in a contingent under their own officers but answering to the joint leadership of the Basileus and the Shahanshah.

The meetings with the Vijayanagara ambassador are more complicated. Venkata Raya is concerned about a new imperial power in the Indus valley, in contrast to the mere regional power that had been Alemdar Mustafa Pasha’s Punjab. But he is not as bothered as Chandragupta, or even his younger self who had marched with such great hosts against Ibrahim (and felt keenly the expense of such efforts).

His concern is the existence of a great power in northern India. Vijayanagar had been founded primarily as a bulwark against northern aggression, from the Delhi Sultanate. The destruction of the Delhi Sultanate had eliminated that danger, but the fear and concern of a replacement remains in Vijayanagar. The attack on Ibrahim had been an effort to destroy what looked like a new northern threat in the form of Persia. However that effort had been followed by the meteoric rise of Awadh, which has clearly revived the northern danger, particularly when combined with its alliance with Triune Bengal.

Venkata Raya considers Chandragupta a greater threat than Iskandar and Odysseus. The former has far more human and material resources and his power base is much closer to Vijayanagar. But he also doesn’t want to destroy Awadh and see it replaced by a massive Persia-in-India realm.

So he is open to overtures from the pair, but keeps them at arm’s length. He is willing to cooperate against Awadh by launching attacks of his own at the same as the pair launch an offensive, but he is not willing to send troops to fight under the pair’s command. He does send money to the Sikhs to help them outfit their contribution, and more directly to the pair. He promises even more once their common enemy is defeated and the pair are returning to their own lands. The hint is obvious, but then it was intended to be.

As the summer monsoon fades, Iskandar and Odysseus have a little over 50,000 men under their command without the Sikhs, twenty thousand Romans and thirty thousand Persians and Afghans. They head out, music playing and banners flying, passing beyond the limits of what Alexandros Megas had been able to go two millennia past, heading ever farther to the east.
 
East-1644: The Never-Ending Thunder

After the battle of the Jhelum, or the Hydaspes, the Romano-Persians easily secure the former lands of Alemdar Mustafa Pasha, but afterwards they must rest. They have performed prodigies over the past year, but they are still men of flesh and bone, not iron. Aside from the areas near the battlefield, the Punjabi countryside is rich and fertile, providing ample supplies, and the soldiers rest and feed, their lean frames filling out again.

However the plan is not to return to Persia once the army has rested, even though the threat of Ibrahim has been eliminated. Iskandar may have no more dynastic challengers, but his authority is thin and his legitimacy based on conquest. He has several military victories and exploits to his credit, but they are almost all over Persians. Even Alemdar Mustafa Pasha and his army were largely Persians, albeit renegade ones.

Iskandar wants something more substantial and impressive and frankly less awkward before he returns to Persia. He is in India where his father’s most lucrative victories had been won. A victorious and profitable campaign in these lands would do much to remind everyone that he is a son of Iskandar the Great, which is a reminder everyone needs in his opinion. The mysterious end of Ibrahim is already inspiring stories, and he was the eldest son of Iskandar the Great and his chosen successor after all. Iskandar needs something dramatic for his own portfolio. The vast wealth that could be gained in a successful expedition would also be rather useful. His authority does need to be consolidated, but the process would be much easier and effective if he has some Indian laurels to his credit. The possible benefits are worth delaying his return proper.

Odysseus’s reasons are less clear, with historians debating the reasons. But he is certainly willing to participate in such a venture once the soldiers are rested and the monsoon rains clear.

* * *

Outside of Lahore, February 16, 1644:

Odysseus walked through the ranks of cannons parked at the side of the field. The occasional boom echoed over as artillerymen practiced. They were a mix of pieces, varying in size and origin, Roman mikropurs, Ottoman culverins, and those Triune 15-pounders. Those were some good cannons; Odysseus had yet to meet a gunner who did not love them.

He didn’t love them. He certainly respected them, but he couldn’t love them. He was too familiar with their capabilities. For while he had used them to great effect in battle, he had also been under those very guns. These guns were the source, the origin, of the never-ending thunder of his dreams, which shook his bones and made his joints ache, that cut through his body as if it were nothing. He had seen too many comrades, too many friends, die by those pieces when they had been commanded by Vauban. That certainly didn’t stop him from using them; he was too much of a pragmatist for that. But that meant a part of him couldn’t help but feel a bit ill just looking at them. He couldn’t help but wonder if this very piece sitting in front of him had been the one to fire the shot that killed Andronikos, or Alexios, or Ioannes, or…

He looked away from the cannon toward the horizon. Those guns had been part of the army of Theodor, and yet Odysseus no longer could find it in himself to hate Theodor. Theodor was no more; he had perished shortly after Demetrios. But his final words, and that question, especially coming so soon after Odysseus’s final conversation with his father, could not fail to strike Odysseus in his heart. After that, he could no longer find it in him to hate Theodor. Envy perhaps, to be honest, since Odysseus wondered if he could truthfully answer the question the same as Theodor, but no longer hate.

Yet that certainly did not mean there was no longer hate in his heart. Theodor at least had believed in something. He at least had a grand vision. Perhaps, probably, it was an insane vision, a dream of reuniting the west and the east, of restoring a bond sundered a thousand years ago. But Odysseus Sideros was in no position to judge the man for having insane visions.

Those guns though had not truly been Theodor’s. They had been Henri’s. The Triune monarch believed in nothing other than power itself. Theodor’s attack never would’ve been so devastating if not for those guns, sent by Henri solely as a cynical maneuver to ensure that as many of his foes would kill themselves. Henri had sent these devices that had killed so many Romans, so many of his friends, and ensured that his sleep was haunted and gave him little rest.

Marching into King’s Harbor and flattening the city, salting the earth, and killing every-single-thing in it was not possible. He understood and accepted that, and knew even if he could it would not stop the never-ending thunder. Nothing could. But he wanted revenge anyway. And if he had to march halfway across Asia to get it, so be it.

* * *

1644 continued: Early 1644 is primarily a time of consolidation and rest, with some diplomacy mixed in as well. A column secures the lower Indus, linking up with the Ethiopian enclave at Thatta. The Ethiopians provide supplies, information, and offer 1200 infantry as reinforcements for the army, an offer Odysseus happily accepts. At this point the army of Odysseus and Iskandar is quite heterogeneous, with those of Roman origin now falling below 40%. While specific individual formations still are homogeneous to their recruits’ place of origin, broader formations are now mixed. Romans and Persians truly fight side-by-side, comrades in arms with friendship forged in long marches and great battles and shared privations and dangers.

Iskandar briefly leaves the army to travel to Thatta, taking ship to Gamrun and Hormuz to personally accept their submissions. While he doesn’t leave the coast, he does take the opportunity to send missives and establish appointments to help consolidate his authority in Persia. After doing that he returns the way he came and rejoins the army.

Things are quiet in his absence. Odysseus has been hard at work at his campaign paintings; he had had little opportunity to do so since Khorramabad and is making up for lost time. Many detail various aspects of camp life and are highly valued by modern historians as visual aids, detailing elements that so often are left out of the history texts. There are also natural landscapes, either devoid of human activity or showing a few small figures utterly dwarfed by nature. These are not just of the Punjab but stretch across Persia and Afghanistan. Odysseus had not had time to paint in most of 1643, but he had made quick pencil sketches of sights he wanted to capture, developing them into paintings now.

It is not all just painting for Odysseus. While Iskandar in Hormuz, Odysseus suffers his first injury in the campaign. While out inspecting some exercises, his horse stumbles and throws him. The damage does not seem to be severe; after a few days’ convalescence the Basileus returns to his regular routine.

There are also ambassadors from the great states of India arriving in Lahore, clearly interested in the shift of political power and concerned about the possible implications. The ambassadors are well-treated but Odysseus declines to discuss business with them until his friend and brother the Shahanshah returns.

Once Iskandar returns to Lahore, the Romano-Persian intentions are quickly made clear. The ambassador from Awadh is strongly criticized for his master’s apparent willingness to support Ibrahim (incriminating letters had been found in the Punjabi camp), an act the duo find hostile. They demand compensation for the encouragement of their enemies, in absolutely stupendous quantities. The pair clearly expect these demands to be refused and are not disappointed.

Odysseus and Iskandar are clearly acting aggressively and looking for a fight, but their target is hardly innocent on that count either. Chandragupta had been most disturbed by the appearance of a new and powerful threat on his western flank, and very keen to avoid a reprisal of Iskandar the Great’s invasions of northern India. In his mind, it would be best to nip this new threat in the bud. The ambassador had been sent to gather intelligence and, if possible, convince the pair to quit the Indus. In the likely chance that the ambassador could not do the latter, Chandragupta was ready to use military force to achieve it, and made the necessary preparation to launch the attack once the summer monsoon rains had ended.

The pair are much warmer to the Sikh representative, Ranjit Singh, who has prior contacts with the Romans. The Sikhs, concerned about their large and overbearing neighbor which had clear designs on their holdings around Delhi and Agra, are eager for an alliance. Meanwhile Odysseus and Iskandar, well aware that Chandragupta’s forces outnumber theirs handily, are eager for more manpower. An alliance is soon formed with the Sikhs pledging to commit 10,000 troops that will fight in a contingent under their own officers but answering to the joint leadership of the Basileus and the Shahanshah.

The meetings with the Vijayanagara ambassador are more complicated. Venkata Raya is concerned about a new imperial power in the Indus valley, in contrast to the mere regional power that had been Alemdar Mustafa Pasha’s Punjab. But he is not as bothered as Chandragupta, or even his younger self who had marched with such great hosts against Ibrahim (and felt keenly the expense of such efforts).

His concern is the existence of a great power in northern India. Vijayanagar had been founded primarily as a bulwark against northern aggression, from the Delhi Sultanate. The destruction of the Delhi Sultanate had eliminated that danger, but the fear and concern of a replacement remains in Vijayanagar. The attack on Ibrahim had been an effort to destroy what looked like a new northern threat in the form of Persia. However that effort had been followed by the meteoric rise of Awadh, which has clearly revived the northern danger, particularly when combined with its alliance with Triune Bengal.

Venkata Raya considers Chandragupta a greater threat than Iskandar and Odysseus. The former has far more human and material resources and his power base is much closer to Vijayanagar. But he also doesn’t want to destroy Awadh and see it replaced by a massive Persia-in-India realm.

So he is open to overtures from the pair, but keeps them at arm’s length. He is willing to cooperate against Awadh by launching attacks of his own at the same as the pair launch an offensive, but he is not willing to send troops to fight under the pair’s command. He does send money to the Sikhs to help them outfit their contribution, and more directly to the pair. He promises even more once their common enemy is defeated and the pair are returning to their own lands. The hint is obvious, but then it was intended to be.

As the summer monsoon fades, Iskandar and Odysseus have a little over 50,000 men under their command without the Sikhs, twenty thousand Romans and thirty thousand Persians and Afghans. They head out, music playing and banners flying, passing beyond the limits of what Alexandros Megas had been able to go two millennia past, heading ever farther to the east.
Oh shit...., OH SHIT! Are they about to conquer India?! Their serious?! and they want to do it with only 50,000 men?!
 
Oh shit...., OH SHIT! Are they about to conquer India?! Their serious?! and they want to do it with only 50,000 men?!
Nah they cant conquer it. Iskander certainly wants to conquer parts of northern India, but do remember that Vijayangar and other Indian states won't allow that easily without some effective counter.

Besides there are Ethiopian amd Roman interest to consider. Who have their own certain interest in the region. Ethiopia being weak and not strong there will certainly not allow an uber Persia ever on India.

Ody is still the Roman emperor so even if friends he's certainly still achieving Roman interest. And the destruction of Triune allies and territory in India certainly has its appeal.
 
In my honest opinion, this whole invasion isn't a good look for Iskander and Odysseus. They're sacrificing so much men and straining their supply lines even further (despite both being utterly devastated by the war and the Little Ice Age) just so they could be greater than Alexander the Great who faced similar issues despite winning against the Indian kingdoms millennia past. They could've waited for this opportunity, yet are strangely pressed for glory and revenge against the Triunes. I do think Chandragupta needs to teach the both of them a lesson on hubris. They might have overthrew Ibrahim, flattened the Middle East, and brought both nations closer together, but even Alexander had to be brought down to reality.
 
In my honest opinion, this whole invasion isn't a good look for Iskander and Odysseus. They're sacrificing so much men and straining their supply lines even further (despite both being utterly devastated by the war and the Little Ice Age) just so they could be greater than Alexander the Great who faced similar issues despite winning against the Indian kingdoms millennia past. They could've waited for this opportunity, yet are strangely pressed for glory and revenge against the Triunes. I do think Chandragupta needs to teach the both of them a lesson on hubris. They might have overthrew Ibrahim, flattened the Middle East, and brought both nations closer together, but even Alexander had to be brought down to reality.
At least on Iskander's part this seems a calculated move to improve his legitimacy. Win notable victories with strong symbolic value, but likely not seize too much territory. Odysseus certainly entertains no dreams of conquest and is mostly interested in vengeance, however limited, against the Triunes. Likely this last campaign will turn into a very large scale raid more than a war of conquest, and forcing Awadh to accept favorable terms before turning for home.

Likely the Persians will struggle to hold any land in Northern Persia for at least a generation, but given that their supply lines are largely local as far as food goes, I doubt it is much trouble to fight a short, sharp campaign against Awadh before finally turning for home, given that they have already made it to the region anyways and have had time for their troops to rest and recover from previous campaigns.
 
Well, this is going to be exciting, taking on a strong North Indian state, with Sikh allies to eventually make it to Bengal? That sounds interesting, and with the tacit approval of Vijayanagar?

I hope they have no illusions of conquering Awadh, but I could see the Romans wanting to take over parts of Triune Bengal (or at least break their hold on it) and leaving the rest under some sort of mutual pact with Vijayanagar, or just taking it with Vijayanagari blessing if they can, though I'd be sceptical of getting that blessing since it'd put Romans, Ethiopians and Persians at all corners of India and that ain't great.

I do hope this isn't a roflstomp or a brutal lesson in humility. This is an army of hardened veterans that have marched from Mesopotamia to the Ganges. I don't expect them to conquer Awadh, but I can see Vijayanagar wanting them to loot it as much as possible (Which gives Iskandar his great victory) and having their ally in Triune Bengal become an enemy in Roman Bengal. It shifts the balance of power further in Vijayanagars power and away from Awadh.

Weirdly, this could be interesting in Europe - the Triunes losing Bengal to the Romans would be a pretty visible sign of the Romans stuffing the Triunes (though I don't know if the whole "beyond the line" rules apply here) which could be interesting back home, but also in RITE, because of the rise of Lotharingian merchants there.

What does concern me is that this ranges from a small to a catastrophic gamble for the Romans. They could lose a field army, that would be a tragedy, but it already achieved its main goal. The problem is the risk of Iskandar or Odysseus dying. Losing an Emperor is never great, especially one so young, but losing Iskandar would render the entire last campaign pointless. Who would take over?
 

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In my honest opinion, this whole invasion isn't a good look for Iskander and Odysseus. They're sacrificing so much men and straining their supply lines even further (despite both being utterly devastated by the war and the Little Ice Age) just so they could be greater than Alexander the Great who faced similar issues despite winning against the Indian kingdoms millennia past. They could've waited for this opportunity, yet are strangely pressed for glory and revenge against the Triunes. I do think Chandragupta needs to teach the both of them a lesson on hubris. They might have overthrew Ibrahim, flattened the Middle East, and brought both nations closer together, but even Alexander had to be brought down to reality.
Little Ice Age hasn't had an effect yet, or not much of one. And for Iskander this is important, knocking the strongest neighbor down a peg helps secure his eastern border along the Hindu Kush and Indus. And if they do leave after doing so helps the other Indian states know they can work with them and helps secure that nascent alliance with the Sikhs.

Plus in Chandragupta's case this is also an effort by his neighbors to teach him, and the Triunes, some hubris about their own designs in northern India.
 
At least on Iskander's part this seems a calculated move to improve his legitimacy. Win notable victories with strong symbolic value, but likely not seize too much territory. Odysseus certainly entertains no dreams of conquest and is mostly interested in vengeance, however limited, against the Triunes. Likely this last campaign will turn into a very large scale raid more than a war of conquest, and forcing Awadh to accept favorable terms before turning for home.
I do hope this isn't a roflstomp or a brutal lesson in humility. This is an army of hardened veterans that have marched from Mesopotamia to the Ganges. I don't expect them to conquer Awadh, but I can see Vijayanagar wanting them to loot it as much as possible (Which gives Iskandar his great victory) and having their ally in Triune Bengal become an enemy in Roman Bengal. It shifts the balance of power further in Vijayanagars power and away from Awadh.
Looking back, I think this is the case if Iskander is in control of this campaign over Odysseus who obviously has less realistic reasons of fighting Awadh. A Hydapses or two is possible thanks to their resourcefulness and martial genius but conquering Awadh or Northern India is extremely hard, or even impossible. In the end I can see Awadh cede territory and/or be forced to concede that the Punjab and the Indus is under Persian suzerainty, but not much else.

Either way, that will most likely satisfy Iskander or perhaps even Odysseus. If both of them recognize the limitations that they are in and stick to war goals that are realistic then this campaign can be a success. But if they push too hard and have dreams of outright conquest in this situation than it shouldn't be a surprise when Chandragupta starves them out and turns this whole war for the worst, even with Indian support.

Besides that, is Awadh even a Triune ally? It might make Odysseus's motivation a bit more realistic (cripple one of Henri's allies in the region and leave Bengal vulnerable) but if he wants even a piece of Triune Bengal through Awadh then that's absolutely crazy.

Little Ice Age hasn't had an effect yet, or not much of one. And for Iskander this is important, knocking the strongest neighbor down a peg helps secure his eastern border along the Hindu Kush and Indus. And if they do leave after doing so helps the other Indian states know they can work with them and helps secure that nascent alliance with the Sikhs.
The worst hasn't struck Rhomania or Persia, yes, but the Little Ice Age is still happening (the worst of it is coming pretty soon as it is 1644). It will undoubtedly have an effect on the campaign or the home front, especially since this isn't after a decade of recovery of munitions, supplies, and manpower, but literally after Ibrahim was killed, so their success when both of their states have been depleted in the War of Wrath should be something of concern, imo.
 
I reckon the Roman-Persians will probably their battles, but at a high cost. B444 did say Odysseus' reign will look glorious, as long as you don't look into the details.

But in any case, if they're able to destroy some Indian armies and sack some key cities, they may be able to recoup the vast expense in blood, Roman manpower must be stretched to the limit.
 
Besides that, is Awadh even a Triune ally? It might make Odysseus's motivation a bit more realistic (cripple one of Henri's allies in the region and leave Bengal vulnerable) but if he wants even a piece of Triune Bengal through Awadh then that's absolutely crazy.
Possibly... then one notes that the fleets of the empire in the east both military and civilian are around...
 
Roman manpower must be stretched to the limit.
I'm not sure about that. It isn't in good shape but I think it was said that Odysseus brought a relatively compact force. Replacements would have bled reserves more but given the Roman force is less than half it's original size, they stopped receiving reinforcements a while back
 
Besides that, is Awadh even a Triune ally?
Yes, they signed the Treaty of Patna in 1637
Roman force is less than half it's original size
Maybe they just devoted less forces for the Indian expedition and sent the rest home to Mesopotamia after propping up their allies in Persia.

One possible solution re: Awadh is just feed its remains to neutral statelets like the Sikhs, Nepalis or the Rajputs. Secure favorable trade concessions and draw them into their economic sphere. Maybe nab Chittagong, Cuttack or Kolkata or other ports if they can hold it with their navy.
 
Maybe they just devoted less forces for the Indian expedition and sent the rest home to Mesopotamia after propping up their allies in Persia.
That's perfectly reasonable as well. Especially considering it might be better to send soldiers who suffer serious injuries or sickness due to the hardships of campaigning home rather than hoping they will be able to convalesce in camp. Saves them the mouths to feed and keeps the army moving faster, and with allies growing in numbers around them the reduction of the army's strength isn't catastrophic.

So again, I am further convinced that while this war isn't good for the Roman's manpower pool, its not catastrophic. It even will have the plus side of feeding more experienced veterans back into the system (not that they need more) which will come in handy in the conflict in the West that has been foreshadowed.
 
That's perfectly reasonable as well. Especially considering it might be better to send soldiers who suffer serious injuries or sickness due to the hardships of campaigning home rather than hoping they will be able to convalesce in camp. Saves them the mouths to feed and keeps the army moving faster, and with allies growing in numbers around them the reduction of the army's strength isn't catastrophic.

So again, I am further convinced that while this war isn't good for the Roman's manpower pool, its not catastrophic. It even will have the plus side of feeding more experienced veterans back into the system (not that they need more) which will come in handy in the conflict in the West that has been foreshadowed.
Maybe I'm just spacing right now, but is there an expected conflict with the west coming? I was under the impression that at the end of this, Rhomania was set up for a decade or two of peace easily. Italy has been settled, Germany and Poland may want revenge but they are in no state financially or demographically to do so. They have nothing but allies to the north and the eastern frontier is about to be secure assuming nothing terrible happens to Iskander. There's plenty of room for conflicts in the far east, but that would involve different resources.

I think the only near term issues would be tragedy befalls Iskander and a new dynasty rises and wants to distance themselves from him by attacking the Romans, but they'll be exhausted after all this too, or if somehow they got on bad terms with Russia, which could be disastrous.

Unless you're talking about the upcoming campaign in North Africa, in which case I don't see any major troop commitments being a part of that. I'd be shocked if they sent more than a couple tagma along with the navy. Remember that will be a coalition and Italy, Spain, Arles and Aragon (I think they signed up too, I can't remember) have much more on the line and are likely to match or exceed Rhomania's contribution.
 
Rome doesn't have a manpower problem, it has a finance problem. That's why the army is so relatively small. From "Rhomania 1639-1640."

Odysseus wants to resume the war with Ibrahim as soon as the truce expires but knows that due to the Empire’s finances, vast great hosts are not available. He is fighting this with Eternal War level resources, meaning one big field army and that’s pretty much it.
(Emphasis is mine).

Between the three scandals at the end of D3's reign, a post-war economic downturn independent of those scandals, and the Little Ice Age, the Roman economy is not doing well. Hence the relatively small army size on this trip east.
 

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Rome doesn't have a manpower problem, it has a finance problem. That's why the army is so relatively small. From "Rhomania 1639-1640."


(Emphasis is mine).

Between the three scandals at the end of D3's reign, a post-war economic downturn independent of those scandals, and the Little Ice Age, the Roman economy is not doing well. Hence the relatively small army size on this trip east.
Yeah, if anything Rhomania probably has pretty decent manpower after the past decade or so since the War of Rhoman Succession, though probably still below peak manpower. But as was once said, money is the sinews of war and without it all the bodies in the world will do little, a fact Rhomania knows better than most.
 
Maybe I'm just spacing right now, but is there an expected conflict with the west coming? I was under the impression that at the end of this, Rhomania was set up for a decade or two of peace easily. Italy has been settled, Germany and Poland may want revenge but they are in no state financially or demographically to do so. They have nothing but allies to the north and the eastern frontier is about to be secure assuming nothing terrible happens to Iskander. There's plenty of room for conflicts in the far east, but that would involve different resources.

I think the only near term issues would be tragedy befalls Iskander and a new dynasty rises and wants to distance themselves from him by attacking the Romans, but they'll be exhausted after all this too, or if somehow they got on bad terms with Russia, which could be disastrous.

Unless you're talking about the upcoming campaign in North Africa, in which case I don't see any major troop commitments being a part of that. I'd be shocked if they sent more than a couple tagma along with the navy. Remember that will be a coalition and Italy, Spain, Arles and Aragon (I think they signed up too, I can't remember) have much more on the line and are likely to match or exceed Rhomania's contribution.
I seem to remember a crisis brewing in Italy being mentioned, but I could be wrong. I'd have to go back and look through older updates.
 
I seem to remember a crisis brewing in Italy being mentioned, but I could be wrong. I'd have to go back and look through older updates.
The crisis in Italy was already defused. I seem to remember in story that the Great Latin War was the highpoint of Roman engagement in Europe and that they more or less withdraw from Europe for the remainder of the 17th century. The only conflict in the west will be the expedition to North Africa; in story I think it was to start in 1642 ; but that is in alliance with Spain, Arles, and Sicily so I doubt it will be much more than Roman ships adding their cannons with Sicilians, Spaniards, and Arietians doing the actual ground fighting since I doubt Rhomania has any interest in Algeria/Morocco at this point in time.

The only place I could see actual Roman soldiers fighting would be in Carthage where they may seek to re-take the hinterland of the city that was lost during the Long War and also connect the region with Rhomanian clients in Libya.
 
I seem to remember a crisis brewing in Italy being mentioned, but I could be wrong. I'd have to go back and look through older updates.
The Italian crisis was settled. Rhomania dropped the diplomatic ball big time and ended up with a coalition of most of Western Europe threatening to march on them. In the end they gave up some of the gains they could have made, abandoned the new leadership of Genoa that had come to power and instilled some serious doubts about the value of being a despotate among the Sicilians. Everything ended up smoothed over though with a promise to fund an expedition against the North African states to reduce piracy, which sets up the next chapter in the glorious life of Leo Kalomoros who recently returned from the wars in Korea and Southeast Asia.
 
Iskandar and Odysseus aren't looking to go conquering in Awadh. Iskandar is interested in plunder and prestige, because shoring up his legitimacy with victories over non-Persians would really help. Odysseus wants revenge against the Triune, and Awadh is a Triune Bengal ally and in the way. Plus there is the promise he made to his father to ensure that Demetrios was forgotten, and this is the way he knows how.

Roman manpower isn't being stretched by this Indian expedition. The Roman contingent is just 20,000, which isn't that much from Rhomania's perspective. It's been declining as percentage of the combined army since it's not been getting reinforcements for a while with the shortfall being made up by Persians and Afghans.


The next portion of Not the End: The Empire Under the Laskarids has been posted for Megas Kyr patrons on Patreon. Theodoros II Laskaris now shifts his focus from the mainland of Hellas to reclaiming the Aegean islands still under Latin control. Roman forces have significant success on many of the islands, but the effort to retake Crete from the Serene Republic of Venice is a failure, with the circumstances of the failure illustrating the trends that will help ensure Venetian control until the mid-1400s.
 
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