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Well this is interesting, Hunyadi can now add "King of Serbia" to the titles of King of Hungary and Croatia. Same story with a restored "Kingdom of Thessalonica" to the Sicilians...and the Aragonese given that the two Kingdoms were in personal union at the time of the PoD.

It would be rather unfortunate if Mehmed the Conqueror were to come down with an accident.
 
The Balkans after the Treaty of Haskovo, 1462

Eparkhos

Banned
Balkans after Peace of Haskovo, 1462.png

Brown - Kingdom of Hungary (+Croatia and Serbia in Personal Union) (Janos I Hunyadi)
Bright Yellow - Wallachia (Vlad Dracula)
Dark Red - Moldavia (Stefan II)
Dark Green - Ottoman Empire (Mehmed II)
Orange - Duchy of Sredets (William van Borssele)
Red - Kingdom of Albania (Gjergi Kastiori)
Light Green - Kingdom of Thessalonike (+Sicily and Aragon in PU) (Ferdinand de Trastamara)
Light Yellow - Despotate of Thessaly (Mihailo Angelovic)
Grey - Despotate of Epirus and Cephalonia (Giovanni del Braza Orsini)
Purple - Empire of the Morea (Thomas I Palaiaologos)
Aquamarine - Republic of Venice (various)
Pink - Republic of Genoa (various)
Light red - Knights of Rhodes (various)
 
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Now this is extremely interesting. The Romans and the Wallachians manage to throw off the Ottomans while Hungary gains Serbia. Not to mention the huge amount of land that Skanderbeg receives after the Treaty of Haskovo.

I'm curious as to how this will affect the Romans in Trebizond all the way in the East, but we'll see if Anatolia actually falls apart once the Ottomans get royally screwed over by their enemies.
 
Could be an interesting Ottoman screw if they are sandwiched in between Thrace and central Anatolia. Memet will have to be content with consolidation. Won't have much choice other than to lick his wounds, especially with the taking of Constantinople and this stalemate.
 
Great TL !! Very interesting POD and scope for a Roman Restoration.
I would say that restoring Rhomania under the Trebisontians is not easy and more likely would take a lot of time , but that is what make this TL so interesting.

On the final border I find weird the cessation of Thessalonike due to it's importance but on the other hand with everything going on Mehmet made it out rather well.
Looking forward to what happens next!
 
Part VI: An Old Tiger (1460-1465)

Eparkhos

Banned
Part VI: An Old Tiger

The Karamanid beylik had ruled in southern Anatolia for more than two centuries, ever since their founders, a minor Azeri tribe, had migrated into the region in the chaos following the Battle of Köse Dağ. Over the following years, they had carved out a niche for themselves in the thunderdome that was the dying Seljuk Sultanate, cementing themselves as overlords of the lands between the eastern mountains and the western lakes. They defeated a score of Seljuk and Mongol invasions in the late 1200s and early 1300s, and for a time it appeared as if they would re-unify the plateau. However, a row of bad luck saw the Karamanids lose their edge, and they were left to sit impotently as the Ottomans eclipsed their realm. The invasion of Temur-i Lang in 1402 should have given them a new lease on life, but indecision and internecine strife prevented them from returning to their heights of power. A series of brief wars with Ottomans saw the Karamids pushed into the far east, with their backs to the mountains. Only a promise of protection from the Mamluks kept them from being swept into the dustbin of history, and for the next thirty years they hobbled on as a dying state, beset with internal problems. But as the Ottoman Empire began to struggle and was then decisively defeated in Europe, the bickering dynasts of the region put aside their differences and seized the opportunity to revive themselves. The Karamids may have been an old and moribund realm, but as the ghazis who had found their realm once said, “There is nought more dangerous than an old tiger, for as he senses his end he becomes most fierce and is filled with a determination to die fighting….”

In the 1460s, the Karamanid Beylik was facing down a prospective civil war. Bey Ibrahim II had ruled since the 1420s, and with his death one of the great statesmen of the beylik’s history would pass forever into history. Ibrahim had been the one who had preserved his inheritance as similar states were absorbed into the lands of the Sublime Porte, and it was he who had reorganized the Karamanid army after decades of neglect. It was hardly a strong force, but at a standing 10,000 horsemen strong[1] it was still a decent deterrent. However, Ibrahim now found himself having to use it against one of his own sons. He had named his firstborn son, Işak, as his heir apparent, and this had caused one of his other sons, Pir Ahmet[2], to rise in revolt in the far north of the beylik. Pir Ahmet had secured the support of a good number of Turkmen bands, and he was now preparing to march on Konya. Civil war was imminent and it seemed that Ibrahim’s life’s work would go up in smoke.

But then, word came from the east. An army of crusaders had invaded Rumelia, and the Italians had also declared war against the Sublime Porte, laying siege to the Dardanelles themselves. Ibrahim called for a truce between his sons, the three men meeting at Karaman in the winter of 1460-61. The bey proposed the following; They would attack the Ottomans in Anatolia, drive them into the sea and then partition their conquests between them. Both of his sons would become as rich as caliphs, and any bloodshed between the brothers would be prevented. Both Işak and Pir Ahmet found this reasonable and agreed. Ibrahim mustered all the men of Karaman to arms, convening a host of 40,000 horsemen at Konya that spring. After some conversation, Ahmed the Red, the Bey of the Çandarids was invited to join them in this campaign. Ahmed bore a personal grudge against Mehmed II[2] and so agreed, adding another 20,000 men to the coalition. In May 1461, the two hosts crossed the frontiers of their respective polities, beginning an undeclared war with the Ottomans.

Before the war begins in earnest, I’m sure many of you are wondering why the Karamanids and their ilk are confident that they can drive the Ottomans out of Anatolia altogether? After all, the Ottomans had begun their rise in Anatolia, so surely it was the beating heart of the empire, surely? No. As the Ottomans had pushed into Europe, they had neglected the poorer Anatolian regions that had first spawned them. As they moved further north and west, they transferred many of the most loyal Turkmen bands to Europe to help secure their new conquests, leaving Anatolia under the lackadaisical rule of a single governor, whose office was in Kutahya, in the western part of the region. This meant that the hard-living Turkmen bands who made up the majority of Anatolia were barely overseen, which gave them more than enough free time to develop resentment towards the Imperial government, who they regarded as having gone soft on their conquest spree. The wars in Europe, especially after the beginning of the First War of the Holy League, had seen many of the garrison forces in Anatolia transferred across the Hellespont to Europe. This left Ottoman Anatolia understrength, undersecured and anything but under control[3]. Ibrahim expected that he could rally the Turkmen to his cause and drive out the Ottomans wholesale.

He very nearly succeeded. Over the 1461 campaign season, Karamanid and Çandarid horsemen ranged across Anatolia. As expected, the Turkmen quickly took up arms against the Sublime Porte, swelling the total strength of the allied force to nearly 100,000. Minor Ottoman garrisons were taken by surprise and either surrendered or were massacred, while the dozen or so major garrisons were surrounded and besieged. Ibrahim Bey and his army advanced as far as Kutahya itself, but were unable to bring the governor, Yunus Paşa, to battle. With no large Ottoman host to oppose them, the Karamanids and Çandarids swiftly overran all of Anatolia, bar only a section of Ioania along the Buyuk Menendres whose sanjakpaşa had managed to fortify and seal the passes leading eastward. Ibrahim enacted a policy of encouraging minorities, such as Greeks or Armenians, to revolt on the logic that it would cause the Ottomans more damage than it would them. Over the following months, the surviving garrisons were slowly worn down or starved out. By 1463, when a relief army finally arrived from Europe, only Kutahya, Ankara and a few coastal cities were still standing, the rest having been reduced to ash and rubble. However, this did little but fill Mehmed with a terrible resolve, and he swore that he would destroy the rebel beyliks and grind them into dust. He set out with his army to meet the Çandarids--who were the obvious weakest link--in the spring of 1463, moving overland into Paphlagonia.

While all of this was going on, Trapezous was doing quite well. Alexandros’ reforms had enlarged the Trapezuntine army and improved its strength enough that the aftokrator no longer had to tremble at even the slightest movement of foreign states. Instead, he could act to advance his state as would any other monarch, something that Alexandros had every intention of doing to his greatest ability.

The Trapezuntines had been co-belligerents in the War of the First Holy League, although neither members of the titular alliance or a party to the peace deal. After Genoa had entered the war, Psarimarkos and a number of Trapezuntine galleys had descended upon an Ottoman fleet at Eragli[4] and sent a dozen Turkish ships to the bottom with the loss of only one galley. They had then raided the Ottoman Black Sea, burning several dozen coastal towns and even briefly taking Burgas before being driven off by Mehmed himself. Hostility with the Sublime Porte had nominally ended at Haskovo, but Alexandros had no intention of giving up a march against such a deadly opponent.

As the War in Anatolia raged on at a fever pitch, Alexandros began to move against his immediate neighbors. His first target were the Çanikids, a loose confederation of Turkmen tribes who lived in the western Pontic mountains. They had been a continuous problem for generations of aftokrators, as their raids into Trapezuntine territories had left the western edge of their realm depopulated and disloyal. Alexandros had never been able to attack them directly, even disunited as they were, as they were nominally vassals of the Çandarids. War with the Çandarids would make a coalition with them against the Ottomans (more accurately, throwing them into the Ottoman maw and hoping it would tire them out before they reached Trapezous) impossible. However, with the Çandarids now busy in the west, there was no one left for the Çanikids to run too. Alexandros mustered many of the eastern bandons, raising a host of 10,000 including the eleutheroi. He personally led this army westward across the no-go zone between the two realms in the summer of 1461. The Çanikids were evasive and were difficult to bring to battle, but the nature of the terrain meant that they relied on the coastal plain to graze their horses. After several months of cat-and-mouse, Alexandros finally caught them out at one of the regional capitals, Ordu. The Çanikids were massacred and chased into the sea, with the few survivors being reduced to slaves. Alexandros renamed Ordu as Nikoupoli and re-settled it with Greeks, while a program was undertaken to settle the newly-conquered land and incorporate it into the bandon system.

After reducing the Çanikids, Alexandros then turned his attention south. The Çandarid advance had left the Ottoman far east intact, but cut off from the capital. More specifically, the lands of the Lykos Valley[5] had been completely cut off from outside help, and Alexandros saw this as an excellent opportunity to expand his realm at the expense of the Turks. In the autumn of 1461, a Trapezuntine army crossed the mountains through the central pass[6]. They went east along the mountains to the town of Paypurt (Bayburt), which was a large Ottoman garrison town. Not wanting to risk directly confronting the garrison, Alexandros instead laid an ambush. He selected a hill nearby to the city gate and concealed his troops behind it. He then sent a small force of horsemen to attack the gate, then ride away as if routed. The Turks gave chase and pursued them across to the hill and partway up it. As soon as they were sufficiently winded, Alexandros gave the signal and the Trapezuntines rushed out from behind the hill, overwhelming the Turks. They then raced back to the city and took the gatehouse, after which the city surrendered. It was too late in the campaign season to move on, so the Trapezuntines wintered there. The supply situation was difficult, as the passes back into Pontos were frozen, forcing the Trapezuntines to live off the land. They survived the winter in good order, however, and were able to move on come springtime.

The two other major cities of the Lykos valley, Koloneia and Neokaisereia (Koyulhisar and Niksar), respectively, both surrendered without a fight in early 1462. There was a problem with a number of irregulars and other skirmishers, which forced Alexandros to leave behind a garrison of several hundred men in both cities. In spite of this, the aftokrator pressed forward down the river all the way to the Black Sea, which was reached in late April. He declared victory in this campaign before embarking upon another the very same day. The Ottomans had conquered the Black Sea port of Amisos (Samsun) back in 1420, but its connection to the rest of the empire had always been tenuous at best. Now, with the Çandarids having overrun that small strip of land, the sanjak of the city, Iskender Paşa, was left in quite the predicament. After a great deal of deliberating, Iskender decided that the Trapezuntines were better rulers than the Genoese or even his fellow Turks. In June 1462, he swore fealty to Alexandros, retaining his position as governor of the city.

Almost as an afterthought, the Trapezuntines also annexed the small Principality of Hamamshen later that year. Hamamshen was a small, isolated valley that had been independent since the collapse of the Bagrationi Empire all the way back in 790. The last prince, whose name has been lost to history, was given estates in the newly-conquered west while taxes were kept low in the two villages to keep popular resentment low.

Ultimately, after several battles Mehmed and Ibrahim’s sons[7] made peace in 1465[8]. The war was an undoubted victory for the Karamanids and their allies, with the Ottomans being forced back to a coastal strip much resembling that of the Komnenian Empire. The Great Turkish War saw the balance of power in Anatolia drastically upset. Now it will be seen how Trapezous will handle this new balance of power….

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[1] That is, it had a permanent strength of 10,000. In times of war, this number rose sharply to 50,000.
[2] Yes, really
[3] OTL, Mehmed helped improve conditions in this region by rotating many of these Turkmen to the Imperial frontiers, which either enriched or killed them.
[4] Known as Pontoherakleia before in the 1900s, but the Turkish name is more fitting
[5] Kelkit River
[6] There were three main passes across the Pontic mountains, one in the west, one in the east and one nearly directly south from Trapezous. This latter one corresponds to the modern E97 highway.
[7] The bey himself died in 1463
[8] There’s a lot I’m skipping over here for the sake of brevity. Uzun Hasan intervened on behalf of the Ottomans and annexed a good part of Karaman, then switched sides and annexed a good deal of Ottoman territory. The Karamanid Horde also split after Ibrahim’s death, but it wasn’t enough for Mehmed to turn the tide.
 
Yes, Greeks wouldn't be a minority at this point esp. with no Ottoman imposed Devşirme (taking second and third sons for the Janissary, limiting Greek population in the process) or later on Turkification. According to Wiki nomads made up 20% of Anatolia in the 16th century.
 
It's often assumed that the center of power in a Turkish-dominated empire would be what's now modern Turkey, but the Ottoman Empire was for many generations a creature of the Balkans. Keen as I am to see the new Trapezous navigate a brave new world, I'm also very eager to see how late medieval/early modern Europe plays out without the 800-pound Ottoman gorilla rampaging through the east.

It goes without saying that this is a wonderfully written timeline and I look forward to the next update.
 
Yes, Greeks wouldn't be a minority at this point esp. with no Ottoman imposed Devşirme (taking second and third sons for the Janissary, limiting Greek population in the process) or later on Turkification. According to Wiki nomads made up 20% of Anatolia in the 16th century.
Turks and Greeks share a lot of similar haplo-groups. Plus a large part of early Ottoman armies were made of Greeks and Armenians who converted to Islam. The coastal portions of Anatolia definitely during the 15th century have a majority if not plurality of Greeks (Rhomaoi) living there.

Still the Ottomans are far from beaten here. There's still a lot of room for them to re-organize and launch a counterattack. It was after all what they did to recover after Timur ravaged Anatolia earlier in the 1400's.

Keen as I am to see the new Trapezous navigate a brave new world, I'm also very eager to see how late medieval/early modern Europe plays out without the 800-pound Ottoman gorilla rampaging through the east.
You're probably likely to see what view as the "late middle ages" continue on for a bit longer.
 
This is hilarious. Memet is confined to the most greek populated portions of his realm before the disastrous wars. He conquered Constantinople only to have his fellow Turks turn around and conquer him. Wonder what's in the cards for him.
 
Wonder what's in the cards for him.
Hellenization will be rather Ironic if it occurs. Muslim Hellenized Turks taking up the banners of Byzantium (Mehmet Crowned himself Basileus) and plunging themselves on a Reconquista of former Imperial territories! :biggrin:
 
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This is hilarious. Memet is confined to the most greek populated portions of his realm before the disastrous wars. He conquered Constantinople only to have his fellow Turks turn around and conquer him. Wonder what's in the cards for him.
What’s even more hilarious is that ironically,the whole situation mirrors the Palaiologian empire of the 14th century.
 
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Eparkhos

Banned
wouldnt lots of black sea cities still have a greek plurality at that time like amisos and sinope?
Yes, Greeks wouldn't be a minority at this point esp. with no Ottoman imposed Devşirme (taking second and third sons for the Janissary, limiting Greek population in the process) or later on Turkification. According to Wiki nomads made up 20% of Anatolia in the 16th century.
There is a substantial Greek (or Rhomeioi, as they would have called themselves--note that Pontic shifts the a of 'Rhomaioi') presence along the Black Sea coast, but the constant Turkish raids of the region have pushed many of them into the coastal cities. This makes administering the abandoned or overrun countryside, which is the most important part as far as the tax system and bandons are concerned, more challenging than it seems.
It's often assumed that the center of power in a Turkish-dominated empire would be what's now modern Turkey, but the Ottoman Empire was for many generations a creature of the Balkans. Keen as I am to see the new Trapezous navigate a brave new world, I'm also very eager to see how late medieval/early modern Europe plays out without the 800-pound Ottoman gorilla rampaging through the east.

It goes without saying that this is a wonderfully written timeline and I look forward to the next update.
A) Thanks for reading, B) Love your nickname and C) You're right, the Ottomans were a Europe-facing realm for most of their history. The events of the 1460s will have long-lasting ramifications, and I have a feeling you'll be as excited to read it as I will be to write it.
Turks and Greeks share a lot of similar haplo-groups. Plus a large part of early Ottoman armies were made of Greeks and Armenians who converted to Islam. The coastal portions of Anatolia definitely during the 15th century have a majority if not plurality of Greeks (Rhomaoi) living there.

Still the Ottomans are far from beaten here. There's still a lot of room for them to re-organize and launch a counterattack. It was after all what they did to recover after Timur ravaged Anatolia earlier in the 1400's.


You're probably likely to see what view as the "late middle ages" continue on for a bit longer.
The Ottomans are in a period of turmoil for obvious reasons, but after the ascension of Mustafa II in the 1470s they'll even out and start making some....interesting....reforms.
This is hilarious. Memet is confined to the most greek populated portions of his realm before the disastrous wars. He conquered Constantinople only to have his fellow Turks turn around and conquer him. Wonder what's in the cards for him.
Hellenization will be rather Ironic if it occurs. Muslim Hellenized Turks taking up the banners of Byzantium (Mehmet Crowned himself Basileus) and plunging themselves on a Reconquista of former Imperial territories! :biggrin:
"You may be wrong but you may be right."
What’s even more hilarious is that ironically,the whole situation mirrors the Palaiologian empire of the 14th century.
That's what I was going for, glad someone else saw it.
 
Part VII: Succession (1465)

Eparkhos

Banned
Part VII: Succession

The reign of Alexandros I had seen the Trapezuntine Empire dramatically reformed and expanded. The power of the pronoiai and the palace corps[1] had both been significantly reduced by the institution of the bandon system, and the overhaul of the tax and tariff systems had greatly improved the economic situation of the pocket empire. The realm had also greatly increased in size, with Alexandros’ campaigns against the Çanikids and the Turks nearly doubling the empire. By all measures, his reign had been a great success. But like all things, it would not last forever. By 1465, Alexandros was on his deathbed, and the thorny issue of succession was rearing its ugly head. Many capable and successful Trapezuntines had seen their life’s work destroyed in wars between their sons, and now Alexandros must have wondered; Would he be one of them?

Alexandros had a grand total of six sons, of whom five lived to adulthood. Of these five (Alexios, Isaakios, Manouel, Sabbas, Timotheos), two (Isaakios and Timotheos) had taken holy orders. As Manouel was both an idiot and a drunkard before his twentieth birthday, this left Alexios and Sabbas as the two likely candidates for the throne. Alexios was twenty-seven in 1465, and was married to Princess Keteon of Kartvelia[2], while Sabbas was twenty-three and was engaged to be married to Maria Asen Gavraina, the sister of the Prince of Doros. This latter marriage had been arranged only in 1464 to act as security for the planned re-unification of the two realms, one of Alexandros’ many diplomatic programs that wound up going nowhere.

Alexios and Sabbas were almost like foils to each other; Where Alexios was usually calm and collected, Sabbas was short-tempered and irrational. Alexios was methodical in everything, inscrutable and always outwardly placid, while Sabbas was ruled by his passions, quick to anger but equally quick to forgive. Alexios was quiet and introverted; Sabbas was boisterous and social. Alexios was a poor and uninspiring speaker, while Sabbas, as Giogiorgios wrote a half-century later, ‘Could rally men to invade hell with him’. Most importantly, they were both capable generals, both having distinguished themselves in the war, in Limnia[3] and the Lykos, respectively.

Given the turbulent nature of Trapezuntine politics, Alexandros spent most of his last days on his decision. Either of his two sons would make competent, if not great, leaders, but no matter whom he chose it was almost certain that the other would react negatively, possibly even sparking a civil war. The most expedient way of resolving this problem would be to blind one or the other, but Alexandros could not find it within himself to do so to either one of his beloved sons, no matter the danger to his hard-won advances. He could make them both co-emperors, but the odds of them actually getting along and working together for the good of the realm were slim to nonexistent. Supposedly, he even briefly considered adopting the western fashion of realm division and handing equal amounts of land to both sons, but the foolishness of this soon appeared to him. Trapezous was already in a tenuous enough position, and dividing it would only worsen its odds of survival. He could send one of them away with funds and soldiers to become a mercenary captain or adventurer, but that would just leave them as a threat, in the wind with a great deal of funds and soldiers. For several weeks, he meditated on this problem nightly, even as his wife, children (he also had three daughters) and priests gathered around him for what would surely be his last few days. Despite hours spent in prayer, he was unable to find any solace with the Lord nor an answer to his quandary. Evidently, this time of constant prayer and contemplation wore on him heavily, for he developed an unknown illness in late September and began having chills a few days later. Like King David, whom he had so admired, he was reduced to needed maids to lie against him at night to keep him from freezing[4].

Then, on the night of 19 October, it came to him. He woke from a dead slumber and shouted for his attendants to summon Sabbas and Alexios, for the Holy Ghost had appeared to him in a dream and given him the answer to his prayers. However, as his sons raced across the city, the aftokrator collapsed into delirious raving. By the time the princes reached the Imperial bedchamber, their father was almost gone. He choked out part of a sentence before collapsing back onto the bed, chest heaving. With a final murmur of “Kanéna apó aftá den eínai alítheia.” Alexandros I died shortly after midnight on 20 October, 1465.

Even before the proscribed period of mourning was over[5], Alexios and Sabbas had both demanded to see their father’s final testament, which was stored under the watchful eye of the Metropolitan Bishop, Konstantinos. On 24 October, after Alexandros’ body was ritually cleaned, the bishop finally presented the aftokrator’s will to his sons. As Alexandros had not had time to alter his will, Alexios and Sabbas were to become joint co-emperors, sharing all of the duties of the state between themselves. This accomplished the difficult task of infuriating both claimants without actually weakening either of them. After the reading of the will, civil war was not an if but a when, and both Alexios and Sabbas were determined to come out on top.

Before the funeral even began, the brothers were sniping at each other, both metaphorically and literally. While out for a walk one day, Alexios was nearly shot by a crossbow-armed Laz perched on top of a nearby building. The would-be assassin killed himself before he could be apprehended, but Alexios had little doubt who the perpetrator was. Over the following week, five of Sabbas’ food tasters were poisoned, which in turn only worsened the cycle of violence. Determined to kill his brother, Sabbas sent a half-dozen assassins against Alexios in the first half of November. Most of them were stopped by Alexios’ guards, but two--another rooftop crossbowman who narrowly missed Alexios’ chest and a Turkish dancer who stabbed him whilst they were….being intimate--nearly succeeded in killing him. Alexios responds by hiring a gang of Turkmen to attack Sabbas while he is out for a hunt, which in turn nearly kills him.

Things come to a head on 29 November, the day of Alexandros’ funeral. Both of the princes are in attendance, as the coronation ceremony would begin immediately after their father’s interment. However, neither of them was able to bite their tongue long enough to keep quite during the service, and as it drew to a close they broke into a shouting match over which one of them Alexandros had been going to appoint his heir before his stroke. This quickly turned into a flurry of insults and nearly descended into a brawl before their various partisans pulled the princes apart. As the two groups stormed out of the cathedral, Sabbas challenged his brother to a duel, right there, on the steps of the cathedral. Alexios, who was by far the worse swordsman, refused out of hand. This caused a riot, as Sabbas’ supporters began accusing Alexios and his supporters of being cowards, and Alexios and his supporters accused their counterparts of being godless brutes. The good old Pontic honor refused members of either group from allowing these insults to go unanswered, and within a few minutes the Neagustaion had degenerated into a brawl.

Alexios’ partisans were the first to flee. The prince himself didn’t believe that he could hold the capital and so abandoned Trapezous proper, fleeing east along the coastal road to Kapnanion. He was in a worse position than his brother, as he did not hold the capital and was cut off from his primary source of support, which were the garrisons along the Lykos valley, by the frozen passes. Even as he called the eastern bandons to arms, he was doubtful that he could defeat his brother on the field of battle, as the eastern regions had yet to fully recover from Sheikh Junayd’s raid and would have been outnumbered by the western regions under the best of circumstances anyhow. Alexios’ plan was to wait for the passes to thaw, then cross the mountains to the Lykos, gather reinforcements there and then circle around to attack Trapezous from the south, splitting his brother’s forces. In case native soldiers weren’t enough to get the job done, he dispatched his wife back to her native country to plead for her father to send reinforcements to support Alexios.

Sabbas, on the other hand, was more than confident that he would be victorious. After his brother was expelled from the capital, he set about turning the institutions to his cause. The bureaucracy primarily supported his brother--although no one was stupid enough to say it outloud--but the army was fully behind him, and the church could be turned fairly easily. One of his first actions was to make a series of large donations to the Metropolitan treasury, as well as sending an expedition westwards to Constantinople to ask the Ecumenical Patriarch to support his claim to the throne. He then began to turn the people of the capital against his brother, speaking of how he was the obvious successor due to his experience and valor, and of how his brother would ruin all of their father’s work if allowed to succeed. He also paraded out his other brothers as evidence of how the rest of the Imperial family supported him as aftokrator. Most importantly, he called the western bandons to arms, mustering a force of several thousand men. Many of these were veterans who had served under him before, and were thus both very confident in his leadership and extremely loyal.

After a few weeks of preparation, he followed his brother east in early December. For a few days it seemed as if Sabbas would utterly crush Alexios and put an end to the civil war less than a month before it began. However, while on the road to Kapnanion, fate smiled upon the elder prince. A massive storm blew in off of the sea, forcing Sabbas and his army into winter quarters while they waited for it to pass. After the rains receded, the aftokrator advanced, only to find that the rain and ensuing mudslides had washed out nearly thirty miles of road. Sabbas set to work repairing the road, but it may have been enough to stall his campaign indefinitely. Indeed, there is the possibility that Alexios, who previously had been treed against the mountains, may be able to flee across the passes if the thaw comes before Sabbas does.

Will Sabbas be able to catch his brother, or will spring come early and allow Alexios to escape across the mountains? Find out next time on The Undying Empire in Part VIII: The Brothers’ War…..

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[1] I’ll be using ‘the palace corps’ as shorthand for both the Skholaroi and the Amytzantarioi.
[2] It’s possible that Keteon might actually have been named Katerine, but I’ll be using the former spelling for the time being
[3] Liminia was the Trapezuntine name for the lands between Amisos and Ordu.
[4] There was a reference to Alexandros’ respect of David that was cut from one of the earlier parts, sorry
[5] At the time (and possibly still) Orthodox custom was to wait forty days to bury the deceased to allow relatives time to visit the body and, more importantly, allow the spirit to fully pass on
 
That was rather idiotic of Alexandros. He willfully turned his eyes from the devastation his indecisiveness would wrought. I guess this is the bane of the Greeks, throughout their entire history if they'd only manage to secure succession...
 
oh boy so the spiral of downfall Trebizond was in came back again, this seems erily similar to how the realm originally started out, i find it suprising that given the history alexandros didnt see it cominge earlier, also i wonder what is solution was before he died
 
Alexandros was very unlucky to kick the bucket before he got to pick an heir. For me, I'd prefer Alexios in the Brothers' War but Sabbas as aftokrator would still be very interesting.

Can't wait to see what's next.
 

Eparkhos

Banned
Unfortunately, I won't be publishing an update today because my school is back in session. However, I will be returning to my normal schedule tomorrow, so sit tight.

As always, ideas and speculation are more than welcome.
 
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