Even without the divisive impact of the King's speech at the opening of the Convention, the first full day was an unmitigated disaster. The official aim, to consider the Constitutional arrangements not just for Ireland but for the other constituent nations of the UK, disappeared under a welter of recrimination and abuse on all sides. Even agreement on which nations should be included proved impossible. While the woeful lack of preparation by the Liberals was a factor, the sheer bloody mindedness of the others compounded the difficulties.
The Tories, under the Canadian Bonar Law, (with Willoughby de Broke constantly at his ear) were opposed in any case to all Home Rule, especially for Ireland, despite also holding fast to the idea that Ulster had the right to decide its own fate. They flatly refused to consider the inclusion of England in any proposals. For them, England was Britain and to create an English Parliament was to destroy the idea of a Great Britain. De Broke’s influence on Bonar Law, even though not an official delegate, was particularly pernicious, given his involvement with the Civilian Force.
The Unionists were like the Tories equally opposed to Home Rule in any form. Britain and the Empire were what mattered. Home Rule All Round, whether as extended arrangements for local government or as a more fundamental Federal Britain was anathema – but if it was coming it would be to Ulster!
The Liberals were more sympathetic. The Scottish Liberal Association had been supportive of the idea of a Scottish Parliament for some 30 years. It would have been hard to deny the same option to the English, although they were fearful that any English Parliament would always be lost to them.
Labour was ambivalent. They had similar concerns to the Liberals over England and were unsure if the strong possibility of taking control of the Scottish and Welsh Parliaments was worth surrendering a smaller chance of taking power under the present arrangements, especially since in their view the Liberals were in decline as the party of the working classes, perhaps even as a party.
The Irish Parliamentary Party were, as ever, only interested in Ireland. They were reluctant participants in the first place and were unwilling to run the slightest risk of delay in securing Irish Home Rule. Home Rule was merely a step on the path to full independence, so the government of Wales or Scotland was of no interest to them.
All attendees represented their party, not their nation, although both Lloyd George and Keir Hardie were known to be sympathetic to Welsh Home Rule. In general they expressed a party position not a constitutional one
Despite the best efforts of the Speaker, James Lowther, interminable and bad tempered arguments continued throughout the day until at 6.30 in the evening the Convention broke up with with no agreement on the attendance of national representatives, on the order of business or even a date for another meeting. Immediately, Asquith was summoned to met the King to report on achievements of the day. Exhausted and in despair, he was forced to admit not just failure of the day but the real prospect of total breakdown. The King urged Asquith to persevere. Asquith then returned to Downing Street to be faced with separate demands for meetings from Bonar Law, Henderson and Carson. Probably wishing he could turn them all away, he agreed to meet his Coalition partner, Henderson, later in the evening and scheduled a meeting with Bonar Law for the next morning. Carson he simply ignored, which proved another damaging error.
Henderson offered an olive branch. He proposed that four additional delegates be invited, two each for Scotland and Wales, to be chosen from MPs in those countries. They would nominally attend on the invitation of the Prime Minister, but he (Henderson) expected that they would be selected for their sympathy with the idea of Home Rule rather than their Party affiliation, although he also expected as least one of these to be from Labour. He saw no reason to add any additional Irish delegates. He also suggested that the next meeting begin with an address from a constitutional expert who could outline the range of options for change and who might, as an outsider, be allowed a hearing. Asquith seized the opportunity and agreed to inform Bonar Law at his meeting in the morning. He asked Henderson to submit some names for consideration in the meantime. Bonar Law of course did not agree. Despite the fact that Home Rule for England, Scotland and Wales, would strengthen the argument for a separate Ulster, he remained committed to a single British State, even if that meant losing the southern Irish. He threatened to withdraw from the Convention if Asquith continued on this path and warned that Carson too would withdraw. This ultimatum created something of a dilemma. Asquith's party were in a minority and in addition were split over the coalition with Labour. If Bonar Law managed to lay the blame for failure of the Convention at Asquith's door, it would divert attention away from the role of the Tories in creating the problem in the first place. After a fractious meeting with senior party members on 11th March it was decided that Bonar Law should be presented with a fait accompli. The additional participants would be invited by Asquith on behalf of the Coalition, thus with the agreement and most importantly the public support of the Labour Party. The Speaker would be asked to identify a suitable expert or experts and issue the invitation. With a united front from the Government it was believed Bonar Law would have to back down or be blamed for the failure of the Convention. Carson had still not been consulted.
On 26th February the announcement was made that the next meeting of the Convention would be on 20th March and that four additional participants had been invited. Representing Scottish interests would be William Cowan and Duncan Pirie, both Liberals and both well known 'Home Rulers', having introduced Scottish Home Rule Bills to the Commons in the past. Representing Welsh interests would be E T John, a Liberal who had in the past advocated that Welsh and Scots supporters of Home Rule should make common cause. The second would be William Abraham universally known by his bardic name, Mabon, a former Liberal, now a member of the Labour Party, and an active Trade Unionist.
The announcement was met with fury by Carson. Neither Asquith nor Bonar Law had given any indication of what was going on, and for once his usual informants in the Tory party had failed him. He immediately left for discussions with the Unionist Council in Belfast. Nor were the new Ulster Socialists much happier, since as a group they almost matched the Unionists in size, having pretty much split the Unionist vote but had not been given a voice. Asquith, by now desperate to see the Convention move forward, agreed that they could send one person to the next meeting. This was accepted, with bad grace, and Edward Straughan, the Party leader, agreed to attend. This further concession did nothing to calm Carson, who wanted to withdraw entirely, but was convinced by the Unionist Council that to do so would leave them too vulnerable, especially since Bonar Law had failed to keep them abreast of what was happening.
So, balanced on a knife edge, the Convention met for the second time on 20th March 1914, again under the chairmanship of the Speaker. In opening the session, he tried to avoid confrontation, but despite his best efforts, this second day was no improvement on the first. Lowther attempted to present an agenda which would form the basis of future discussion but Carson would have none of it. He insisted, loudly and often, that the unity of the Kingdom could not be dismantled. Lowther then asked those present for suggestions on how the discussions might be organised. Despite all Carson's effort a series of questions to be addressed were gradually identified. First: was there a case for significantly increased levels of devolution. Second: should devolution be based on regional or national lines, a debate which proved particularly problematic when it came to England. Third: what powers should be devolved to these legislatures. Fourth: how would these subordinate legislatures be elected and what would be their relationship with the existing Parliament.
With these four questions identified, the Speaker closed the session with a final plea.
“Gentlemen. I have accepted the task of chairing this conference at the request of the King. His Majesty has asked me to convey to you all his heartfelt desire that we should move forward with, if not total agreement, then at least a willingness to listen to each other and to the country so that we might extricate ourselves from our present difficulties. He is under no illusion that this task we have undertaken will be arduous. There is no broad and easy road ahead, but that is no bad thing. On the broad road every man may chose a path suited to his inclinations, shift about to avoid difficulties, or accommodate himself to circumstances; and he will be sure of company agreeable to his taste. This Nation faces a multitude of challenges. If it is to come through we must follow one another on the narrow way, along the same track, surmounting difficulties, facing enemies, and bearing hardships, without any room to evade them.
I ask you now to join me in prayer.
God of ages, in your sight nations rise and fall, and pass through times of peril. We beseech you now, when our land is troubled to give us your light and your truth to guide us. Grant us the understanding to put an end to strife, grant us mercy so that we can quench hatred and forgiveness so that we can overcome vengeance.
Amen”