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Chapter Six, Part Three: Autumn


The latter-half of the 13th century would prove to be one of great uncertainty in both Talbeah and Keshigu. To the North, longer winters and shorter summers would begin to prove a difficult beast to get a handle on, while in the South a titanic conflict began that would change the face of Keshigu forever. Civil conflict would rear its ugly head again in Talbeah, and in Fjothrland, the advances of the Purepechans would pose a challenge to the would-be hegemon of Cholula. This was, indeed, a prelude to the more anarchic years to come.

Setraland

As the second half of the 13th century dawned, the Kings of Setraland were at a crossroads when it came to expansion. Their defeat in the Lenape War had given them a sharp lesson about pushing further south, but the ever-hungry sugar markets in Europe demanded expansion. Eyes, instead, began to turn towards the Five-Lakes in the west. Dufgall, an old and bitter man after being forced to give up his ambitions on the Lenapehoking in the Peace of Manna-hata, was eager to pursue a campaign against the less-organized tribes in the region. However, his ambitions would be cut short by an assassin’s blade.

Assassination was nothing new to Christian monarchs in this era, even the more isolated Hreinings of Setraland. However, this marked the beginning of a disturbing trend, brought on by the elective monarchy established by Ansgar. When a monarch did not perform up to “standards”, nobility would be much more supportive of a plot to remove the monarch and open the playing field up again. With a new election would come new bribes, new land grants, and new promises- it would greater empower the grandees that ran the King Thing.

With Dufgall’s death in 1252, the feudal lords, company chiefs, and high clergy gathered again at Dun Cormac to debate which of the next generation of Hreinings should become monarch. Money, land, and promises flowed, but a new King was eventually chosen; Dufgall’s second-son, the 27-year old Bjollok. Bjollok won the day at the King Thing because of his bold promise- to end the threat of the Wind Lodge once and for all.

Ever since the Christian victory in the Afonbreni Civil War two centuries before, and the subsequent Setralander take-over of the region along the Tullaha River, the descendants of Wind Lodge diehards had been a nagging problem on the northern frontiers. Having long-since intermarried and intermingled with the semi-nomadic tribes of this vast region, it was unlikely any still clung to the idea of restoring the traditional Afonbreni Confederacy. It’s also unlikely any were members of the originalWind Lodge anymore.

If it hadn’t been for the tendency of the tribes in this area to raid settlements and farms every now and again, they likely would have escaped notice. However, over the course of the 13th century these raids had become more and more common. This may have been due to environmental factors, as temperatures began to drop; this would have affected their ability to thrive in their traditional lifestyle. Whatever the case, the raids had caused much consternation in the frontier regions, enough for Bjollok to pull a victory at the King Thing. Bringing up distant memories of the Afonbreni Civil War and the violence and economic disruption, as well as the more recent native rebellions in the Wabanahkik, Bjollok stirred up anti-pagan sentiments at the Thing.
With his election secured, Bjollok took a few years to secure his base of support and distribute a few of his promised bribes. By 1255, he encouraged a campaign to secure the northern frontiers and push back the Wind Lodge. Unlike his predecessors, Bjollok did not participate actively in the fighting. Instead, he remained at Frithrborg. Chroniclers nearer to the time ascribed this to “cowardice”, though if one looked at his situation through a different perspective, he was likely trying to avoid blame for any mistakes made in the war (similar mistakes had, after all, cost his father his life). This left the conduct of the war to coalitions of lords and company chiefs known as Comharchumainn, or “Cooperatives”.

Cooperatives originated because Bjollok had the annoying tendency to grant new territory, the reward for participation in the conflict, to conflicting claimants. Two different lords could get a promise from the monarch for the same region, without any apparent care by the King. While an examination of some of these land-claims that survive shows that they aren’t entirely identical, the knowledge of the region north of the Tullaha was not clear, which was reflected in the language of the documents. It could be very easy for misinterpretations to arise- and arise they did.
This encouraged lords who wished to press their particular claim to work together with others. There was strength in numbers, and by securing a stronger coalition, one could cower another into withdrawing their stake in a region. Over time, however, the Cooperatives would take a life of their own, eventually coming to define politics in Setraland for much of the 14th and 15th Centuries.

This war against the tribes proved to be more difficult than Bjollok or his supporters had hoped. The nomadic nature of the tribes in the region allowed them to avoid conflict with the larger Setralander formations, striking at supply lines and patrols. The use of the horse by the natives here, while not near the level of the Horse People of the plains, nevertheless allowed them greater mobility than previous native forces the Setralanders had faced.

What really saved the Setralander war effort from becoming a complete debacle was the fact that there were multiple tribes in the region. While Bjollok’s propaganda had painted them all with the same Wind Lodge brush, they were separate polities. There were internal conflicts that could be exploited by the invading Setralanders. Alliances were made, deals were struck, and natives turned against each other.

This, instead, raised a new set of issues. A vast stretch of frontier was pacified by 1267, in the sense that many native tribes had pledged allegiance in some form or another to the Setralander nation and “accepted baptism” (with varying degrees of sincerity). However, their oaths to Setraland were less oaths to the King and more oaths to the Cooperative that had brought them to terms. A private war, of sorts, began to replace that of a frontier conflict, as disputes between Cooperatives over stretches of relatively empty wilderness boiled over into violence.

Greed, just as it had in the initial aftermath of the Afonbreni Civil War, had driven the Setralanders to civil conflict. Bjollok, however, believed strongly in the principle of non-interference in the affairs of his subjects- as long as taxes were paid. He allowed this war to continue, ignoring the forts and battles raging in his own territory fought by his own vassals. He focused instead on internal matters of recreation. Many ascribe the development of the Setralander equivalent of the tournament, the commorthas, to him. Indeed, he did host several large commorthas in a specially built arena at Frithrborg.

Bjollok’s death in 1279 brought a temporary lull to hostilities in the high-frontier, as nobles traveled to Dun Cormac to participate in another King Thing. Here the Cooperatives found their footing as ready-made political coalitions. This created another layer of bribery and political corruption under that of the candidates for the throne; stronger Cooperatives would make similar promises to weaker ones to secure their vote at the Thing for their chosen candidate.

Succeeding to the throne would be the 32-year old eldest son of Bjollok, Kalmann. More business-minded than his father and grandfather had been, Kalmann focused his attention towardthe expansion of Setralander trade in Talbeah. As the native powers of Talbeah became more powerful and developed their internal economies, the balance of trade had shifted away from the Tullaha. The rich lands around the Ohiyo River were of particular interest to the Setralanders, especially the territories which bordered the Five Lakes.

Kalmann would shift Setralander attentions away from the North towards this region, though he would leave the issue of frontier territory ownership open. Perhaps he was afraid of angering one Cooperative or another; whatever the case, the high frontier of Setraland would continue to be a place of violence for decades to come.

During the 1280s, Setralander merchants would seek to penetrate into the Ohiyo River Country, occasionally coming into conflict with Lenape or Paqwachowng traders (and, more rarely, traders from K’omani). This region was full of opportunity to go around, however; there were well-over thirty proto-states that competed for control of this region. Some were as small as a palisade on a strategic point on the river and its surrounding farmland, while others were almost large enough to be considered “duchies” by chroniclers. The residents of these proto-states shared similar religious beliefs and cultural norms, but had their own traditions of leadership and a tradition of competition.

It was this trading conflict over the Ohiyo that would begin to drive a wedge between the Setralanders and the Paqwachowng. Kalmann, thinking that these proto-states would be more willing to participate in trade with Setraland if they shared a similar religious background, began to push for missionary efforts as well as mercantile into the 1290s, as well as granting the right to construct trading settlements along the southern banks of the Lake of St. Ringan (Lake Erie). This was taken as a threat to the Paqwachowng, who were seeking to spread Ahonism into the region for similar reasons.

This split would come to have major economic consequences in the 14th century, as the Paqwachowng were seen as a vital stopping point for ships sailing north from Asgardand ships sailing south from Setraland, as well as the main suppliers of oyangwa for European markets. As the Paramount Chiefs became more hostile to Setralander ships, a new rendezvous point would have to be settled on- which would lead, in turn, to the supreme importance of Inis Bandearg in the 14th century, as well as the further development of the Asgardian economy.

All the while, the weather began to change, especially towards the beginning of the 1300s. The Chronicles of Rineen in particular make note of the cooling summers, noting that wheat growing in the far-Northern reaches of Setraland was beginning to become more difficult. Little did those at the time realize that the Intermediate Warm Period was at an end, and that temperatures were going to continue to drop from where they had been.

Lenapehoking

The Lenape began the latter half of the 13th century on a high note. Their young Confederation had successfully fended off invasion attempts from both Setraland and the Paqwachowng, and faith in the “confederacy of confederacies” was higher than ever before. But a nation cannot live off of its victories forever; new challenges are the one constant in statecraft.

For the Lenape, this new challenge was the rise of differing strains of thought about how the Confederation should proceed. Some within the “Seven Beaded Belt” felt that the victories in the Lenape Wars proved that cooperation in all instances was the key to a stronger position in Talbeah. Only by strengthening the mutual ties between the various tribes and minor confederations that made up the Lenapehoking could they fully protect themselves from future aggression.

Others, however, were not so sure. Some felt that now that the war was over and the attentions of the Paqwachowng and Setralanders were turned elsewhere, the Lenapehoking had served its purpose, and no longer needed to exist. Of course, these anti-confederates reasoned, the alliance could always come back into play should future aggression rear its ugly head. But, for now, there was no need to link the tribes together, and each should be allowed to pursue their own ways, as they had for centuries leading up to the Confederation.
For the most part, the Confederation did not pursue either course of action. Instead, it settled on a middle ground of sorts, where the Confederation acted as a “collective bargaining” instrument for outside trade deals, as well as a military deterrent. By not going one way entirely or another, the Confederation managed to not badly alienate either passionate side, instead leaving both mildly disappointed.

However, running the Confederation in peacetime proved to be a difficult task. With no central executive, but rather a collective body (similar to the Afonbreni of yesteryear), decisions took a long time to make. The Confederation’s council met yearly, and had to discuss a year’s worth of items in only a few weeks of deliberation. This meant that, for the most part, individual tribes were able to conduct business as they saw fit, until the next meeting of the Council would give centralized input.
The main foreign policy focus of the Lenapehoking during this period was trade with the tribes near the Ohiyo River. As previously mentioned, both the Paqwachowng and the Setralanders sought to become embroiled in this trade, though they would become more of a factor later in the century. Until the 1270s, the Lenapehoking were the largest trade partners in the along the Ohiyo River, not counting the infiltration of K’omani goods that had already begun to take place in the western reaches of the river country.

This would allow the Lenape to take advantage of the untapped trading opportunities in the region, growing their coffers and allowing the development of their internal economy. Unlike the Paqwachowng or the Afonbreni before them, there was no immigrant population of Europeans to establish smithies and other industries; the Lenape were, for the most part, self-taught miners and builders of weaponry, tools, and other goods. This reflected the general loss of the European edge over the natives of Talbeah.

As the Paqwachowng and Setralanders became more involved in the Ohiyo, the council-style government and general decentralization of the Confederation meant that the Lenape generally lost out. By the turn of the century, the LenapehokingConfederation was in last place in the race for influence in the Ohiyo, especially as religion began to be more of a driving issue there.

Paqwachowng

The latter-half of the 13th century saw the gradual decline in the power of the Paramount Chief over the Paqwachowng. Paemotinck, who ascended to the throne at the age of 12 after his father’s assassination, was controlled by a regency council of sorts. The boy was considered to be slow, given to religious meditations and had a distaste for violence. This allowed him to be directed by the regents, who wrote decrees in his name and generally had run of the realm.

However, they were not bad rulers. Compared to Onawmanient, they did not lead the Paqwachowng into any wars with major powers, instead choosing to focus on the economy. This did not mean that their reign was entirely peaceful; far from it. The Paqwachowng economy revolved around subjugating smaller tribes to then press oyangwa quotas onto; therefore, any major expansion of the economy required warfare or diplomatic pressures.

The focus of Paqwachowng expansion turned from the north towards the south, which, on reflection made more sense for their economy. Oyangwa, though it did grow a little in the territory of the Lenapehoking, flourished in the warmer soil to the south. The tribes here were also much less organized when compared to the Lenape. Indeed, the Southern Campaigns of 1259-1283 were great successes for the Paqwachowng, subjugating proto-states and semi-nomadic tribes as far south as the Ya’hi River (Santee Riber).

Paemotinck would die in 1282, replaced by his own minor son, Rapaantam, who was 13 when he became Paramount Chief. This reinforced the power of the regency, though Rapaantam did not share his father’s weak mind. On occasion, he would try to fight against the regents, However, he was “distracted” by repeated illnesses, creating long periods of time where the regents power was all but unchecked by royal prerogative.

One of the most notable accomplishments he managed without regency interference, however, was setting the stage for the Paqwachowng trade interests along the Ohiyo River. While the economy of the Paramount Chiefdom did revolve around oyangwa, it nevertheless had a developed metallurgy economy, as well as a need to import food to offset the large amounts of land set aside for oyangwa cultivation. It was also his influence that encouraged the spreading of Ahonism to the region- a bold missionary test for a relatively young religion.

In this respect, the great catastrophes of the 14th century can be laid at the feet of Rapaantam, though the regents and his successors must also take a share of that blame.

Asgard

As the Paqwachowng expanded South, the Asgardians prepared for their next great attempt against the Pawu. The stubborn islanders had managed to repulse their first attempt at capturing the Shingu River trade, and this was an insult that could not be left unanswered. Therefore, the thalassocracy readied itself once again for war, this time on a much grander scale than the previous assault.

Ships were gathered, from war canoes of the Lukkai vassal tribes to the greater sailing ships of the Asgardians themselves. Asgardian agents visited the territories of Mayapan and Cholula, seeking to hire mercenaries for use in a campaign. Bands of warriors from as far as Setraland sailed south to participate in an endeavor which promised “gold and riches”; shares of the loot from the Pawu.

Pawu, itself, was not blind to these attempts. Archaeological evidence and Asgardian chronicles indicate that the island inhabitants feverishly tried to fortify themselves against another attack. They were hindered, however, by the spread of the ravaging plagues that accompanied European contact; their population dropped, hobbling any attempt to fend off a larger assault. When the blow finally came, they were able to hold out for a few months at best before finally succumbing to the sheer weight of numbers and equipment.

To the dismay of the Asgardians, however, there was no great horde of treasure awaiting them at the successful completion of this conquest. Instead, all that they found were pots, beads, and carved shells; the sorts of trade goods that were of immense value to natives along the Shingu River, but which had little interest for the mercantile minded Asgardians. This, in turn, created new problems for the thalassocracy; fearing a strong native resistance, they had hired many mercenaries- all of whom expected to be paid with loot that proved to be less than valuable.

With fear in mind of not being paid, the mercenaries put aside their diverse differences of religion and culture and united behind the cry- “Where is our money?” After a year of no payment being delivered, and refusing to disband, the mercenaries, referred to in Asgardian texts as the “Free Brothers”, rebelled against the Asgardian retinue on the island, killed most of them (as well as any remaining inhabitants of the original Pawu culture), and demanded a ransom for the island. This came as a shock to the Asgardians, as did the fact that many of the Free Brothers were, in fact, Asgardians themselves- more loyal to gold than to nationality. Lacking the military means to launch a counter invasion against such a dug-in force, the Council of Asgard sat down and debated what to do.

Councilwoman Siv came up with the eventual solution- why not play to the mercenaries strengths? A messenger was sent to the Free Brothers holed up on Pawu Island- their payment would come in the form of land grants along the Shingu River. The Asgardians had no idea how big the ShinguRiver actually was- therefore, they proved awfully generous, hoping that the natives of the interior or wild beasts or disease would kill the mercenaries before they figured out what had happened. These Free Brothers would have to pay nominal tribute to the Asgardians, as well as conduct all their trade beyond the shores of the river via Pawu Island.

The Free Brothers, after deliberating amongst themselves, agreed; withdrawing from Pawu, they sailed down the Shinguand began to establish their own patrimonies, based off the odd land-claims given to them by the Asgardian leadership. What they found down the river were a variety of small tribal communities which had been devastated by plague. Several settlements were simply abandoned, their inhabitants having escaped into the jungle. Their towns became the property of the Free Brothers, who set up a variety of so-called “Free Counties”, beginning in the 1270s and 1280s.

These Free Counties did not live up to their monikers, as they relied on slave labor. Expeditions into the jungle, or piratical expeditions down the coastlines against other tribes, were needed to create a labor force able to work the rich black soil. Life in these “boom-towns” was crude, brutish, and short, for slave and master alike. The Asgardians hoped that the Free Counties would eventually fight themselves into extinction; they did not yet realize the important role that they would play in securing the Asgardian economy in the coming century.

K’omani

While Asgard dealt with its rebellious mercenaries, Setraland’s nobility fought a constant fight in the high-frontier, and Paqwachowng expanded its borders dramatically south, the K’omani continued to build up their power along the shores of the Kikadit River. The dating of religious artifacts suggests that by the end of this period, the K’omani religion was dominant in the “Ten Cities” that made up its confederation.

Fragmentary records from the confederation note that raids by the Horse People were becoming more common during this period, forcing the development of a more professional military force to protect against them.
Expansion seems to have been slow in this period, though the soft-power of K’omani seems to have strengthened. Anti-Jesus figures begin to appear at the mouth of the Kikadit around the turn of the 14th century, and trade goods from K’omani were a part of the Ohiyo River economy. The dramatic expansion to the south had not yet taken place, nor had the campaigns aimed at putting more distance between the core of the “Ten Cities” and the Horse People.

Still, however, the K’omani distinguished themselves as being the most centralized and well-developed state along the Kikadit’s long stretch- a distinction which would facilitate their rapid rise to power in the coming century.