Even relatively benign and temporary authoritarianism that rests upon elected power is being challenged. We are moving rapidly towards a situation where the pressure for the redistribution of political power will have to be faced as a major political issue. In a world where authoritarianism of the left or right is a very real possibility, the question of whether ordinary people can govern themselves by consent is still on trial—as it always has been, and always will be. Beyond parliamentary democracy as we know it, we shall have to find a new popular democracy to replace it.
~ Tony Benn
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“The Right Honourable Neville Chamberlain!”
There was a large cheer from the Tory section of the opposition benches following the Speaker’s call, mixed with the more muted shouts of derision from the government benches across the floor. The Leader of the Opposition rose to speak, looming over the dispatch box towards the Prime Minister.
John Strachey couldn’t remember the last time he had seen the chamber so busy for a foreign policy debate. What were generally quiet affairs conducted by the foreign secretary had now brought what seemed to be the vast majority of parliamentarians along for it. This was a logistical nightmare when the government barely consisted of more than 150 MPs, there was a minimal chance of getting a seat on the other side of the house when competing with over 400 other people. This was unfortunate after having had to hurry to make the debate at all, his legs now craved a seat.
John had been splitting his time that week between parliamentary business, constituency work, and the opening meetings of the International Revolutionary Marxist Centre. He had been attending the latter all morning and thus was left standing with over a hundred others inside the Chamber. He had got in just as the Prime Minister had given a short update on the international disarmament conference ongoing in Geneva and now it was time for questions.
“Will the Prime Minister enlighten the house with what he believes to be the main points of contention between the major powers?”
“The ongoing matter is once again that of the overall percentage of the world's armaments the great powers limit themselves to. Various calculations have been made but there is now a difference on accounting for a global figure or one between each nation. There has been some talk nonetheless that no concrete decisions will be made until after the American elections in November, after which time we will have a clearer picture of what can be achieved.” Lloyd George replied.
Although John’s focus had been on the coming together of Marxist parties outside of the Communist and Socialist Internationals, the Geneva conference was unique in its own way. For the first time in history, every major world power was in attendance at a disarmament conference and had agreed to discuss the means and terms in which another major war could be prevented from happening ever again.
It was something many had dreamed of for centuries but in the aftermath of the slaughter of the Great War it was more prescient than ever. Such a disaster couldn’t be allowed to happen again. Now the man who had led the British Empire to victory in that war was tasked with ensuring there would never be another, and fixing the mess of the post-war settlement he was also partially responsible for. If he could pull this off it would be a victory for humanity as a whole but also a major one for his fledgling government, which the Tories were now keen to bring down.
Stanley Baldwin, the long suffering Conservative leader, had finally given up his post after the National Government had failed to gain a majority in the previous October’s election. He had been replaced by Neville Chamberlain, who had reinvigorated his party and now seemed ready to try and force another election. This had caused the Action-Liberal coalition to rely increasingly on the votes of the Labour party, whose reduced number of MPs sat uncomfortably on the opposition benches alongside the Tories. As leader of the largest party, and Leader of the Opposition, Chamberlain took priority when it came to questions. Regardless of how divided the opposition parties actually were.
“And would the Prime Minister not agree that there is also a need for clarity from the Russian delegation, given the events reported in this afternoon’s edition of the Evening Standard?”
“I have not had the pleasure of reading this afternoon’s Evening Standard.” Lloyd George appeared to be unfazed although many in the chamber were genuinely curious. The Evening Standard, controlled by Max Beaverbrook, had thrown its support fully behind the Tories after Chamberlain’s assumption of the leadership. It was likely the Leader of the Opposition had been privy to what would be in the paper long before anyone else would have had a chance to read it, and prepare accordingly.
“Well then I shall enlighten the Prime Minister!” Chamberlain announced with a coy grin, holding up a copy of the paper in one hand before brandishing it at the government benches. He had a certain youthful energy about him in spite of being more than sixty years of age, only a few years younger than Lloyd George himself.
“The Russian army has been found to have been operating within north-eastern China and, along with their Chinese fellow travellers, assaulting Japanese delegations. Would it not seem that there is clarity needed as to whether the Russian delegation should have as much right to a voice in setting world standards as the Japanese?”
There were even louder jeers from the Tory benches but the Prime Minister remained calm, bemused even. If this was news to him he seemed keen to not let it show.
“I would advise the right honourable gentleman not to believe everything he reads in the papers. Especially the Tory ones.” That got a laugh from many sections of the house but Chamberlain was dauntless.
“So the Prime Minister denies there are Russian troops operating in China?”
“It is a developing situation which will be raised at the conference should such incidents become clear.”
“And in the same way the Prime Minister will not take the Russians to account for their aggression, will he continue to ignore the German rearmament going on within Russia whilst their delegation is also placated at the Geneva conference?”
Lloyd George shook his head, trying to remain oblivious to the jibes of his opponent.
“The right honourable gentleman should know that these claims are old and they are exactly the sort of issue the Geneva conference was established to deal with. In the words of the old legal saying, he who comes to equity must come with clean hands and he who asks for forgiveness of his debts must forgive his debtors.”
“It has been my lot to listen to many such anecdotes by the Prime Minister throughout my time in this place but never have I felt such foreboding. We are all under the shadow of a great and imminent menace. Bolshevism, in a form more stark and terrible than ever before, is staring us in the face. The Prime Minister’s response is to go to them open handed, to make the offer of sacrificing our security for no clear return and waiting for our allies to do the same. Is this in any way connected with his government’s reliance on Labour support? Are we perhaps seeing another Zinoviev letter’s instructions play out?”
There were roars of outrage from all corners of the chamber before the Speaker finally interjected to restore order. John couldn’t muster the energy to indulge in the animalistic grunts himself, his legs felt increasingly strained and he looked longingly at the half-empty government benches.
If he had remained within the Action party he would be sitting down right now, he might even have been a minister. Instead he was watching the usual pantomime play out, with both sides of the house emphasising their anti-communist credentials. There was no doubt the Geneva conference would suffer for this but such had been the way of Parliament for sometime. The Action party had become comfortable in that role, just like the Tories, the Liberals, and Labour before them.
John realised there was no going back. To cross the floor back over to Action now, as a member of the ILP, would only make Chamberlain’s case for him. It seemed as if the Leader of the Opposition was planting the seeds for a vote of no confidence but it would be something that would take time for him to work on. The Labour party were in no state to contest another election but their votes were needed to cause one. In the meantime there would be more of these theatrics until the government could perhaps be made unable to function entirely.
John departed from the chamber and decided to return to the revolutionary conference going on elsewhere in the capital. Increasingly it seemed like parliamentary sessions were keeping him away from spending time on politics.
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The cartoon is by Leonard Raven-Hill for Punch magazine