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Chapter 50: Slave Republics of the Persian Gulf
The land of Mazoun had been transformed by the Mazdakite revolutionaries into a quasi-utopian republic, with the social organization directly based upon Mazdakite philosophy.
The State of Mazoun would have two major institutions: The Sacred Council, consisting purely of Mazdakite clerics, which would effectively deal with the “grand decisions”, that is, deciding the questions of war and peace, and preserving the general architecture of the society and caring for the constitutional order.
The other major institution would be the Grand Council of State, which would decide the practical day-to-day affairs of the state. This Grand Council of State would be elected from amongst the free citizens of Mazoun, and from amongst them they would choose the Rais (1) of Mazoun, who would be the head of state, however most of his decisions would not be upon his choice entirely, and would need to be consulted with the Grand Council of State.
As the major reforms would have been implemented, and the system would get going, the Sacred Council would be less and less involved (2), and most of the affairs be left to the Grand Council of State. Therefore, Mazoun would very well shift from a theocratic regime to a rather republican form of government.
Mazoun had a strong seafaring tradition
Mazoun would prosper greatly from trade with India, and would Mazoun merchants would command maritime traffic from the straits of Hormuz (the island of Hormuz becoming a Mazouni trade post) to the Indus River estuary, coming in contact also with the tribesmen of Makran. Mazoun would on one hand seek to diverge trade with India from the Red Sea basin to the Persian Gulf, on the other hand, they would seek to collect tolls from any ships travelling through the Straits of Hormuz, and acting like pirates to any ships that would not.
The major thorn in the eye for Mazouni thalassocracy would have been the port of Salalah on the Dhofari coast: the last port to acquire supplies for any ship passing from Himyar to the Kathiawari coast. For that reason, the port would be repeatedly razed and sacked by Mazouni pirates, and Red Sea trade with India, would for the most part shift southwards, to the Somali Coast and then to the island of Socotra.
Desert landscape in Mazoun
Continued pressure from both Mazoun and Egypt, as well as invading desert tribesmen would result in a weakening of the kingdom of Himyar, which would have been on the rise during the 9th century: most importantly, this would mean the loss of control over Hadhramawt. This region would still be home to the declining monotheistic religion called Rahmanism, while also home to Miaphysite Christian community as well: however this would be replaced due to Mazouni influence by Mazdakism, and also adopt a republican form of government. Hadhramawt would become a tributary of Mazoun.
The Monsoon season in Dhofar brings fog
Returning back to the Persian Gulf region, on its Arabic bank is the region of Beth Qatriye. The area would have been part of the Kingdom of Sawat until around the 940s. By then, the overall situation in the area had changed. Beth Qatriye would no longer be a mere appendix of lower Mesopotamia. Rather, the Qatriyan merchants would make great profit from trade, and increased maritime activity and a wealthy merchant class would feel generally alienated towards the Sawadi monarchy. Seeing a successful republican Mazoun nextdoor, Qatriye would as well fight a war of independence against Sawad and become a republic.
The Qatriyans would shape many of their institutions upon the existing model in Mazoun, yet they would customize their modle to the specifics of their Nestorian religion. This would mean very well that you could fill the Sacred Council with Nestorian bishops and monks, yet this would somehow not be a considered as a valid possibility. Rather, they would replace it by establishing an Elder Council of the Wise, a rather advisory body, which should ring the bells for the alarm should some problem arise. The members of the Elder Council would be co-opted by members already within.
While the realms of Mazoun and Qatriye would often be described as utopian societies, with an egalitarian model free from class or caste structures, and welfare programmes, this would be only possible at the expense of someone else. This “someone else” would be a great mass of slaves (called servants or labourers in Qatriye, although their conditions would be very much similar). These slaves would be bought at markets either in India, in Africa or even the northern steppes of Eurasia, and would work in the baking sun on large agricultural plantations of Dilmun and Qatar, or search for pearls in the Gulf.
Conditions in Qatriye would legally be better, for the “servants” or “labourers” would be given a wage, and after ten years in general they would become free, yet not acquiring any rights or becoming involved in the political process. They could, however, buy themselves a small filed and house, or work as a peasant infeudiated to his liege lord.
(1) Rais is both Arabci and Persian for president, so this should do.
(2) And play a role somewhere between the Upper House and the Constitutional Court
The State of Mazoun would have two major institutions: The Sacred Council, consisting purely of Mazdakite clerics, which would effectively deal with the “grand decisions”, that is, deciding the questions of war and peace, and preserving the general architecture of the society and caring for the constitutional order.
The other major institution would be the Grand Council of State, which would decide the practical day-to-day affairs of the state. This Grand Council of State would be elected from amongst the free citizens of Mazoun, and from amongst them they would choose the Rais (1) of Mazoun, who would be the head of state, however most of his decisions would not be upon his choice entirely, and would need to be consulted with the Grand Council of State.
As the major reforms would have been implemented, and the system would get going, the Sacred Council would be less and less involved (2), and most of the affairs be left to the Grand Council of State. Therefore, Mazoun would very well shift from a theocratic regime to a rather republican form of government.
Mazoun had a strong seafaring tradition
Mazoun would prosper greatly from trade with India, and would Mazoun merchants would command maritime traffic from the straits of Hormuz (the island of Hormuz becoming a Mazouni trade post) to the Indus River estuary, coming in contact also with the tribesmen of Makran. Mazoun would on one hand seek to diverge trade with India from the Red Sea basin to the Persian Gulf, on the other hand, they would seek to collect tolls from any ships travelling through the Straits of Hormuz, and acting like pirates to any ships that would not.
The major thorn in the eye for Mazouni thalassocracy would have been the port of Salalah on the Dhofari coast: the last port to acquire supplies for any ship passing from Himyar to the Kathiawari coast. For that reason, the port would be repeatedly razed and sacked by Mazouni pirates, and Red Sea trade with India, would for the most part shift southwards, to the Somali Coast and then to the island of Socotra.
Desert landscape in Mazoun
Continued pressure from both Mazoun and Egypt, as well as invading desert tribesmen would result in a weakening of the kingdom of Himyar, which would have been on the rise during the 9th century: most importantly, this would mean the loss of control over Hadhramawt. This region would still be home to the declining monotheistic religion called Rahmanism, while also home to Miaphysite Christian community as well: however this would be replaced due to Mazouni influence by Mazdakism, and also adopt a republican form of government. Hadhramawt would become a tributary of Mazoun.
The Monsoon season in Dhofar brings fog
Returning back to the Persian Gulf region, on its Arabic bank is the region of Beth Qatriye. The area would have been part of the Kingdom of Sawat until around the 940s. By then, the overall situation in the area had changed. Beth Qatriye would no longer be a mere appendix of lower Mesopotamia. Rather, the Qatriyan merchants would make great profit from trade, and increased maritime activity and a wealthy merchant class would feel generally alienated towards the Sawadi monarchy. Seeing a successful republican Mazoun nextdoor, Qatriye would as well fight a war of independence against Sawad and become a republic.
The Qatriyans would shape many of their institutions upon the existing model in Mazoun, yet they would customize their modle to the specifics of their Nestorian religion. This would mean very well that you could fill the Sacred Council with Nestorian bishops and monks, yet this would somehow not be a considered as a valid possibility. Rather, they would replace it by establishing an Elder Council of the Wise, a rather advisory body, which should ring the bells for the alarm should some problem arise. The members of the Elder Council would be co-opted by members already within.
While the realms of Mazoun and Qatriye would often be described as utopian societies, with an egalitarian model free from class or caste structures, and welfare programmes, this would be only possible at the expense of someone else. This “someone else” would be a great mass of slaves (called servants or labourers in Qatriye, although their conditions would be very much similar). These slaves would be bought at markets either in India, in Africa or even the northern steppes of Eurasia, and would work in the baking sun on large agricultural plantations of Dilmun and Qatar, or search for pearls in the Gulf.
Conditions in Qatriye would legally be better, for the “servants” or “labourers” would be given a wage, and after ten years in general they would become free, yet not acquiring any rights or becoming involved in the political process. They could, however, buy themselves a small filed and house, or work as a peasant infeudiated to his liege lord.
(1) Rais is both Arabci and Persian for president, so this should do.
(2) And play a role somewhere between the Upper House and the Constitutional Court
- Tomislav Addai
- Word Count: 880