#19
View attachment 423175
2010
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México (Pumas all the way). A lecture of Contemporary Latin American History continues.
“And so the US found cover to end its clandestine relationship with Argentina. By all accounts the junta was furious. President Galtieri, who had gained power from Videla two months before Anderson took office, felt personally betrayed by Anderson. With the loss of what we might call ‘force projection’ against regional communist forces, he began to grow paranoid about insurrection at home. He stepped up his repression of dissidents, leading to further international condemnation. This rise in internal violence resulted in an increase in the number of Argentine priests taking a public stand against the regime. This in turn was interpreted by Galtieri as a backdoor rebuke from the Pope, solidifying in his mind the sense that the negotiations with Chile were rigged against Argentina from the start.
“There is evidence that Galtieri had been gearing up for a confrontation with the United Kingdom over the Falkland Islands, hoping for US support- or at least indifference- in the reclamation of the Malvinas. After the US shut the door in his face, so to speak, he seems to have grown uncertain on the matter.
“But the change in US policy ended up cutting another way: the Americans were also seemingly pulling back their support for Pinochet’s Chile. Perhaps not as forcefully as it seemed they were with Argentina, but that was only because their dealings with Chile were mostly internal, while Argentine operations had been dovetailing with the CIA all over the region. If the new US strategy was ‘hands-off’ in South America, surely an attack on Chile wouldn’t cause them to raise a hand?
“To give Galtieri credit, in that specific assumption he was largely correct. The US condemned Argentina for starting the Tierra del Fuego War, but they did not appear to intervene. Did they step up clandestine support for anti-regime dissidents? Absolutely. But by the time Yankee support really came to bear, the writing was already on the wall.
It was really two other major assumptions that did Galtieri, and the junta, in. First, that Chile would simply roll over and accept a fait accompli. And second, that the people would rally behind the war in a flood of patriotism.
“The specifics of the war are not part of the curriculum of this course. I do recommend you do the optional reading I’ve outlined in the syllabus, but we won’t be covering it in-depth here. In summation: a disaster for Argentina. A general deficit of planning leads to defeat at every turn. Over two thousand dead, entire units surrendered and taken prisoner. Mounting unrest at home. General condemnation from around the globe and more pointed actions taken by a network of Catholic countries offended by this rejection of Papal mediation.
“Peace talks began in January of 1982, but Galtieri would not remain in office long enough to see them concluded. It was president Raúl Alfonsín, duly elected by the people in March of 1982, who would sign the treaty.”
----
Early November, 1982
Two low-level aids to the Right Honorable Member for Roxburgh, Selkirk, and Peebles (who also happens to be the leader of the Liberal Party) are finishing the daily filing in the outer office, as well as gossiping shamelessly.
“So who’s she chucking, then?”
“Lord Hailsham, obviously, after that last outburst. Walker. Heseltine. I heard Pym’s name from Karen.”
“And I bet she wishes she could sack Gilmour again.”
“If there’s a way, she’ll find it…”
“Doesn’t seem smart to me, a reshuffling now.”
“They’re in a tailspin.”
“Only makes them look weak.”
“The Wets are trying to push her. She either has to push back or step aside, it’s that simple.”
“She could try, you know, accomplishing something. That would quiet them.”
“It would take a lot to revive Tory fortunes at this point.
[Chuckles.] Thatcher’d practically have to win a war to win the next election.”
A young man, not yet thirty, enters the office, stopping in his tracks when he seems to recognize one of the filers.”
“Oh. Hi.”
“Hi there, stranger.”
“It’s, um. Lovely to see you…”
[He’s clearly casting about for a name, but the aid refuses to relieve his discomfort.] “Well. I didn’t know you worked here.”
“And yet you hide your surprise so well. Can we help you?”
“My office called. I’m supposed to-”
Just then the rear office door opens and David Steel pokes his head out. He’s about to speak to his employees when he catches sight of the uncomfortable young man.
“Ah, you must be Mr…”
“Chilvers, sir.”
“Yes, Mr. Chilvers, come in.”
[To his staff] “We’re not to be disturbed.”
The door closes behind the Liberal Leader. The filers continue filing.
“Who was that then?”
“Bloke.”
“Bloke?”
“We met about two months ago. Which was also about the last time I saw the bastard. He got drunk and kept going on about hill-walking. Not a very interesting story. But what is interesting is who he works for.”
“Oh?”
“He works for Gilmour.”
“Gilmour! Really?”
“Did two months ago, any rate.”
“Well. Well, well, well!”
“You said a mouthful.”
“So what do you suppose an aid to Ian Gilmour’s doing talking to the leader of the Liberal Party?”
“Well. I doubt they’re talking about hill-walking.”
----
Seventh and Euclid
“EXTRY! British government in crisis! One Nation Party splits from Tories, joins the Alliance! EXTRY!”
“Really? You’re doing the British news now?”
“Every story has an audience, Hashim.”
“And who exactly is the audience for that story around here?”
“Well. What about Pete?”
“Pete?”
“Yeah, Pete the baker. He’s English.”
“He is from Poland!”
“Well. Whatever.”
“Whatever?”
“Potayto/Potahto.”
“Al, Poland and Britain are not Potayto/Potah-”
“Okay, okay! So I’ll read something else. Something pertinent to, you know. The community.”
“That’s great.”
“Here, I’ll read something about your homeland. Uh...Saud...er...Egymmm...Syrrrr...uh...Moro...nnn...hey Hashim, where are you from, again?”
“Ithaca, New York.”
“Right. I knew it was some place weird.”