The Election of 1976
As November got closer and closer, the campaigns of the three candidates intensified. This was a battle not only for the White House, but also for the ideological future of American politics. Progressives versus conservatives. Public spending versus tax cutbacks. Democrat versus Republican. One can argue that’s the case every 4 years, but the Geo-political situation in 1976 was a unique one. The United States was in the middle of an unprecedented Oil Crisis, pressure was building with the Soviet Union and the political machine was in turmoil. People were losing trust on their government, people were afraid.
The Kennedy Administration had lost a lot of public confidence in the last two years. That was in large part due to the Oil Crisis, but also because of the visible political stalemate. The 1974 mid-terms had ensured a Republican Senate. And though the Democrats had a majority in the House, The American Independents had enough seats to turn the tide for the Republicans if they so wished. Therefore, the Legislative was a hostile one to the incumbent administration.
By September, a poll determined the president to have a 55% approval rating. It was surprisingly positive, considering the circumstances. Nevertheless, another poll showed support for the Democratic Party to be at 32%. Strangely, it seemed that the President’s popularity was, at least partially, disconnected from that of his party. Had RFK been running, he might have had an easier time. The Democratic candidate, however, was Muskie.
Victory was not at all guaranteed for the Party, Ed Muskie knew that well. He campaigned hard, traveling the country and seeking to visit as many states as possible. Quantity over quality seemed to be his campaign policy. His Vice Presidential Nominee, Jimmy Carter toured the South, seeking to garner local support. This strategy proved unsuccessful very early on. Though Carter was a popular politician, especially in his native South, the death of Byrd and the resulting conspiracy theories were far to ingrained in the region. Byrd had, afterall, won every primary there, and the so called “McGovern-Hernandez” Plot proved simply too damaging. Polls in the regions showed Muskie/Carter at a solid third place, behind Reagan and, of course, Alabama’s favorite child.
Governor George Wallace knew this was a crucial election. He had first ran in 1968, succeeding in taking a good Chunk of the Deep South to his side. His run in 72 proved more problematic, as he lost ground to the republicans. Now, however, the American Independence Party had congressmen, and two governor sits. For two years now they had negotiated with republicans in the House, and for two years they had been taken seriously. Wallace would not miss the opportunity.
The Governor knew that Segregation was not the topic it once was. While in 68 he had run on that issue almost entirely, now the topic looked like a memory. Racial integration was a reality and Wallace couldn’t capitalize on it like before. Therefore he focused his campaign on three points, Morality, the economy, and foreign policy.
“Democrats, can you still really trust them? They’ve gone completely corrupt. Look at what they did to Senator Byrd. Now harry and I had our differences, but he was a true southerner, and look at what McGovern did. Now you can say Muskie is not McGovern but that’s a damm lie. Muskie, McGovern, Kennedy, they’re all the same, and they all treat Washington as their corrupt little playground. You can’t trust them anymore, you just can’t. And Foreign Policy? Look at all the money they’re throwing at Europe and Asia, when they should be spending that money right here on the American people. The people suffering because of a crisis they caused. The Democrats and their little arm wrestling with the Soviets. Muskie is the worst of them on that, looking outside instead of inside. I say it again, don’t trust the Democrats.”
The little speech, given to a reporter in September, typified the new approach the American Independent Party was taking on the election. While Wallace campaigned hard, his VP choice was none other than Ross Barnett, governor of Mississippi. While Wallace could lay of the racial issue, Barnett, a known segregationist, could direct all the talk on the matter to himself.
The campaign proved surprisingly popular. Discontentment with the government was high, especially in the South. Outside the South, however, Wallace’s popularity seemed to fall abruptly. In every other region, polls showed him at third place. Behind Muskie and, of course, Dutch.
Governor Ronald Reagan was trying again.
“Third time’s the charm, he would pronounce repeatedly on the campaign. His rhetoric of staunch fiscal conservatism and family values had successfully pulled the GOP from the moderates of Rockefeller straight to his camp. His attacks on the Kennedy Administration were consistent and effective, if not as crude as those of Wallace.
“America craves for better leadership. America craves for better management. Now is the time to return to morality, to the ideals that made America great. We need to stop interfering in people’s lives and the economy with these taxes and regulations. We need to fix our economy that has been run dry by too much spending. And the Soviet Union? Well, I’m not going to end the current situation, I’m going to win it. We’re going to show Mr. Brezhnev that the United States is the true global leader, and that the American way will always beat tyranny. We will leave the darkness we’re facing. It’s morning in America once again.”
Reagan’s message was precise, and it resonated with many Americans. People that, in 1968 had been lifelong democrats were now migrating to the Californian with his charisma. He was indeed a favorite.
Reagan chose to focus on some key states, particularly around the Midwest and the rust belt. He would hold large rally’s, and spend weeks at a time in some states, as was the case with Ohio and Indiana.
His VP choice, New York Mayor John Lindsay meanwhile would focus on moderation. He would campaign hard in his hometown, and seek to attract undecideds and moderate voters.
Finally, after months of campaign, November arrived, and the voting booths opened.
Through the entire campaign, Muskie had been behind Reagan. However, no one could truly predict the landslide. Muskie secured New York by 3 points. A good chunk of New England also went Democrat, all with a difference below one point. Minnesota, bastion of the party, also remained loyal, as did Washington and the Capital. Nothing else did. Reagan received 53.2% of the popular vote, and 363 electoral votes. Muskie trailed behind with 31.8% of the vote, one of the lowest in Democratic history. In Third place came George Wallace, with his strongest performance to date. Garnering 15% of the popular votes, and 75 electoral votes, Wallace had succeeded at the Impossible: Fully turning the South against the established political parties. With the exception of Florida, the entire region voted American Independent.
It was indeed the end of an era. The aftermath of the election would indeed, be felt around the world.
The End and the Beginning of a Era, Marcus P. Edginton
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