Rebirth of an Empire "O Renascimento de um Império" v2.0
- Thread starter Lusitania
- Start date
When done by decision of the centre of the Empire, this is usually a sign of consolidation of an empire's strength.
another great update, great victories of Portugal, more territory to colonize and expand the Portuguese culture ,it would have been so good that this happen in our timeline
Lusitania
Donor
There is no inquisition so there will be no forced conversion but at same time the Portuguese government and the portuguese Catholic Church dealt with the locals in much different way. Added to this there are tens of thousands of catholic refugees that were settled in the new Goa districts and old ports. The catholic missionaries were either all Indians or spoke the local languages. Meanwhile like expanded Diu and Daman taxation, opportunity awaited those who learned Portuguese. Assimilation and conversion were gradual processes, that being said these people in time developed their own unique lusophone world like those in Brazil and elsewhere in the empire. We will discuss this in future posts.
It was the climatic ending to a very tumultuous time in portuguese India history.
IOTL the Portuguese and french were sidelined to their respective enclaves. The Dutch were wiped out and of course the British went on to dominate the sub continent. What the Portuguese have done iTTL is to assert their right to a part of the continent. We also need to understand that in 1778 the Maratha, mongol empire and Mysore at still independent countries while at same time Europeans including Portuguese were continuing to expand both their territory and just as important their control of trade. So while we will not know for sure the outcomes of conflicts still to occur we do know two things. The diplomatic, military interplay between Indian nations and Europeans will continue and those Portuguese will be a part of it and not be sidelined like iOTL.
Yes the empire strength both economically, military and diplomatic had come a long way since 1755. But great care must always be exerted for a wrong move could sideline or impede the county’s continued development and progress.
That could be a model that the empire will follow although at this stage it be hard to say. The country is too small to behave like Britain and attempt to control everything from Lisbon. As been discussed before the incorporation of the Brazilians as partners in the empire had added to the empire's strength. For now we have not 3 million people but 6 million lusophone people. The incorporation of other areas will also add to that strength. Will the empire have the whereabouts and strength to progress or will reactionary forces attempt to assert their historical rights? We will see if in the 19th century how things progress.
Thank you, I think that many things that Pombal started might of had some of the same affect maybe not to the extent iTTL but greater affect. Like all ideas they needed to have the backing and correct leadership to make them possible. A little luck and momentum also helps a lot as witnessed in the British own case.
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Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) - Luso-Mysore War of 1778 - 1778 (6 of 6)
Lusitania
Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)
Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (6 of 6)
War Impact – Countries and People
Luso-Mysore War of 1777-1778 (6 of 6)
War Impact – Countries and People
The Luso-Mysore War was significant on many levels, as it was the first clear sign of imperial resurgence in Portugal to many observers, and had ripple effects of various natures, most of them negative and foreboding. From India, to Africa, to Europe, there were conclusions to make on this conflict.
Internal Powers - Governors and Liberalism
The Mozambican Governor had sent Vice-Admiral Rebelo and his squadrons to assist the Goan Navy in the conflict against Mysore, setting up a precedent of autonomous cooperation with Lisboan instructions which allowed them to secure a share of war reparations. This example of military cooperation agreement between subordinate military and administration sub-bodies could be interpreted two ways; as proof that oversea states deserved and flourished with autonomy or as a dangerous sign of anti-overlord Vice-Royal coalitions. This preoccupation would fuel further reforms on colonial legislation, especially pertaining to the nature of the Navy’s squadrons’ jurisdictions in Asia.
That being said, there was now increased interest in mutual colonial success between Portuguese colonies. Commerce and budget in Mozambique increased due to the Luso-Mysore war, and so did war-support labor. It was undeniable the ties between separate territories were growing closer and more interactive, which could promise interesting political developments under the right kingship. The nature of each colony as a territory with an identity was now put further into question, adding more topics to the slowly accelerating whirlpool of ideas in the empire.
A far more negative aspect of the war was the impact the losses had on the Portuguese people; nearly 2,000 men had died fighting the Mysorean invasion, which many enlightened citizens perceived as mostly the fault of Castro and Patriarch Manuel’s ambition rather than the result of migration stress. The death of so many young men, albeit professional soldiers trained to face the possibility of an early grave, in a distant, needless conflict outweighed in the hearts of the close of kin the conquests and glory than ensued. The concern that, at any moment, the Pombaline Government could spark another war, particularly with Spain, and drag more innocent civilians to blood worsened Portuguese apathy towards ambition and glory while incentivizing civil anxiety about a lack of citizen rights.
This coincided with the upbringing of a larger and more developed educated community in the cities thanks to university and education reforms. The result was a further spike towards the left end of the political spectrum and a silent questioning of government authority.
Young King Joseph II was aware of this and worried what could happen if Portugal continued under Pombal’s brand of enlightenment.
Indian Powers – Prestige and Turmoil
In more direct fashion, there was a reassessment of the sub-continental situation from the native kingdoms of India, who now looked upon Goa with suspicion and Mysore with content for its loss. Narayan Rao now looked upon Mysore’s loss as a sign of shifting powers and Goa’s expansion as a fortunate alliance, as there was no doubt the foothold and claims of the more aggressive Europeans would also increase in the future.
Said prediction was confirmed when, in the same year the war ended, a new colonial power arrived on Nicobar Islands, the Habsburg Monarchy. Deceived by Dutch advisor William Bolts on the success chances of said mission and taking advantage of Danish failures in the same archipelago, Austria sent a secret expedition of falsely-flagged ships that only barely managed to get six men and cattle on the islands, its first colonial expedition since the dissolution of the ‘Ostend Company’. The lack of drinking water and growth conditions would cause the colony to collapse by 1781, but it still showed Europeans were getting bold in their incursions to the area.
Narayan sought to prepare for arms once again against Mysore to take back territory lost in their previous conflict, seizing on its moment of weakness and humiliation. His revanchist dream, however, would clash with the greed of the British and French, who simultaneously sought to make their moves on Mysore before it was too late; still in 1778 the British office of Calcutta denied Maratha claims to northern Mysore lands, seeking to limit Maratha expansion, and the French declared their intention to further their alliance with Hyder Ali with weapon and officer supplying, creating a delicate gridlock that could blow up in a large Indo-European war.
The stability of southern India was now at stake; while Hyder Ali fully held the boast that their power had not weakened at all, the Kingdom of Mysore had not convinced the whites and their Maratha rivals, triggering a rush to arms in the Sultan’s army to ensure his authority remained respected. Meanwhile, Vice-Roy Frederick of Goa continued to use his powers to syphon commerce into funding an increased stockpiling of weaponry in the enclave. Turmoil in India, which was already boiling over, was now exacerbated further, promising war very soon…
European Powers – Prestige and Commerce
The Portuguese victory was a mark of pride on the Lusitanians, but their territorial acquisitions were a smudge of problems for their rivals, in particular the French. By 1778, most of French power in the area lied solely in southern India in large part thanks to the ports of Pondicherry and Mahé, as well as their friendship with the Kingdom of Mysore. The acquisition of Calicut, Mangalore and Canacore by the Portuguese, however, surrounded Mahé with rival fortified ports in a better and more organized position to steer trade. French influence and power in the south-Indian market was now significantly challenged, especially as the Portuguese Indian Navy gradually recovered prestige and as the Merchant Navy expanded.
On the other hand, the increased trade in Goa allowed the Portuguese to reclaim and enhance commercial relations with the Arabian, East African and, ultimately, European ports. The cargo weight in the empire increased to the point of allowing Lisbon to sell their goods in ports further north in Europe, particularly Russia and Prussia. In 1779, Prime Minister Pombal appointed the diplomat Francis Macedo to St. Petersburg to establish official diplomatic relations with Catherine ‘the Great’, allowing for the signing of a Treaty of Armed Neutrality and Commerce as early as 1780.[1] This would allow Portuguese merchants to sell their goods in the Baltic Sea in exchange for permitting the Imperial Russian Navy to replenish in Lisbon, which formed a strategic mid-stop for the Baltic-Black Sea Russian operations.
The Luso-Russian Friendship Treaty was triggered by the Portuguese commercial resurgence
The German market also became subject of increased Portuguese commerce, often exchanging oversea goodies and metropolitan manufactured goods for German coin and wares. Hannover was the first market for a number of reasons, including the new Portuguese Queen’s ancestry, but trade focus gradually shifted east to Prussia and Poland where the sail travel was longer but French and British competition was weaker.
[1] IOTL, these treaties were signed in 1782 and 1787, respectively
Note:
Good morning, as Portuguese India worked to both absorb the new conquests and to mold them into the new expanded Portuguese Empire we now can view how these events had an affect on the outside world view of the Portuguese empire. Of special note is the world in which the Portuguese empire found itself in at the time. A world full of war and intrigue. With Empires in flux and ongoing struggle for supremacy in Europe. The arrival of a new face provided a different avenue and market for many in Europe. But, alas after such a endeavor we would hope the Empire could of been able to rest and regroup but other forces were at play and we will turn our attention to the next chapter in the country's march forward. This time we turn our attention to the Dark Continent, while the first that the Portuguese had explored and laid claim it was one that at the time the Portuguese like the rest of Europe only held slivers of the coast. We will turn our attention next to Angola and the Congo who had been one the Empires first African contacts and in some ways successes. For next we discuss 4th Luso-Congolese War (1778). Comments / questions???
Please return Sunday November 4 as we introduce the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - 4th Luso-Congolese War (1778).
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Lusitania
Donor
Yes, the previous one was going to be smaller and the last part added to this one but at last minute decided to include in the 5th post. Therefore this one is shorter.
As for next section it is over 30 pages long and will be posted in 5 separate posts. The posts will be of varying sizes but average 6 pages each.
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Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) - 4th Luso-Congolese War (1778) (1 of 5)
Lusitania
Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)
4th Luso-Congolese War (1778) (1 of 5)
4th Luso-Congolese War (1778) (1 of 5)
The Luso-Mysore War was not the only conflict that took place at the start of the late Pombaline Era. The Atlantic Army, twin to the Indic Army and in capable reach of supporting it throughout the conflict with Hyder Ali, had its hands full with the war that would arise in the Congo basin as the late King Joseph’s slave trade ban decree caused the local colonial-tribal economy to shatter and shift tendencies.
Setting
The province of Angola in the 18th century was one of the most isolated settlements in Africa, but its maritime and colonial importance was critical beyond the immediate understanding. Its history was one completely characterized by the settling of the Portuguese in the fortified ports of Luanda and Benguela and the ensuing commerce, wars, religious missions and cooperation with the local tribal empires, in particular the Kingdoms of Kongo and Ndongo. As part of the empire, it played two purposes; the supplying of slaves through trade or capture to the American continent and as a stopping point of ships on their way between Europe and India.
The Kingdom of Kongo
The King of Kongo meets the Portuguese Colonists
In the following decades, the Kingdom of Kongo became a major source of slaves for Portuguese traders. Overtime, however, this relationship would divulge into war, with the first major Luso-Kongolese conflict occurring in 1622 as a result of greedy Portuguese incursions into the regional kingdoms over slave trade demands. Pedro II, King of the Kongo, would declare Angola an enemy and fight a war of containment against the Portuguese, which victories almost cause Angola to collapse under the weight of mercantile revolts. Later on, In the 1640s, the Dutch challenged the Portuguese for control of Angola and its trade with the Kingdom of Kongo. Pedro II would ally himself with the Dutch against Angola, triggering further conflicts to ascertain his domain in the area over the Europeans. It would only be his common religion as a Catholic that would ultimately stop him from wiping the Portuguese in Luanda and Benguela off the map.
In 1665 at the Battle of Mbwila the Portuguese forces from Angola had their first victory against the kingdom of Kongo. They defeated the forces under Kongo king António I killing him and many of his courtiers, leaving the country with no clear succession thus precipitating the Kongo civil war. Attempts by the Portuguese to seek advantage during the civil war were met with disastrous result in the Battle of Kitombo on 18 October 1670 where Portuguese forces were defeated by Soyo one the groups vying for control of Kingdom.
The Kingdom plunged in chaos as the two main linages (Kimpanzu and Kinlaza) of the founding king fought for control. In 1678 the capital São Salvador was burned to the ground, and the city and hinterland around Mbanza Kongo became depopulated. The population dispersed into the mountain top fortresses of the rival kings. Tens of thousands fleeing the conflict or caught up in the battles were deported as slaves to English, French, Dutch and Portuguese merchants every year. For nearly forty years, the kingdom of Kongo wallowed in civil war. With São Salvador in ruins, the rival houses had retreated to bases in Mbula (also known as Lemba) and Kibangu. In the 1709 during Pedro IV reign an agreement was reached in that the two lineages would rotate the kingship of Kongo.
For the next half century the kingship of Kongo alternated between the two lineages. While the kingdom finally achieved peace, the restored and restive kingdom was a shadow of its size before the civil war and several parts of the kingdom such as Soyo, Nsundi either only paying lip service to being under the jurisdiction of the king or were outright independent.
At the time of the death of Joseph I of Portugal, the Kingdom of Kongo was in disarray as its succession system broke down when Álvaro XI, a Kinlaza candidate, seized the throne that would go to the Kimpazu King Pedro V. Pedro refused to acknowledge the usurpation and formed a separate court at Sembo, creating a de facto succession war when, upon his death, a regent pressed the claim once again.
Kingdom of Kongo (1770)
The 1760-1780 period was one of disarray that weakened what was the strongest regional power
The Loango Kingdom was the sole regional native power not yet under its domain
Angolan Hinterland & the Ovimbundu
South of the Kingdom of Kongo lied the Angolan highlands of the Bié Plateau, a mountainous area rumored for a long time to contain significant metallic resources such as copper and iron. It was also in these lands that lied the source of several major African rivers, particularly the Kwanza which flowed into Luanda, the Kwuango which tribute into the Congo river itself, and the legendary Zambezi river itself, which crossed the inhospitable African lands through the gold and ivory fields of the Mutapa and into Mozambique itself, on the other side of the continent. It was therefore an area that had been of extraordinary interest to Angolan governors for centuries.
Said importance was proven by the military conflicts it attracted over the centuries, the 17th in particular. Not only had the Dutch attempted to seize Luanda during the long, global conflict that was the Luso-Dutch War, but Portuguese governors had since 1617 attempted to conquer hinterland territory around Benguela to seize the copper mines of the Ndongo and the fertile lands of the river sources, where many cash crops like coffee and cotton could be planted.
Central Angola contained metallic resources and the source of many important rivers, making it an area of great strategic, commercial and geographical interest
The Ovimbundu tribes, comprised of Bantu populations, dominated these lands and were the primary trading partners of the Portuguese. The colony of Benguela, for example, was founded on Ovimbundu lands and took in Ovimbundu people who practiced subsistence agriculture (until Pombaline Reforms an unfortunate staple of the Portuguese populace as well), hunting and bovine cattle. Commerce between these two allowed the introduction of important crops, particularly maize, to the Ovimbundu but the actual assimilation or influence, whether in language, religion or culture, was limited to the de facto Portuguese possessions in the coast.
Thus, a large mass of Ovimbundu still in a very untouched state inhabited the central plateau of Angola. They were fiercely independent but tribal and very much disorganized, being able to defend their borders and occasionally form strong unions, but unable to consistently tap into their land’s resources and unite their icon religion to form a strong kingdom. The Portuguese were for the most part the only Europeans present in the area and therefore held a privileged position of commercial power in the Congo-Angola region.
Cingolo, an Ovimbundu realm
With the rise of the usurper Álvaro as Manikongo (lord of Kongo), feathers were stirred in these villages that feared an incursion from the north. The colony of Angola was a dangerous force against their culture, of course, but the white man’s intentions were more easily perceived for the simple fact of their striking difference to Africans. A reorganized Kingdom of Kongo, which was already the strongest regional power, could very well extend its claims to the Angolan plateau with very little opposition and assimilate their culture and identity far more easily than the Portuguese.
Without an organized representation and religion, however, these tribes failed to understand the extent of their own discontentment, making them vulnerable to complacence and external influence. Even so they were determined to resist European influence and Luso-Ovimbundu history was one of occasional conflict.
The Ovimbundu actively resisted Portuguese colonization
Still, despite all the problems, the territory was promising in resources. A reflection of this was Brazil’s involvement in Angola being almost as intense as that of Portugal itself, turning the territory into a colony of a kingdom as well as a colony of a colony. Across the centuries most of Brazil’s African population descended from slaves from Angola, which, considering the share of the South American colony in the American slave importation (almost 50%), formed a demographic and commercial link of enormous magnitude. Brazilian interests in the area were therefore historically high, especially in Northern Brazil where slavery was still very much alive.
In conclusion, Angola was an important port colony for the simple fact that it was neighbored by native powers that dominated lands of untapped but dangerous terrain. Its growth had been dependent on Luso-Brazilian colonization, which comprised of merchants, exiles, prisoners and heretics sent to occupy the coastal area. It was significantly fortified (a legacy of centuries of wars with the Dutch and the natives), but its potential was for the most part untapped due to the difficulties of African colonization in the 18th century. Joseph I’s declaration of slave trade banning, however, would cause its face to shift and stir local interests that were not particularly stable to begin with.
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Note:
We now begin the next imperialistic section this time on the African continent. The Portuguese had arrived off the coast of the Kongo and Angola at the time it was trying to discover a maritime route to India. But as can be seen while they had a large presence (in comparison to other Europeans) it was largely limited to the coast. It was not for lack of trying hence the "4th" in the name of this section. So we now review what a renewed and stronger Portuguese Empire can do against the might of the Kongo in the 4th Luso-Congolese War (1778). Comments / questions???
Please return Sunday November 18 as we continue the 2nd part of the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - 4th Luso-Congolese War (1778).
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very good new update , the Portuguese empire is expanding , great victories in the Wars , cant hardly wait for the next update.
Lusitania
Donor
As indicated the Luso-Congo war will be posted in 5 installments. The first dealt with introducing our readers to historical Portuguese - Congo interaction and introducing the two main African players. The next one will deal with the various Portuguese actors, Portuguese interested and setting up the conflict which will be covered in two installments. Finally we deal with the peace treaty and surprising conclusion.
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) - 4th Luso-Congolese War (1778) (2 of 5)
Lusitania
Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)
4th Luso-Congolese War (1778) (2 of 5)
End of Slave Trade & Angolan Reorganization
4th Luso-Congolese War (1778) (2 of 5)
End of Slave Trade & Angolan Reorganization
Angola, like much of West Africa, had till the 1760s served primarily as a ship stopping point on route to India and as a gateway for the lucrative slave trade with the Kingdom of Kongo and the Ovimbundu tribes who established trade routes to the interior of Africa, bringing thousands of natives to the Portuguese major slave markets of Luanda and Benguela. Economically speaking, however, Angola was a Portuguese failure as far as Lisbon’s dream to monopolize the regions trade went; there was far more Brazilian, British and Dutch involvement in Luanda than Portuguese, with most of the goods imported to Luanda and ships operating in its port coming from these powers. This was in part due to the colony’s nature as a slavery outpost, as it was estimated that over 2 million Africans were taken through its ports to American colonies, something that carried with it a lot of extra-national interest.
Moreover, the Portuguese were increasingly concerned with French and Dutch influence in the region as a whole; Lusitanian intentions to colonize the Cabinda region were starting to see opposition from Paris and the Dutch colony of South Africa was growing further down the trade line, posing a direct threat.
In 1768, however, the abolishment of the official slave markets in these two major Portuguese towns disrupted the long-established trade routes and commercial interests. While clandestine slave markets were opened by Portuguese merchants the value of slaves decreased even while demand increased. The importance of Luanda dropped dramatically to the world stage, as its only source of attraction to international investment was now legally opposed.
The Governor of Angola throughout this period was Francis Coutinho.
Francisco Inocéncio de Sousa Coutinho
Governor of Angola 1765 – 1776
The arrival of the Angola Colonial Company in the region led to a change in Portuguese trade and economics. Government resources were shifted from inland incursions to capture slaves or conduct human trade and instead went into forming plantations and building roads, walls and houses. Portuguese control of the coast gradually increased as a result, allowing the port settlements to link to each other by both claim and de facto occupation. Productivity therefore suffered a major shift, with the profits of selling slaves to Northern Brazilian states decreasing significantly.
This was intensified when southern Brazilian lobbying to invest in Angola increased in 1772, after ‘Rio de Janeiro’, ‘Rio Grande do Sul’ and ‘Cisplatina’ signed their adherence to Joseph I’s slave trade banning. The main objective was to plant Southern Brazilian interests in Benguela and Luanda that would divert regional occupations from slave businesses to plantation ones in direct competition to Northern Brazilian ‘slave smuggling’. The 1772 to 1777 period was therefore one of major steering and growth in Angola, with many new coast towns being formed by Southern Brazilian investors around enclosed plantation centers. Rio de Janeiro allied itself to Lisbon in this effort to transform Angola and the population and commerce in it multiplied a few fold.
Luanda was strengthened, fortified and reorganized thanks to Southern Brazilian and Pombaline investment
By the end of Coutinho’s term, the Colony of Angola was still relatively small, being de facto formed by a string of fortified port towns between Luanda and Benguela. The arrival of the first professional Battalions of the Atlantic Army allowed for the solidification of the colony’s defenses, emboldening Governor Francis to establish a claim on the coast all the way to the Cunene River,[1] even though he had no actual occupation of it.
The ongoing Succession War in Kongo, however, complicated matters. In 1770, Pedro V made a compact with Governor Coutinho for support and in 1771 the 1st Luanda Brigade fought two battles against the Congolese forces. The army of Congolese county of Angola was defeated in the battle of Luanda, when their attempt to capture the vital port city was repelled by the professional soldiers that, despite being outnumbered, where decently fortified, enjoyed naval support and demonstrated better training and equipment.
The 1st Luanda Brigade marched out of Luanda upon repelling this first force and, later on, in the battle of Lucala the Portuguese forces struck and defeated a detached Congolese army of 12,000 and took the area, fortifying it upon securement. Meanwhile though King Pedro V forces were defeated at battle of San Salvador and he retreated back to his base. The Portuguese province of Angola gained all coastal areas from Luanda north to the Lisano River, thus establishing a northern, fortified frontier region from where they could more easily keep the conflict at bay. The Kingdom of Kongo, however, refused to recognize the military occupation as an official seize and the lands remained contested well into the end of Coutinho’s tenure.
The Governor of Angola
In 1777 Coutinho stepped off, allowing Anthony of Lancaster to rise to governorship.
Anthony of Lencaster (por. António de Lencastre)
Governor of Angola 1777 – 1783
Governor Anthony had a troubled background; he was the brother of the current Duke of Aveiro, who obtained the title in virtue of its restoration by the Pombaline Cabinet after Joseph Lencaster, the original possessor became the main implicated noble in the infamous Távora Affair.
As such, his family’s assets and titles were seized, and the name carved into national disgrace. At the time, the family’s branch of which Anthony belonged to was also held in trial but cleared of accusations upon a failure to implicate it in the conspiracy as well. Its riches, lands and prestige were, however, still critically hit by that of the main branch, embittering them against the government.
In 1764, however, Anthony’s father donated lands to the government for construction of the Royal Road and land enclosure projects, demonstrating their willingness to repair ties. The Pombaline Cabinet, in return, would restore the dukedom of Aveiro, granting it to Anthony’s branch of the Lancaster family tree, allowing his brother to eventually be entitled. Anthony was therefore in a position of reasonable trustworthiness but also resentment towards the dictator Pombal and his foreign thugs. He remained a conservative man, deeply shaped by the tyranny his brother and father perceived the government to impose on his pious family.
In 1765, Anthony’s family expressed opposition to the campaign of the new French-born candidate to the Portuguese Religious Council, Louis Anthony Verney, arguing against his views on ecclesiastic role and methods in the education of the impoverished masses. He would shift positions in 1769, during Verney’s term, however, when the argument of ‘it is saintly to be cultured’ became the main motto of the Council’s Head reforms, a position that won the hearts of many moderate and conservative bishops and nobles. Verney also envisioned the protection of Jewish minorities, which the Lancaster family intended to use to bolster the commercial community of their region.
Even so, Lancaster remained neutral during the events of the Order of Christ Conspiracy and the Tagus Declaration, refusing to sign the new agreement of social status quo but also not opposing it directly. This was mostly motivated by the family’s complicated history with the Pombaline Government, which prevented them from supporting the more progressive nobles but also made them shy towards any direct form of hostility against it.
His appointment to Governor of Angola was one motivated by a candidacy to what was known as the ‘Land Title Contract’, a deal of servitude originating from the Morbeia War with the state upon which Anthony surrendered his claims to the family’s dukedom title for the chance of gaining his own land through colonial governorship. Anthony stood to lose all rights to the family’s wealth should his governorship be considered incompetent, and he arrived on Luanda in times of great stress and uncertainty for the colony with the mission to solidify it as a territory.
Reforms, Tensions & Hostilities
Governor Lancaster was to work with the Company of Angola to manage the port cities resources towards development and reformation, but the ongoing succession war in Kongo threatened to spill over to Luanda, especially as Anthony made his bold claim to the Cunene River known. As of his appointment, Luanda and Benguela were protected by the 1st Luanda Brigade of 4,800 soldiers, basic colonial garrisons consisting of militia and a small number of surplus Bluecoat Companies from the Atlantic Army that barely amounted to 800 professional soldiers.
Lancaster immediately filed for the appointment of a new full brigade of 4,800 men to Angola, a request that was flat out refused by the Atlantic Army HQ on the grounds that the territory could not sustain the prolonged presence of so many full-time soldiers and equipment and that the Guinean Flu episode suggested such a move was dangerous to the containment of diseases. Lancaster once again filed in late 1777, requesting a small Brigade of 2,400 men, using his available 800 as a basis and with the equipment costs and supplies paid by Angola. He also cited the instability of the region as a reason for concern. The request was approved and the 1st Benguela Brigade began to be formed using troops from Guinean and Brazilian battalions.
In the meantime, Lancaster worked to ensure the enlistment and arming of a more solid border militia from the local farmers and fishermen. The year of 1777 was one of manpower rerouting to Angola in both war and economy matters, with men previously dedicated to slave trading now either building infrastructure, being armed or farming soil.
In addition to rearranging its production priorities, the company also contacted many people in Kongo and the Ovimbundu. The collapse of the slave trade caused severe economic ripples and aggravated the political instability of the Kingdom of the Kongo, which was still immersed in the silent succession war caused by Pedro’s usurpation. Slave trade for most part started being replaced by trade in ivory and wax, as well as gradual demand for peanuts and rubber, which broke the previous slave-for-guns trade that fueled many African wars. This worsened Luso-Kongo relations, especially since King Álvaro XI’s, the Kinzala usurper, forces guns originated mostly from commerce with Europeans.
In February 1778, the 1st Benguela Brigade was ready and led by Brigadier General John Sabione, a Protestant Huguenot that took refuge in Portugal. The 1st Luanda Brigade led by Brigadier General Francisco Silva continued to guard the Lucala frontier to the north. Combined with irregular troops this formed a force of approximately 7,000 men against a looming Congolese Army that most likely led in the several tens of thousands, with 70,000 being the most credible prediction. For as long as Lancaster held the situation stable and remained neutral in the Kongo succession crisis, however, war would not break out.
The Luso-Ovimbundu Alliance
The military build-up of Portuguese Angola made Governor Lancaster’s intentions to protect his colony clear to his neighbors, including the Congolese and the Ovimbundu. His attempts to approach Pedro V, the exiled Congolese King, were also noticed by Manikongo Álvaro. The rise of tensions spilled over and caused the military build-up of the Congo as well, something that concerned the Ovimbundu tribes.
While the Benguela Brigade still built itself up, diplomats and missionaries were sent to the Angolan Plateau to attempt to ensure Ovimbundu neutrality in the upcoming conflict. Lancaster had little faith in the possibility that the tribes would listen to him or not take advantage of the future war to strike Benguela and instead wagered on forming a non-aggression pact based on commerce. His belief was that the end of slave trade had destroyed the old exchange coin he had with these tribes and that by introducing new commerce offers based on Angola’s new production he would be able to re-attach friendship.
Due to the nature of the Ovimbundu decentralization, the diplomatic mission travelled in a compact manner, with Verneyist missionaries accompanying the escorted representatives. In October 1777, contact was first made, and the Portuguese mission was surprised to learn that the Ovimbundu were equally concerned with the Congolese succession war. They took advantage of this to encourage Ovimbundu fears, spreading a message that the Manikongo would target all inhabited lands south of his domain to ensure absolute rule over the Congo-Angola region.
This was a strong, effective approach that directly tapped on local fears of warriors and chiefs, who rallied around the Europeans in their anti-Congolese message. It brought to light the issue of lack of unity amongst them as many immediately understood that the scenario of a Congo invasion would be impossible to stop with the current Ovimbundu tribal society’s response capacity. In January 1778, the first organized reunion of the Ovimbundu was formed to address the issue of Manikongo Álvaro and a successful consensus was reached that if they supported the Congolese against the Europeans they would be isolating themselves in the future against a much stronger native power. Simultaneously, however, they wished to limit their wager on the white men, who were known for their manipulative bargains.
The final agreement was not just a pact of non-aggression, but an alliance with the Portuguese to stop the impending Congo incursion. In February, the Benguela brigade of 2,400 Bluecoats was successfully formed and met the Ovimbundu representatives as a show of force to demonstrate the Portuguese capacity of making the victory scenario for the alliance likely, and this convinced the Ovimbundu to fully embark on the military campaign as allies to the Portuguese, supplying 2,000 warriors as auxiliaries. The 1st Benguela Brigade and the Ovimbundu auxiliaries would then travel to the Loge River southern bank, where the Luanda Brigade awaited them, and the conflicts would start.
While initially an agreement of mutual benefit, the alliance was actually a cooperation that put the Ovimbundu in Portuguese hands. Should the military campaign fail the entire region would become subject to the Manikongo, but should it succeed then the agreed renewal of Luso-Ovimbundu interactions through the entrance of merchants and Verneyist missionaries in Central Angola would effectively turn the Ovimbundu tribes into a loosely constructed protectorate. This was due to an unfortunate insistence of the tribes to remain decentralized and therefore unable to counteract Portuguese influence in a unified manner despite a fierce sense of individuality.
[1] iOTL the Cunene River formed the basis for Angola’s southern border.
Note:
Situated in the African continent the Portuguese position have been bolstered by strengthening Portuguese empire which now includes Brazil as equal partner. The Portuguese Empire position in Angola has been strengthened but the Portuguese now anti-slavery desire to increase their presence in the region. Comments / questions???
Please return Sunday December 2 as we continue the 3rd part of the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - 4th Luso-Congolese War (1778).
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very good new update, the Portuguese empire is expanding, good the more territory we control the Better in the Long Run
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) - 4th Luso-Congolese War (1778) (3 of 5)
Lusitania
Donor
Rebirth of Empire (Part 2 of 2) (Cont.)
4th Luso-Congolese War (1778) (3 of 5)
War Outbreak
4th Luso-Congolese War (1778) (3 of 5)
War Outbreak
In 1778, the Portuguese received a new request for support by Pedro V. Governor Lancaster finally agreed to the alliance and ordered the Brigadier General Francisco Rodrigues da Silva and his Benguela Brigade north along with the 2,000 Ovimbundu warriors from the Benguela area. While the 1st Benguela Brigade moved north, the Luanda Brigade, now full size, completely retrained, and modernly equipped including the artillery (4,120) under the command of Brigadier General João Victória Miron de Sabione, marched into the Congolese county of Angola from their fortified position in Lucala. During the months of January and February of 1779, the Congolese province Angola was occupied by the two brigades, forming a new frontier line at Bengo, just south of the Loge River and by the village of Ambriz.
With the aggressiveness of the Portuguese involvement in Kongo affairs now clear, Álvaro declared Angola as enemy and gathered his forces. In March 1779, he ordered the attack on the Luso-Ovimbundu force.
Battle of Bengo
King Álvaro of Kongo was determined to overwhelm Portuguese occupation and sent a large vanguard army of 18,000 warriors to cross the Loge River. Historical estimates, such as the ones done by the Portuguese on the 1665 Battle of Mbwila, suggested that the King could potentially levy up to 70,000 men, but the military structure made it doubtful that efficient military campaigns could be maintained with armies larger than the twenties of thousands. This was therefore a serious advance, especially if equally large forces awaited their turn further north, and a defeat in Bengo could mean a disastrous invasion on Luanda.
That being said, the Congolese armies were technologically limited; musketeers had been present in it since the Portuguese first began trading with Kongo centuries before and had even been used against the Portuguese themselves, but the Kings of Kongo had both repeatedly failed to maintain forces larger than three or four hundred gunners or use them effectively in battle. The army was thus therefore mainly consisted by two types of forces; by a small core of heavy infantry shield bearers known as ‘fidalgos’ which employed shock tactics with swords, and by a large, bulky mass of archers, which warred in a way more traditional to African kingdoms, which was that of ranged skirmishing en masse.
Bowmen and Shield Bearers were the typical forces of Kongo for centuries
Bows were devastating and terrifying used en masse, but without the shield bearers they were vulnerable to the aggressive tactics of European musketeers and cavalry. Only small regiments of guns were present, and usually small arms of inferior quality imported from the Portuguese or the Dutch, much less used with the same drilled discipline as professional line infantries. This did not mean, however, that they were any less of a threat; employed in the African terrain, where they were more used to the environment and the Europeans possessed limited resources and being experienced in mass tactics that made the best use of their composition, they could overwhelm defenses, walls and weaponry with unexpected ease.
As expected, the forces arriving at the Loge River were large, but inferior in equipment. Victory was uncertain for either side, but the overwhelming numbers of the Congolese painted a confident picture for the King, especially considering the lack of fortifications on the Portuguese side, which had just finished occupying the area. The attack began on the 19th of March, with the shield-bearers crossing the river confidently.
What the Portuguese lacked in numbers and fortifications, however, they countered with terrain use, flanking and aggressive initiative that would earn a Prussian nod. Ordering the Ovimbundu auxiliaries to remain hidden further to the east, where vegetation was denser, they opened cannon fire from their position by the Ambriz delta, where they were safeguarded on the left flank. The ineffective fire created the illusion the Portuguese side was weak and hopelessly outnumbered, encouraging the shield-bearers and archers to cross the river en masse and attack.
Congolese Attack & Entrapment
As they crossed the small river, however, the Ovimbundu auxiliaries were ordered to charge from their hidden position, blocking the available space of advancement for the Congolese and engaging their shield-bearers from a flank. What followed was a sudden disorganization of the Congolese bulk just as they found themselves on the southern bank, as the marching they intended to make to surround the Portuguese was suddenly barred.
The result was a sudden entanglement.
Battle of Bengo
Green: Luso-Ovimbundu Army (9,000 strong)
Maroon: Congolese Army (18,000 strong)
Green Field: Dense Forestation
Although possessing twice as many numbers, nearly 12,000 warriors found themselves compressed by cannon and musket fire against a balled mess, which was now pressured from the left flank by the assault of the Ovimbundu. The Benguela brigade, who was best positioned for it, assumed a purely ranged stance, making use of the artillery to pound the entire depth of the tangled enemy lines, while the Luanda Brigade, more experience and numerous, adopted an aggressive stance more focused on the musket, allowing their cannons to fire but also ordering their flank battalions to march in close and shoot the enemy with small arms.
Thanks to the heavy reliance on archers, the Congolese only possessed a small number of heavy infantry in the few thousands that could resist this and break through the encirclement, which meant that the army’s fragility was completely exposed. Hence, a disproportionate destruction was distributed, with the professional soldiers and cannons shooting down the native men entangled against the Ovimbundu auxiliaries while taking reduced losses to arrows.
Resolution
This was followed by the devastating push against the river, where the Congolese army was then struck by reserve cavalry charge and almost wiped out by the combined artillery and musket fire from the modernized colonial forces.
With the army shattered and chased, the Portuguese were free to march across the Loge River and continue the expansion of their occupation, putting an end to the Battle of Bengu as a decisive victory. The Portuguese suffered losses numbering the 1,700 men, mostly Ovimbundu warriors, but had in turn put down or captured over 10,000 enemies.
The Brazilian Expedition
The Metropolitan Army was tasked with defending North Atlantic interests, so it could not interfere in time. The Atlantic Army was, of course, leading the forces from afar, but the Generals could not afford to send their remaining Brigades to reinforce Luanda. The Army of Brazil, however, a subsidiary of the Atlantic Army that possessed significant deployment privileges, was ready at hand with a large number of soldiers. These, however, could not be deployed without the authorization of the Brazilian colonial states due to the MAD.
On 1st of April, however, an extraordinary military meeting was held in Rio de Janeiro, where state representatives, under the argument of training their self-defense force and protect their assets in Angola, voted unanimously in favor of sending an expeditionary force from the Army of Brazil to Angola to reinforce the Atlantic Army’s Brigades. The 1st Expeditionary Brigade was gathered with surprising speed and funding and was sent on boat to reinforce Luanda, but the long trip would prevent them from arriving until the very late stages of the conflict.
March into Soyo
On 5 April 1779 the combined army (6,350 Portuguese soldiers and 1,050 Ovimbundu warriors) marched north into the main Kingdom of Kongo, overrunning Congolese towns and cities of Lebongo, Lengo, Moyombo and Bombi with hardly any opposition. With their vanguard crushed, the Congolese were completely unable to mount any immediate resistance to this, meaning their war losses would pile rapidly until they could reorganize a counter attack. King Álvaro decided to personally lead this effort to ensure the same mistakes would not be repeated.
This was a time of critical decision making for the two Brigadier Generals; either take an affirmative, aggressive action and strike deep into Congolese territory before King Álvaro could reunite a significant force, thus capitalizing on their victory, or take the opportunity to consolidate their occupied territory. Occupation, however, was growing increasingly strenuous; while battle-effective, the two Brigades were limited in size and resources, meaning a wide-spread, defensive occupation which could take years would be a drain on Luanda supplies. The pressure of their situation encouraged them to take initiate, so a plan was enacted to march straight into the Congolese heartland to quickly establish supply depots and bring the battle to enemy soil.
Siege of Mossumba
“Where in God’s name are the reinforcements?!”
-Brigadier General John Salbione, commenting on their limited fighting capacity on the Siege of Mossumba
“Where in God’s name are the reinforcements?!”
-Brigadier General John Salbione, commenting on their limited fighting capacity on the Siege of Mossumba
The first major attempt by Congolese to stop the Portuguese was at the city of Mossumba, on the way to São Salvador, where the Portuguese force was met by two armies; the Kinzala Congolese army led by Congolese king Álvaro XI as well a Soyo army. The combined army of 39,000 was larger and better lead than the vanguard previously defeated by the Portuguese Brigadier Generals, but their unity was questionable due to internal dissent stemming from the ongoing Succession War. The Portuguese Brigadier Generals John Sabione and Francis Silva on the other hand, instructed by the Atlantic Army’s HQ to act in the best interests of Luanda, decided to hold their position defensively and await favorable developments.
With better improvised fortifications than at Bengo, the Portuguese artillery bombarded the front ranks of the Kongo army, holding it at bay with musket fire whenever necessary. While the Brigadier Generals were anxious due to the much larger enemy numbers, they agreed to hold their ground until a better attack opportunity arrived, often sending letters to Luanda to request Mariner support but, most importantly, maintain a steady line of supplies. The former, however, proved itself a difficult request, with most expeditionary soldiers closest to the theater of war occupied with the events of the Luso-Mysore War or protecting Mozambique.
Morale was fragile amongst the Bluecoats due to lack of reinforcements and overwhelming enemy numbers during the siege of Mossumba
On April 29th, however, after many weeks of inconclusive skirmishing, King Álvaro of the Kongo, feeling the legitimacy of his usurpation on the line of his success in combat against the Europeans, felt the morale of his troops eroding. It was clear that a decisive action was needed before his forces deserted him or, worse, join his rival Peter V. He therefore ordered an attack on the Portuguese besiegers.
As the Congolese reached Portuguese musket range, Brigadier General Silva switched half the artillery to attack the rear, bombarding much of the Congolese support including many of commanders and wounding King Álvaro XI. The injury of the King of Kongo, whose drive was already in question, took the drive out of the Congolese troops and many retreated. Soon the retreat turned into a rout and the Congolese warriors fled north, leaving the Soyo army to face the Portuguese on their own. While still numbering over 15,000 warriors the native Count Daniel da Silva decided to withdraw his forces back towards Soyo, in a strong position at Mfinda Ngula.
With the enemy army unity shattered, the Portuguese were able to seize Mossumba before long, solidifying their presence in enemy territory.
Siege of São Salvador & Arrival of Brazil’s Force
Brigadier General Silva split his forces in half, the Luanda Brigade under the command of Brigadier General John Sabione moved west chasing the Soyo army, while he led the Benguela Brigade and the Ovimbundu allies north against the remaining Congolese forces. It was a daring risky move, since it was known that many thousands of warriors still remained throughout the Congo Basin, but both Brigadiers believed that the current leadership circumstances in the Kongo Army would lead to its collapse under relatively light pressure.
About the same time the usurped king Pedro V and his Kimpazu forces marches south towards the capital of São Salvador, where a wounded Álvaro awaited reinforcements. On 5 May 1779, the three armies met at the banks of the Luezi River. Over 50,000 allied troops were present with Portuguese forces to the coming from the south while the Kimpazu forces coming from the north against the Kinlaza forces led by Álvaro XI’s regent Joseph I, who took over army leadership while the King recovered. In the battle the Portuguese forces were arraigned on the left with the artillery coming in behind while Ovimbundu provided protection from right flank attack, much like at Bengo.
São Salvador, seat of the Manikongo (King of Kongo)
São Salvador was the largest city in sub-equatorial Africa and, therefore, the seat of power for the entire Congo basin, possessing stone buildings, a palace and many churches and an estimate of 100,000 people living in the mountain and the surrounding valleys. Its importance extended to the religious realm, as it not only possessed many old icons of the old religions, like Jalankuwo, the Manikongo’s tree of judgment, but the city had been the capital of Christianity in southern Africa since the days of Afonso I. Sieging it would be difficult, but if done successfully it would cause the entire Kingdom to submit.
The battle lasted over four hours and the Portuguese continued to march north against the Kinlaza who were locked into a two way battle with both Kimpazu and Portuguese forces. In the last hour as the three forces met Portuguese artillery and muskets pounded both Kinlaza and Kimpazu forces while the Portuguese musket forces suffered continued archery attacks. Discipline and rate of fire by the Portuguese kept the Kinlaza forces at in disarray and unable to properly mount an effective attack on the Portuguese forces. At 16:00 the battle finally ended and the devastation to the three armies was great. The Kinlaza forces had suffered over 50% casualties including Joseph I along with almost all his retainers and leading nobles. The Kimpazu also suffered almost half casualties including Pedro V; meanwhile General Silva and the Luanda Brigade had suffered over 35% casualties while the Ovimbundu had suffered about 80% casualties.
To the west the General Silva and the Benguela Brigade cautiously followed Soyo army only making contact fork of Ambrie River. The Ambrie River skirmish forced the Soyo to change direction and head north towards Sogno instead of south east towards the Mfinda Ngula. The Soyo were able to cross the river and continued retreating west till they reached Sogno.
The war was settled upon the arrival of the Brazilian expeditionary force under command of General John Forbes of Skellater. After resupplying on the island of St. Tomé, a nearby Portuguese territory, and reinforcing itself with its garrison, the expedition landed in the Bay of Congo and marched south against Count Daniel da Silva and the Soyo. The three forces met east of town of Sogno and Count Silva and his Soyo army was crushed by the combined Portuguese force. The overwhelming Luso-Brazilian presence now commanded the field and conditions were met for a favorable treaty for the allies.
On 3rd of May, the walls of São Salvador collapsed, and the allied troops marched into the city, capturing the wounded King Álvaro and forcing him unto the negotiation table.
Countries
Green: Angola and S.Tomé
Yellow: Kingdom of Kongo
Purple, Grey & Orange: Kongo Domains
Faint Grey: Ovimbundu Domains
Metal Grey: Kingdom of Loango
War Operations
Dark Green Line: Luanda Brigade
Cyan Line: Benguela Brigade
Dark Line: Ovimbundu Auxiliaries
Light Green Line: Brazil Army Expeditionary Force
Note:
The Portuguese - Congo War provides another example of different regions able to provide assistance. For the involvement of the Brazilian forces were crucial to the success of the Portuguese expedition and campaign. Of special note the Brazilian troops were not sent because Lisbon ordered but a response for assistance by one region of the empire to assist another. That is only possible if all regions believe they receive benefit from the well being and prosperity of other regions. Comments / questions???
Please return Sunday December 16 as we continue the 4th part of the Rebirth of Empire (2 of 2) - 4th Luso-Congolese War (1778).
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Like, beyond Threadmark? Why?
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Liking the intra-assistance developing. Hopefully the Kongolese are treated with respect in recognition of their resistance and the possibility of a wide scale revolution if treated with a heavy hand. The fact that they are signing a treaty at least looks promising.