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Chapter LI
When we consider the victory of communism in Germany, it is important to consider three factors:
The crash, when it came, did not have as initially devastating an impact as the hyperinflation of 1923-24 but unlike that crisis there was no international solution for Germany in what was now an international emergency. By the spring of 1930, as with much of the world, the Wall Street Crash had already begun to cause the German economy to fall into another death spiral. The prosperity of the Weimar Spring that had been ensured by American credit now faced a sudden disappearance of all American capital as investors instead began to demand urgent repayment for loans that had kept the German economy booming. Without capital, the prospects of German industry very quickly faded. As German economic production nosedived, hundreds of thousands were suddenly rendered unemployed. A demand crisis emerged, as both the consumer market and the industry that provided for it began to detract. Within a year, unemployment had quadrupled and men and women were queuing for bread in the shadow of empty factories where they had once worked.
The process of what some have called “proletarianisation” that had taken place during the hyperinflation crisis was reawakened, many who had grown comfortable during the period of growth between 1924 and 1929 now found themselves being stripped of everything they had worked for in a matter of months, whilst families who had merely lived from one day to the next with what wages their long hours of work allowed them were immediately thrown into destitution. The Golden Age of Weimar was beginning to be seen as a bad joke, and as the resentment and desperation spread it was class consciousness that was beginning to define Germany once more.
The second factor, just as important as the prevailing economic crisis, was the way in which the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) had developed itself during the relatively peaceful years of Weimar’s Golden Age. Waning electoral fortunes aside, the party had shed many of the problems it had suffered from in the years where they had been unable to exploit the turmoil facing the young republic. The joint leadership of Adolf Hitler and Ernst Thalmann had emerged with a revised party constitution that followed the purges of both opposition from both wings of the party of Joseph Stalin’s leadership of the Soviet Union and, effectively, the Comintern. With Heinrich Brandler’s largely symbolic leadership having ended in denouncement from Moscow, Hitler had taken his position as General Secretary whilst Thalmann had taken the newly created role of Party President, both roles technically checked the power of the other but in practice allowed the duo complete control over the KPD internal workings and external policy. The remaining politburo effectively became advisory positions with briefs to be carried out on orders from the duumvirate whilst the annual party congress became a rubber stamp for the diktats of the General Secretary and President.
In their appointed roles the two figures complimented each other greatly, as Thalmann pursued links with German trade unions and galvanised support throughout the country whilst Hitler brutally reformed the party into a relentless propaganda machine. Where the party declined in votes and membership its underlying structure had never been stronger when the crisis hit, and Hitler and Thalmann were ready to deliver a message that would resonate throughout a country devastated by what they could easily present as another disaster wrought on the German people by capitalism.
The third factor is also equally as important, for despite the global depression causing the German people to look for alternatives to capitalism in larger numbers than ever before, and despite the renewed vigour of the communists in exploiting this discontent, it is likely that had the German political class not been so fractured, it could have withstood both of these joint threats to Weimar democracy. Much is made of how the Weimar system was unloved, but its ultimate death came from those whose efforts had went into creating the republic in the first place.
~ Dr. Casey Johnson, The Anglo-American/Comintern War
---
Berlin, April 1930
The dust had been shaken off the offices within Karl Liebknecht Haus. For the first time since the underwhelming election campaign of 1928, and arguably going even before that, the activists and staff of the Communist Party of Germany were alive with revolutionary zeal. Their warnings about the American loans and the global financial system, dismissed for so long as apocalyptic, deranged, and even humorous, had been proved to be disturbingly accurate.
Instead of warnings there was now a flurry of activity that went by in a blur of red banners and posters throughout the large but spartan offices. Today a large banner would be unveiled in the square that the offices looked out across the plaza to the increasingly large soup kitchen run by the party and the listless wandering by,
“BREAD AND WORK WITH THE KPD - REMOVE THE CORRUPT AND RICH - WORKERS STATE NOW!”
The party had been vindicated and now the people were clamouring for answers on what to do.
Gerda found herself wondering the same thing whilst trying to maintain a semblance of order to the large swathes of activists and their assigned roles. She had always felt that Hitler’s speaking style was alienating people away from the party, his proclamations of doom reminded her more of her daughter’s tantrums. Rosa only occasionally got upset, but Adolf Hitler seemed to lack the same emotional depth of the ten year old. Now the party had a unique chance to rally the German people to their cause, she hoped more than ever that the party and the Comintern might take action and replace their effective but petulant General Secretary. If there was anyone who could achieve that it was Ernst Thalmann, who looked far more like the leader to take the party into the future. She knew such hopes shouldn’t be taken too seriously.
Hitler had not been the founder behind the idea of opposing capitalist loans back in 1924, that had been self-evident from a Communist standpoint, but he had been the face of the opposition and as such he had reaped the rewards of having the foresight to condemn them. Furthermore the alliance between Hitler and Thalmann was as strong as it had ever been.
Hitler’s stature in the party had been shaken by the disappointing results of the 1928 election but his alliance with Thalmann had remained intact and ever since the two had worked together to remove Heinrich Brandler as General Secretary. The image of the veteran and the worker that Goebbels presented as an image of the two men seemed satisfactory to both, with Hitler being able to inspire resentment in the crowd at the way Germany had been treated by the foreign powers and how the German worker was treated by international financiers, whilst Thalmann emphasised the class solidarity of the German proletariat in the face of the enemies Hitler spoke of. The reverses the party faced as the economy had improved and people began to forget about the hyperinflation and French occupation hadn’t caused either man to turn on each other and it was unlikely their resolve would change now. Gerda resigned herself to the fact that she would have to muddle on regardless.
Six years working for the party part-time had not led to her role changing, even as Germany changed around her. Gerda still took the minutes of politburo meetings along with a factotum of other small jobs as the women of Berlin began to enjoy the new combination of social freedom and economic prosperity that had been alien to them beforehand. She was a single mother working for a party that seemed to be going nowhere and she had feared that she was watching her life go by in pursuit of a cause that she would never see borne out. Now the crisis had come and she couldn’t abandon the opportunity to help advance the revolution she had been dreaming of for more than a decade, regardless of the leadership or her role within the party.
The party was growing again, and unlike in the last period of crisis the leadership seemed less likely to sit on its hands and wait for the workers to come to them. The day had mainly been taken up with the preparation of a large march for May Day, bigger than any the Social Democrats had planned, in concert with several trade unions that had finally come round to Communist attempts to build relationships in the wake of the collapse of Muller’s government and the policies of the reactionary who had taken his place. Even after Heinrich Brandler had been formally put out to pasture by Hitler and Thalmann they had worked to maintain the former leader’s aim of building links with the trade unions rather than dismissing those that weren’t entirely behind their platform. It had been a frustrating experience for many within the party and even now it appeared to be working there were those in the Comintern who were criticising the KPD’s reluctance to take full control of the unions they had aligned themselves with. Gerda might have been apprehensive about Hitler’s leadership, but she also knew that Moscow could be completely out of touch. Several leading members of the Federation of German Trade Unions had begun to openly favour the KPD over the lacklustre Social Democrat response to the economic crisis, trying to force what was already happening naturally would be pointless. She feared that Hitler was too erratic to see that truth.
The speech Hitler was making today was apparently intended to be a historic one, so much to the extent that most party members had been left out of the loop, even as the podium was being assembled across the square from their offices. Goebbels, who seemingly fancied himself as a theatre director, was attempting to direct the construction from on top of the podium.
Gerda cursed as she noticed the propagandist hopping down from the stage on his good leg before walking in her direction. He would likely want to add even more tasks to her already packed diary, or worse, he would attempt small talk. He nodded to her and raised his left fist in salute. Gerda lit a cigarette in the hope it would drive him off.
“Good afternoon comrade, what do you think of our little presentation?” His face was impishly delighted, like a small child who had been told that they had done something that was very clever but also very bad.
“To think that you gave me my membership before Hitler was even a leader in our movement and now he’s the main event!”
Gerda still regretted that she had ever let the devious man into the party, no matter how successful he might have proven himself. His almost fatuous desire to talk about his beloved Hitler was almost as tiresome as his attempts at flirting with women in the party.
“Adolf Hitler is certainly an excellent speaker, comrade, but I hope you remember the cause he speaks for. His effectiveness lies in promoting the hopes and aspirations of the workers as a whole, we aren’t just here to provide a stage for him.” The smile disappeared from Goebbels’ face as he stared at his shoes. The little creep could talk about great men all day to her but he was hopeless when it came to ideology. Not for the first time, Gerda wondered if pressed enough whether he could be made to admit that without the propaganda sustaining his role in the party he wouldn’t really even be a communist. In the unfolding crisis he would have to prove himself, and Hitler too. These were no longer ultra patriotic hysterics rejoicing in blowing up French workers in the Ruhr, the collapsing German economy represented true class struggle.
“You are right, comrade,” Goebbels finally admitted, “with the announcement today I have gotten somewhat carried away. And after all, it is the man’s birthday.” The impish look had returned to his face as he turned around and went back to his stage assembly.
Gerda had forgotten it was Hitler’s birthday, and that she would likely have to endure praising him for the rest of the day, regardless of what he said. Chancellor Bruning was being forced to pass legislation by decree without the support of the Social Democrats, elections couldn’t be far off. This speech would likely be kicking off the beginning of a long Reichstag campaign. She could understand assembling a large crowd for an impromptu speech if that was the case but regardless of what the ‘announcement’ was Gerda didn’t think that sort of thing should be kept secret from the wider party. The crowd in the square began to assemble until it was a vast cauldron of workers and the unemployed.
And there he was, the usual grey, vaguely militaristic suit, the red armband carefully knotted around his left arm to look as if it had been tied effortlessly, the facade that he was merely another worker despite his privileged position that made him stand out even above Thalmann. In front of the microphone he appeared to grow larger, even more encompassing than his face on the posters that she had helped to spread all around Berlin. Gerda couldn’t help but feel intoxicated, but also ill.
If the assembled crowd sympathised with her view they did not show it, a cheer rose as the General Secretary of the Communist Party, vindicated, determined, ready for anything, prepared to unveil a renewed party ready to lead the workers towards victory. He limply raised his fist in response to the far more energetic gestures in the audience, as if he was above such gestures of loyalty to the cause.
“Fellow comrades, I can only congratulate you on your sacrifices these last few months. In spreading help for the destitute and sick where the state has abandoned them, in fighting the powers of international capital and the lackeys in the German bourgeoisie wherever they have attempted to persecute the German worker, for spreading the message of the communist party to the German worker. Your efforts have left our movement, and our party, stronger than ever!”
There was the usual cheer and as the speech went on more platitudes followed to more acclaim. Gerda couldn’t help but observe that the General Secretary was more measured in his tone than the usual bluster. His characteristically slow and measured tone that always began his speeches had continued whereas it usually would have become a ranting crescendo by now about the party storming to victory and stringing up the enemies of the German people.
Instead there was a great deal of reference to the “movement” and its importance.
Gerda had already began to join up the dots by the time it became clear that this was not one of Hitler’s ordinary speeches.
“Comrades, the workers movement is broad and is comprised of many different faiths. If we are to topple those who oppose us, we must not reject fellow workers with petty labels cooked up by spineless bohemians. The time has come to declare, loudly and unapologetically: “We must not allow capital to divide us!””
“WE MUST NOT ALLOW CAPITAL TO DIVIDE US” Hitler’s sycophants shouted somewhat half-heartedly, Hitler repeated the chant louder and this time the audience responded with full volume.
Satisfied, Hitler made a small motion with his hand, and to the gasp of the crowd he was joined on stage by a small bald man, one with sad eyes and a humble face betrayed somewhat by a crafty expression. It was the face of Paul Levi.
Paul Levi, the Social Democratic deputy.
Paul Levi, the former Communist
Paul Levi, the survivor of the Freikorps slaughter of the Spartacists in Berlin.
The two men clasped hands together and held them aloft triumphantly in the air, the crowd cheered with full volume once again, engulfing Gerda’s silent scream.
---
The Three Arrows symbol was used by the SPD and their militant wing, the Iron Front. Each arrow represents the forces the social democrats opposed: monarchists, fascists, and communists.
"Crowned heads, wealth and privilege may well tremble should ever again the Black and Red unite!"
~ Otto von Bismarck
~ Otto von Bismarck
When we consider the victory of communism in Germany, it is important to consider three factors:
The crash, when it came, did not have as initially devastating an impact as the hyperinflation of 1923-24 but unlike that crisis there was no international solution for Germany in what was now an international emergency. By the spring of 1930, as with much of the world, the Wall Street Crash had already begun to cause the German economy to fall into another death spiral. The prosperity of the Weimar Spring that had been ensured by American credit now faced a sudden disappearance of all American capital as investors instead began to demand urgent repayment for loans that had kept the German economy booming. Without capital, the prospects of German industry very quickly faded. As German economic production nosedived, hundreds of thousands were suddenly rendered unemployed. A demand crisis emerged, as both the consumer market and the industry that provided for it began to detract. Within a year, unemployment had quadrupled and men and women were queuing for bread in the shadow of empty factories where they had once worked.
The process of what some have called “proletarianisation” that had taken place during the hyperinflation crisis was reawakened, many who had grown comfortable during the period of growth between 1924 and 1929 now found themselves being stripped of everything they had worked for in a matter of months, whilst families who had merely lived from one day to the next with what wages their long hours of work allowed them were immediately thrown into destitution. The Golden Age of Weimar was beginning to be seen as a bad joke, and as the resentment and desperation spread it was class consciousness that was beginning to define Germany once more.
The second factor, just as important as the prevailing economic crisis, was the way in which the Communist Party of Germany (KPD) had developed itself during the relatively peaceful years of Weimar’s Golden Age. Waning electoral fortunes aside, the party had shed many of the problems it had suffered from in the years where they had been unable to exploit the turmoil facing the young republic. The joint leadership of Adolf Hitler and Ernst Thalmann had emerged with a revised party constitution that followed the purges of both opposition from both wings of the party of Joseph Stalin’s leadership of the Soviet Union and, effectively, the Comintern. With Heinrich Brandler’s largely symbolic leadership having ended in denouncement from Moscow, Hitler had taken his position as General Secretary whilst Thalmann had taken the newly created role of Party President, both roles technically checked the power of the other but in practice allowed the duo complete control over the KPD internal workings and external policy. The remaining politburo effectively became advisory positions with briefs to be carried out on orders from the duumvirate whilst the annual party congress became a rubber stamp for the diktats of the General Secretary and President.
In their appointed roles the two figures complimented each other greatly, as Thalmann pursued links with German trade unions and galvanised support throughout the country whilst Hitler brutally reformed the party into a relentless propaganda machine. Where the party declined in votes and membership its underlying structure had never been stronger when the crisis hit, and Hitler and Thalmann were ready to deliver a message that would resonate throughout a country devastated by what they could easily present as another disaster wrought on the German people by capitalism.
The third factor is also equally as important, for despite the global depression causing the German people to look for alternatives to capitalism in larger numbers than ever before, and despite the renewed vigour of the communists in exploiting this discontent, it is likely that had the German political class not been so fractured, it could have withstood both of these joint threats to Weimar democracy. Much is made of how the Weimar system was unloved, but its ultimate death came from those whose efforts had went into creating the republic in the first place.
~ Dr. Casey Johnson, The Anglo-American/Comintern War
---
Berlin, April 1930
The dust had been shaken off the offices within Karl Liebknecht Haus. For the first time since the underwhelming election campaign of 1928, and arguably going even before that, the activists and staff of the Communist Party of Germany were alive with revolutionary zeal. Their warnings about the American loans and the global financial system, dismissed for so long as apocalyptic, deranged, and even humorous, had been proved to be disturbingly accurate.
Instead of warnings there was now a flurry of activity that went by in a blur of red banners and posters throughout the large but spartan offices. Today a large banner would be unveiled in the square that the offices looked out across the plaza to the increasingly large soup kitchen run by the party and the listless wandering by,
“BREAD AND WORK WITH THE KPD - REMOVE THE CORRUPT AND RICH - WORKERS STATE NOW!”
The party had been vindicated and now the people were clamouring for answers on what to do.
Gerda found herself wondering the same thing whilst trying to maintain a semblance of order to the large swathes of activists and their assigned roles. She had always felt that Hitler’s speaking style was alienating people away from the party, his proclamations of doom reminded her more of her daughter’s tantrums. Rosa only occasionally got upset, but Adolf Hitler seemed to lack the same emotional depth of the ten year old. Now the party had a unique chance to rally the German people to their cause, she hoped more than ever that the party and the Comintern might take action and replace their effective but petulant General Secretary. If there was anyone who could achieve that it was Ernst Thalmann, who looked far more like the leader to take the party into the future. She knew such hopes shouldn’t be taken too seriously.
Hitler had not been the founder behind the idea of opposing capitalist loans back in 1924, that had been self-evident from a Communist standpoint, but he had been the face of the opposition and as such he had reaped the rewards of having the foresight to condemn them. Furthermore the alliance between Hitler and Thalmann was as strong as it had ever been.
Hitler’s stature in the party had been shaken by the disappointing results of the 1928 election but his alliance with Thalmann had remained intact and ever since the two had worked together to remove Heinrich Brandler as General Secretary. The image of the veteran and the worker that Goebbels presented as an image of the two men seemed satisfactory to both, with Hitler being able to inspire resentment in the crowd at the way Germany had been treated by the foreign powers and how the German worker was treated by international financiers, whilst Thalmann emphasised the class solidarity of the German proletariat in the face of the enemies Hitler spoke of. The reverses the party faced as the economy had improved and people began to forget about the hyperinflation and French occupation hadn’t caused either man to turn on each other and it was unlikely their resolve would change now. Gerda resigned herself to the fact that she would have to muddle on regardless.
Six years working for the party part-time had not led to her role changing, even as Germany changed around her. Gerda still took the minutes of politburo meetings along with a factotum of other small jobs as the women of Berlin began to enjoy the new combination of social freedom and economic prosperity that had been alien to them beforehand. She was a single mother working for a party that seemed to be going nowhere and she had feared that she was watching her life go by in pursuit of a cause that she would never see borne out. Now the crisis had come and she couldn’t abandon the opportunity to help advance the revolution she had been dreaming of for more than a decade, regardless of the leadership or her role within the party.
The party was growing again, and unlike in the last period of crisis the leadership seemed less likely to sit on its hands and wait for the workers to come to them. The day had mainly been taken up with the preparation of a large march for May Day, bigger than any the Social Democrats had planned, in concert with several trade unions that had finally come round to Communist attempts to build relationships in the wake of the collapse of Muller’s government and the policies of the reactionary who had taken his place. Even after Heinrich Brandler had been formally put out to pasture by Hitler and Thalmann they had worked to maintain the former leader’s aim of building links with the trade unions rather than dismissing those that weren’t entirely behind their platform. It had been a frustrating experience for many within the party and even now it appeared to be working there were those in the Comintern who were criticising the KPD’s reluctance to take full control of the unions they had aligned themselves with. Gerda might have been apprehensive about Hitler’s leadership, but she also knew that Moscow could be completely out of touch. Several leading members of the Federation of German Trade Unions had begun to openly favour the KPD over the lacklustre Social Democrat response to the economic crisis, trying to force what was already happening naturally would be pointless. She feared that Hitler was too erratic to see that truth.
The speech Hitler was making today was apparently intended to be a historic one, so much to the extent that most party members had been left out of the loop, even as the podium was being assembled across the square from their offices. Goebbels, who seemingly fancied himself as a theatre director, was attempting to direct the construction from on top of the podium.
Gerda cursed as she noticed the propagandist hopping down from the stage on his good leg before walking in her direction. He would likely want to add even more tasks to her already packed diary, or worse, he would attempt small talk. He nodded to her and raised his left fist in salute. Gerda lit a cigarette in the hope it would drive him off.
“Good afternoon comrade, what do you think of our little presentation?” His face was impishly delighted, like a small child who had been told that they had done something that was very clever but also very bad.
“To think that you gave me my membership before Hitler was even a leader in our movement and now he’s the main event!”
Gerda still regretted that she had ever let the devious man into the party, no matter how successful he might have proven himself. His almost fatuous desire to talk about his beloved Hitler was almost as tiresome as his attempts at flirting with women in the party.
“Adolf Hitler is certainly an excellent speaker, comrade, but I hope you remember the cause he speaks for. His effectiveness lies in promoting the hopes and aspirations of the workers as a whole, we aren’t just here to provide a stage for him.” The smile disappeared from Goebbels’ face as he stared at his shoes. The little creep could talk about great men all day to her but he was hopeless when it came to ideology. Not for the first time, Gerda wondered if pressed enough whether he could be made to admit that without the propaganda sustaining his role in the party he wouldn’t really even be a communist. In the unfolding crisis he would have to prove himself, and Hitler too. These were no longer ultra patriotic hysterics rejoicing in blowing up French workers in the Ruhr, the collapsing German economy represented true class struggle.
“You are right, comrade,” Goebbels finally admitted, “with the announcement today I have gotten somewhat carried away. And after all, it is the man’s birthday.” The impish look had returned to his face as he turned around and went back to his stage assembly.
Gerda had forgotten it was Hitler’s birthday, and that she would likely have to endure praising him for the rest of the day, regardless of what he said. Chancellor Bruning was being forced to pass legislation by decree without the support of the Social Democrats, elections couldn’t be far off. This speech would likely be kicking off the beginning of a long Reichstag campaign. She could understand assembling a large crowd for an impromptu speech if that was the case but regardless of what the ‘announcement’ was Gerda didn’t think that sort of thing should be kept secret from the wider party. The crowd in the square began to assemble until it was a vast cauldron of workers and the unemployed.
And there he was, the usual grey, vaguely militaristic suit, the red armband carefully knotted around his left arm to look as if it had been tied effortlessly, the facade that he was merely another worker despite his privileged position that made him stand out even above Thalmann. In front of the microphone he appeared to grow larger, even more encompassing than his face on the posters that she had helped to spread all around Berlin. Gerda couldn’t help but feel intoxicated, but also ill.
If the assembled crowd sympathised with her view they did not show it, a cheer rose as the General Secretary of the Communist Party, vindicated, determined, ready for anything, prepared to unveil a renewed party ready to lead the workers towards victory. He limply raised his fist in response to the far more energetic gestures in the audience, as if he was above such gestures of loyalty to the cause.
“Fellow comrades, I can only congratulate you on your sacrifices these last few months. In spreading help for the destitute and sick where the state has abandoned them, in fighting the powers of international capital and the lackeys in the German bourgeoisie wherever they have attempted to persecute the German worker, for spreading the message of the communist party to the German worker. Your efforts have left our movement, and our party, stronger than ever!”
There was the usual cheer and as the speech went on more platitudes followed to more acclaim. Gerda couldn’t help but observe that the General Secretary was more measured in his tone than the usual bluster. His characteristically slow and measured tone that always began his speeches had continued whereas it usually would have become a ranting crescendo by now about the party storming to victory and stringing up the enemies of the German people.
Instead there was a great deal of reference to the “movement” and its importance.
Gerda had already began to join up the dots by the time it became clear that this was not one of Hitler’s ordinary speeches.
“Comrades, the workers movement is broad and is comprised of many different faiths. If we are to topple those who oppose us, we must not reject fellow workers with petty labels cooked up by spineless bohemians. The time has come to declare, loudly and unapologetically: “We must not allow capital to divide us!””
“WE MUST NOT ALLOW CAPITAL TO DIVIDE US” Hitler’s sycophants shouted somewhat half-heartedly, Hitler repeated the chant louder and this time the audience responded with full volume.
Satisfied, Hitler made a small motion with his hand, and to the gasp of the crowd he was joined on stage by a small bald man, one with sad eyes and a humble face betrayed somewhat by a crafty expression. It was the face of Paul Levi.
Paul Levi, the Social Democratic deputy.
Paul Levi, the former Communist
Paul Levi, the survivor of the Freikorps slaughter of the Spartacists in Berlin.
Paul Levi, the Social Fascist.
The two men clasped hands together and held them aloft triumphantly in the air, the crowd cheered with full volume once again, engulfing Gerda’s silent scream.
---
The Three Arrows symbol was used by the SPD and their militant wing, the Iron Front. Each arrow represents the forces the social democrats opposed: monarchists, fascists, and communists.
- The Red
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