Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes V (Do Not Post Current Politics Here)

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Alternate 1960 Brazilian elections, where Kubitschek's term is delayed by five years due to Osvaldo Aranha having been Vargas' VP in 1954 and winning reelection the next year.

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I kind of feel like I'm cranking these out too fast.
Matt H. Watson (born February 5, 1996) is a Carolinian politician, political activist, and former internet entertainer from the Carolina state of Tidewater. He is a Democratic-Republican, representing the 14th congressional district of the state of Tidewater in the Carolina House of Representatives. His district includes the majority of eastern Greenville, as well as the communities of Simpson and outer Grimesland.

Before his career in politics, Watson was best known for his series of musical and comedy videos, which were posted on the video-sharing site YouTube and produced with his friend and current Charlotte Times columnist Ryan Magee. However, the events of the "Dixie War" between Carolina and the Union of Socialist American States (Watson's family ancestors themselves being refugees of the revolution that resulted in Georgia's transition to a communist government in 1924) in 2015 resulted in Watson's transition to political activism. Watson became a staunch and open anti-communist liberal, organizing rallies in favor of political and economic action against the U.S.A.S. and founding the "Carolina for Progress" activist group.

In January of 2018, Watson made his first run for public office, looking to fill the vacancy left in the House of Representatives by Bobbie Richardson, whose seat was being temporarily held by Allen Joines, after Richardson was tapped by president Edwards to serve as secretary of education. Watson, barely managing to receive the support of the national Democratic-Republicans, defeated strong opposition from the seasoned Tim Moore and won the seat by less than 300 votes.

Although Watson has very little in his legislative portfolio, he has been an open supporter of universal healthcare and gun control legislation, making public statements on his plans to vote for legislation supporting both of these causes.

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(Those who get it will get it.)

Articles of De-Confederation


Have you heard about his scandal involving Splatoon porn?
 
Alternate Newfoundland referendum in a timeline where it was colonized by greenlandic norse who were fleeing from greenland in the late 14th century, their low population and the abundant fish ressources would deter them from migrating further south (they mostly stay around the st lawrence gulf and labrador), later the area would be colonized by the british.
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Once again I played around with the UBC Election Simulator and produced this:

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And an added bonus the results for the ridings of Cambridge, Beauce and Yukon. If anyone wants to see any other riding results then I'll happily do them.

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More from "The Articles of Deconfederation." Here are some international politics this time around.

The French presidential elections, 2017, were held on 23 April and 7 May, 2017, to elect the tenth president of the French Fourth Republic. Incumbent president Nicolas Sarkozy, of the Republican Party, declined to run for a third term after serving for ten years from 2007 onward. The Socialist Party's Oliver Faure and Jean-Luc Mélenchon of La France Insoumise ("France Unbound" in English) were the top two most voted-for candidates after the end of the first round and thus moved on to face each other in the second round, which Faure won by a relatively comfortable margin on 7 May.

The presidential election was followed by a legislative election one month later, in which La France Insoumise failed to win any new seats. The Socialists won a majority in the legislative assembly, securing control of 304 seats in total.

Christian Jacob, the nominee for the Republicans, led in national polling initially, but was soon overtaken by Mélenchon, with Faure coming in as a definite third after securing the nomination of the Socialist Party. By the middle of December, however, it had become clear that Jacob was struggling to maintain a spot in the contest, and the polls tightened considerably, with Mélenchon leading Faure by an average of one point to half a point. At the same time, Marine Le Pen of the Front National (National Front in English) pulled ahead of most other small parties' candidates to take fourth place near the end of the first round. François Bayrou, coming in fifth, was the candidate with the lowest polling vote share to be invited to the first major debate.

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Mélenchon won a narrow victory in the first round, beating Faure for first place by 105,000 votes. This marked the first time in the history of the Fourth Republic that a second round candidate came from a party that was not considered part of the establishment centre-left or centre-right. This seemed to work against Mélenchon as the second round commenced, with most voters who had favored Jacob, Bayrou, and Lassale moving towards supporting Faure. Many polled voters expressed the shared view that Mélenchon was too outside the scope of the establishment for their liking, and 39% of voters said that if Mélenchon were to be elected president, the emotion they would most likely feel immediately after would be "fear."

When voting for the second round had finished, Faure maintained a lead during the entire the process of vote counting, but this margin was never large enough to prompt Mélenchon's concession of defeat. By the time that 73% of the votes had been counted, Faure's vote total skyrocketed ahead of Mélenchon's, as votes from northern and western urban areas, Socialist strongholds, began to be counted. Mélenchon conceded defeat to Faure at two in the morning on 8 May.

Mélenchon coming so close to being elected was rooted in immigration and terror-related fear among the French, with the Saudi Arabian civil war displacing millions of persons, tens of thousands of them coming to France for refuge. Complaints in organized labor, stemming from welfare and union-recognition cuts made by Sarkozy, pushed the working class vote in favor of Mélenchon and helped him win a majority in many far-northern and far-southern departments, whose economies relied mainly on shrinking industrial sectors.

The results of the election were officiated on 11 May by the French Constitutional Council. Faure took office on 14 May, naming Luc Carvounas as his Prime Minister on 16 May.
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Xu Qiliang (Chinese: 许其亮; pinyin: Xǔ Qíliàng; born March 1950) is a Chinese politician and air force general currently serving as the president of the Centralist Republic of China, as well as the commander of the Chinese Fascist-Republican party and the chairman of the Chinese Central Military Commission. As commander of the Fascist-Republican party, Xu holds the ability to order the immediate passage and enforcement of any and all laws and codes, and holds complete control of the Chinese Armed Forces.

Before his ascension to the post of president, Xu served as General of the State Air Force, a position absorbed into the duties of president after 25 November, 2011. Xu was born to a wealthy family with connections to the state government, his parents being personal friends of then president Zhou Enlai. This allowed Xu an easy acceptance into the state military, where he was almost immediately given officerial duties at the age of 21. In 2007, at the age of 57, Xu was given the position of General of the State Air Force by president Lien Chan.

With Chan's exit of the office in 2011, after what many outside China suspected to be a series of power moves by Xu to force Chan's resignation, Xu was made president by the State Social-Military Council. Since his ascension, Xu has taken extensive action to expand the powers of the president and the size of the state military. Outside analysts tend to describe Xu's tenure as a return to fascism, and a stark change in comparison to the reformist stance taken by president Chang. Xu has used his powers to crack down on social deviance and political dissent, and severely increased the rate at which the death penalty is used to deal with criminal offenses of all varieties.

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Articles of De-Confederation:
New York Legislative election, 2008
New York Progressive Party

Midatlantica Legislative election, 2017
Carolina Presidential Election, 2017; Matt Watson
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French Presidential Election, 2017; Xu Qiliang
 
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The 1961 Los Angeles Mayoral Election from my TL Twists and Turns:
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The 1961 Los Angeles Mayoral Election was possibly the first election in Los Angeles history affected by baseball. In previous years, Los Angeles was hoping to gain a baseball team to increase their national status. However, they failed to attract the New York Giants, who moved to Minnesota, and the Brooklyn Dodgers, who stayed. With this, Los Angeles got an expansion team, the Los Angeles Stars. However, the construction of the stadium became a burden on taxpayers, and the team also wasn’t that good. With the raise in taxes during an economically poor time, incumbent mayor C. Norris Poulson became unpopular.

During the election, the Democrats nominated conservative Democrat and local celebrity George Putnam. Putnam was a talk show host in Los Angeles, and had become critical of the Stars taxpayer burden. The Constitution Party nominated an anti-tax activist with no actual plan other than promising the people of Los Angeles lower taxes. Meanwhile, the Republicans split, with Los Angeles City Councilman Patrick McGee running against Poulson. In the first round of the two-round election, Putnam came out on top easily, with his local celebrity and heavy support from national Democrats who wanted a Democratic Los Angeles. Meanwhile, Poulson didn't even come in third place. He lost to McGee and the Constitution Party while barley receiving over 20% of the vote. The second round would pit McGee against Putnam.

In the second round, Putnam had a massive lead. His local celebrity helped him tremendously, and his socially conservative positions gave him the support of the Constitution Party and even some Republicans. Not only that, but he ran off of some of president Kefauver's economic recoveries. McGee was just happy to be in the second round. In the end, the Democrats had gone from no candidate for mayor in 1957 to a win with nearly 60% of the vote in 1960.


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The most recent Twists and Turns update:
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Going into 1961, New Jersey governor C. Douglas Dillon was one of the most popular governors in the nation. He was expected to crush all opposition, and with that, the Democrats were put into a hard position. With this, a strange candidate, Henry B. Krajewski was able to be put in a position of power.

Henry B. Krajewski first got into politics in 1952, when he ran for president as an independent. He made almost no effect as a candidate. Afterwards, he made a quiet retirement from politics, and returned to his job as a New Jersey pig farmer. However, Krajewski began to support the Democrats, as he was quite supportive of Kefauver's plan to increase funding to the G.I Bill. With this, Krajewski joined the New Jersey Democratic Party and announced his run for governor.

At first, the New Jersey Democrats had no idea who Krajewski was. They were originally planning to nominate Attorney General Charles Samuel Joelson, but Joelson was afraid of losing his spot as Attorney General, so with that, the Democratic nomination. Krajewski ran an energetic campaign, and was largely helped by his competition. When Krajewski first rose in the polls, his main opposition was a draft campaign for Dillon. He described his other opponents as "a flock of loons" in 1963. One of those loons was conservative radio host Bud Clark. Clark had surprised many when he ran for the Democratic nomination and not the Constitution or even Republican nomination. When Clark was asked at a press conference why he was running as a Democrat, he joked that it was because "there's no Constitution Party in New Jersey". Clark did surprisingly well and got 11% of the vote in the Democratic Primary. However, Krajewski rose above by touring the state, making speeches, and attacking Dillon for anything he could possibly think of. With that, Krajewski won 38% of the Democratic Primary vote, and the nomination.

While the Democratic Primary may have been exciting, the general election was not. Krajewski spent most of his funds on the primary, while Dillon had no opposition in his nomination, ad had a massive war chest. Krajewski had to tour around the state to make up for his lack of name recognition, while Dillon didn't need to campaign. In the end, the Krajewski campaign went broke and Krajewski was exhausted while Dillon cruised to victory.
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The 1961 New York City Mayoral Election was largely expected to be a Democratic wipeout. The Democrats had by this point painfully removed most Tammany influence, and were exponentially popular. Incumbent mayor Robert Wagner had decided not to run for re-election, as he was exhausted from his previous two terms. Because of this, James Donavan, a famous New York lawyer won the Democratic nomination in Wagner's place. However, when one famous New York lawyer runs, another one usually isn't far behind...

Roy Cohn, the infamous Joseph McCarthy lawyer decided to run for mayor in both the Republican and Constitution Parties. Cohn was originally a Democrat, but had moved to the Republicans after supporting Dirksen's moves in Cuba. He also saw himself as conservative enough to run for the Constitution nomination. Despite Cohn's campaign being dogged by allegations of homosexuality (Cohn was unmarried, and with that came rumors), however, Cohn beat out a bunch of irrelevant candidates for the Constitution nomination along with Liberal Republican and New York Attorney general Jacob K. Javits in the Republican primary. Cohn being nominated by both the Republican and Constitution Parties was a curve ball for the Democrats, but a bigger one came later.

While the Liberal Party of New York had been growing in the national stage, the party was still expected to nominate Democratic Candidates on the state/citywide level. However, the Donavan campaign was shocked when they didn't just lose the liberal nomination, he came in third to Liberal Republican Jacob K. Javits, and the eventual Liberal nominee and controversial author Norman Mailer. Mailer's campaign was chaired by incumbent Democratic representative Gore Vidal, who campaigned hard for Mailer. Mailer became a stick in Donavan's craw as he tried to gain the mayoralty.

Donavan's campaign strategy was to stay on the safe side and run to the center against the two extremes. Donavan knew that at some point, Cohn and Mailer would screw up and say something controversial. Because of this, he scheduled debates. In the first debate, Cohn and Mailer got into a large argument, while Donavan calmly outlined his plans for a better city. Donavan's calm manner helped him rise in the polls when compared to Cohn and Mailer's controversial views. In the second debate, Mailer attempted to goad Donavan into a fight, but yet again, Donavan remained calm and collected while Cohn screamed about how Communists were taking over the city and Mailer about how Long Island should split off from the rest of New York. By the third and final debate, Mailer had gone from 20-15% in the polls, to 12-10%. He was tired and running out of money. But, he was still hurting Donavan, so Cohn was leading. That stopped when Mailer showed up to the final debate visually intoxicated and got into physical altercation with Cohn. After the two fought, both dropped in the polls, and Donavan won the election easily.
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In the end, while Cohn lost, he showed that there was hope for the Republicans in NYC after being out of the Mayoralty for 16 years, and they hoped for a better result in 1965.
 
2007 General Election

Nobody could blame Gordon Brown for calling an election in autumn 2007, but they could blame him for the total mess of the campaign that followed. Brown had decided, as many expected, to pull the trigger after a consistent lead in the polls stretching back to his accession to the premiership and initially, it looked as if he would win a slightly more modest majority. Crucially for Brown, it would mean a full term as prime minister and the opportunity to finally make his mark, after waiting in the wings for over a decade. The campaign initially got off to a good start, with Brown making assured appearances on television and in public, whilst the Conservative campaign appeared to stutter. David Cameron, having been in post as Leader of the Opposition for less than two years, had not yet mapped out his plan for the thrice-beaten Tories and the early weeks involved party HQ trying to work out a strategy to defeat, or at least seriously damage, Labour. The Liberal Democrats languished a distant third in the polls, with leader Ming Campbell inspiring few and putting off many potential voters, and so it seemed that at the very least Brown would be returned to number 10 comfortably.

Yet Labour were complacent. Brown spoke in public often, but very rarely appeared to meet with voters as Labour HQ were worried about Brown struggling to come across well with them. This was soon picked up on by the media, who accused Brown and the Labour leadership of being disconnected from the electorate. This was in contrast to Cameron regularly attended large public meetings, taking part in unscripted Q&A sessions and making speeches without a cue. In addition to this, Brown refused to take part in the first ever planned televised Leader's Debate on Sky, despite Cameron and Campbell pledging their intention to appear. Brown offered to send a 'stand-in' in a move that was highly criticised and the debate ultimately never happened. The media soon began to flock to Cameron as polls demonstrated the tide beginning to turn (in the first week of the campaign, Labour held an aggregate lead of four points, by week four the polls demonstrated a Tory lead of one), with The Sun dramatically announcing its support for the Conservatives a week from polling day, ending Murdoch's backing of New Labour. Brown's reluctance to engage with the media and the public became a key theme of the campaign and whilst Labour had succeeded in making the campaign about the leaders, they would come to regret doing so.

Labour made a modest gain of almost 1.5% in the popular vote but would ultimately lose their majority, as the Tory vote soared by over 7%, making over seventy gains in the process. Cameron immediately claimed that the country had decisively rejected Brown and Labour, yet there was no parliamentary arithmetic that would allow the Conservatives to take power. Ming Campbell's unmemorable campaign saw the Lib Dems take several step backs from the progress they had made under Kennedy, losing over double their seats to both the main parties. For the first time since 1974, Britain had a hung parliament. Labour immediately entered talks with the Lib Dems, offering several key concessions such as constitutional reform and a referendum on AV in return for a comprehensive confidence-and-supply agreement. Campbell had no appetite to enter power after such a disappointing election and when he did put Labour's offer to the party membership, they decisively rejected it in a private ballot. Labour would end up relying on the support of the SDLP, who agreed to support the party in all key votes in return for more central funding being directed to Northern Ireland. Though they now had a working majority, given that they had called the election early from a seemingly unassailable position, Brown's colleagues considered his gamble a dreadful mistake and a difficult pill for the party to swallow.

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Ryan Rodney Reynolds (October 23, 1976- July 10, 2010) was a Canadian actor. Some of his most prominent roles were as Billy Simpson in the YTV Canadian teen soap opera Hillside (1991), Michael Bergen on the ABCsitcom Two Guys and a Girl (1998–2001), as well as the titular character in National Lampoon's Van Wilder (2002) and as Wade Wilson / Weapon XI in a supporting role in the prequel X-Men film, X-Men Origins: Wolverine (2009). Other film roles included The Amityville Horror (2005), Definitely, Maybe (2008), The Proposal (2009), and his final film Buried (2010).

Shortly after being announced as the lead character in the movie Green Lantern, Reynolds was found dead in his Los Angeles residence in what investigators determined to be a execution-style murder. The only evidence recovered at the scene was a crude drawing of the murder followed by the words "You're welcome, Canada -DP". As of 2018 the case remains unsolved.
 
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