alternatehistory.com
The Isles Stand Stalwart
The Sun Rises Yet Again
Chapter 11: The Isles Stand Stalwart
April 18, 1925
Some time has passed since the infamous London Conference. The members of the Comintern immediately denounced it, saying it was a prime display of capitalist imperialism. Joseph Stalin, primary contestant to Trotsky's rise to leadership of the Soviet Union, stated how he felt to a crowd in Moscow.
Joseph Stalin
"My fellow countrymen, today I stand here to speak out against what has transpired in London 18 days ago. The corruption and greed shown by the Western leaders is microcosm of everything wrong with the old model of government. It is this arrogant and blindingly foolish ideology that will seal the fates of these kings and ministers. Know with certainty that when we overthrow and hang the capitalists, it will be with bullets we made and rope they sold us."
Stalin, being a man of few words, retreats back to his quarters shortly after. The speech helps appeal to some of his softer opponents and even convinces some to side with him. Germany also condemns the event but is unable to fully speak out against it out of fear of seeming in league with the Comintern.
Litvinov is dispatched to Paris to advise the French on what action to take for the foreseeable future, with Grigory Chicherin emphasising aggression towards the British and their newfound alliance instead of towards the Germans due to Molotov's suggestion. Chicherin sends Molotov to Berlin to work with Karl Radek, the Soviet Union's representative in Germany, with plans to ease the Germans to their presence. With this advice from the Soviets, the French stage a naval exercise in the Channel to show off their strength to the British. In response, Beatty sends a petition to Mosley asking permission to stage a naval exercise, much larger than the one the French did, less than 13 knots off the coast of Calais.
The letter also includes a request to have Mosley arrange a meeting between himself, Fuller, and Hugh Trenchard, Marshall of the Royal Air Force, in order to work on cementing cooperation of the Air Force with the Army and the introduction of an innovative theory on how naval warfare would be waged in the next Great War. Mosley signs off on the naval exercise but is sure to let Beatty know that he must avoid war as Britain is not ready for a full-scale one. He agrees to the meeting between the branches and decides it should include not just the respective heads of each branch but also of many of the general staff of them as well as himself.
Beatty, with Mosley's permission, begins to consolidate a fleet big enough to intimidate the French. Beatty would bring the battleships HMS Barham, HMS Hood and HMS Hannibal, the cruisers HMS Achilles, HMS Ambrose, HMS Aphis, HMS Birmingham, HMS Cairo, HMS Calcutta, HMS Calliope, HMS Calypso, HMS Cambrian, HMS Canterbury, HMS Capetown, HMS Caradoc, HMS Cardiff and HMS Carlisle, the destroyer HMS Blenheim, the monitor HMS Erebus and the seaplane carrier HMS Ark Royal as well as 2 dozen or so militarised civilian ships. HMS Hermes was not ready to leave her port as her construction had been delayed due to the Depression. As the fleet converges over the course of the next 2 weeks, Mosley does his best to keep most of the movement secret and the bits that slip through are branded as scheduled movements. These efforts pay off and on the 2nd of May, 3 days before the exercise would go through, the movements of the Royal Navy are mostly unscrutinised by the world. Information relating to the exercise is purposely leaked so as to get the story into international view by the 5th. On the 5th, Beatty's fleet, headed by HMS Hood, steams out towards the coast of Calais.
The French had received news of the exercise and are deliberating on how to respond. Litvinov has no idea how the Kremlin wants the French to react and word from Moscow itself will take too long. They have to make a decision on their own. Two major factions arise. On one side are the Internationalists, led by Boris Souvarine, a supporter of Trotsky, who want to fire on the fleet with everything they have available. The idea is that Britain's fleet has shrunken greatly since WWI, mostly due to the Battle of Jutland and a decent number of the remaining fleet being sold off, and that the fleet coming to the Calais coast contains a sizable chunk of the powerful ships in the Royal Navy and that by dealing a decisive blow, they can cripple Britain's ability to fight and that their prime alliegance is to the workers of the world, not just any one nation. On the other side are the Nationalists, led by Maurice Thorez, a supporter of Stalin, who want to leave the fleet be as they believed that Comintern cannot make any meaningful actions against Britain or her allies and that it will only anger people in an unstable society and that their ultimate allegiance is to France, not the world. In the end, both sides are deadlocked and Litvinov must choose a side to break the stalemate as the remaining undecided members would gravitate to him. He decides to side with the Thorez and let the fleet be. However, he urges Thorez to send a squadron of airplanes into the vicinity of the fleet so as to put up some resistance.
As the world watches, Beatty's fleet reaches the designated point and begins the exercise. Germany is on high alert as well as it did not want to be defenseless if Europe is to descend into war once again. Kaiser Wilhelm II is forced by the Reichstag and Reichskanzler Maximilian von Baden to support the British. Even though Germany is powerful, there are many factions and internal divisions weakening it.
During the war, unrest and protests were rising in Germany due to the British blockade which still continued even after Jutland, with less success. This combined with a potato crop failure because of poor Autumn weather and a lack of able-bodied men due to intensive drafting, with most heading to the Eastern Front due to the startling success of the Brusilov Offensive. Most of the remaining crop that had not failed, spoiled on the way to the cities. These events culminated into what is now known as the Turnip Winter. It was called this as turnips came to replace potatoes in the diets of most German civilians and soldiers, much to their disdain. Malnutrition rose, rations dropped both at home and at the front and even though the war in France was still in Germany's favor, the recent losses on the Eastern Front to General Aleksei Brusilov's daring offensive, the failure at Tours in 1914 as well as the 400,000 people dead due to starvation all made the people tired of war and demands that the Kaiser make a less substantial but immediate peace began to circulate. Rations for the navy dropped to such lows that a naval mutiny arose as sailors were angry that they were virtually starving while officers were wining and dining heartily.
In light of these events, Reichskanzler Bethmann Hollweg convinced Kaiser Wilhelm II to make a speech addressing the nation which was delivered to the Reichstag and then published on April 6, the same day as the USPD was established. The USPD was a social democratic party that was formed by alienated members of the SPD, an older socialist party that had drifted to the center and supported the war despite the Second International's objection. The message, being viewed by most of the population a day before Easter, would come to be known as the Easter Message. The message was written as follows.
Kaiser Wilhelm II
"Never before has the German people proved so unshakable as in this war. The realisation that the Fatherland faced a grave emergency exerted a wonderfully conciliatory force, and despite all the sacrifices of blood that we made on foreign fields, and despite all the difficult privations that we bore at home, the will has remained unshakable to risk the utmost for the last, victorious struggle. The national and social spirits were unified in mutual understanding and gave us lasting strength. Everyone felt: what had been built up during long years of peace, amid many internal difficulties, was worth defending.
The achievements of the whole nation in war and need shine before my soul. The experiences of this struggle for our national existence are inaugurating a new epoch in magnificent solemnity. As the responsible Chancellor of the German Reich and First Minister of my Prussian Government, you face the obligation to help fulfill the demands of this time with the proper means and at the proper time. On various occasions you have spoken of the spirit in which the forms of our state’s life are to be rebuilt in order to foster the free, enthusiastic cooperation of all members of our nation. The principles that you worked out on these occasions have, as you know, my approval. I am aware that in giving it, I am following the course of my grandfather, the founder of the Reich, who fulfilled his monarchical responsibilities in exemplary fashion, both when, as king of Prussia, he presided over the organisation of the military, and when, as German Kaiser, he oversaw social reform. In so doing, he created the foundations on which the German people will survive this bloody time in unanimous and wrathful perseverance.
To preserve the armed forces as a true army of the people, to promote the social improvement of all classes of the people, has been my aim from the beginning of my reign. Determined as I am to serve the commonwealth, in hard-tested unity between the people and the monarchy, I have decided to begin the reconstruction of our domestic political, economic, and social life to the extent that the conditions of war permit.
Millions of our fellow countrymen are still on the battlefield. Behind the front, the settlement of differences of opinion, which are unavoidable in connection with a far-reaching alteration of the Constitution, must be postponed in the highest patriotic interest, until our warriors have returned home and can themselves by word and deed aid in the progress of the new age. However, in order to allow the necessary and practical steps in this connection to take place immediately upon the successful end of the war, which I confidently hope is not far off, I wish that the preparations be concluded without delay.
I am especially anxious to see the reorganisation of the Prussian parliament and the liberation of all our domestic politics from this problem. On my orders, preparations for altering the suffrage for the Bundestag were made at the beginning of the war. I now charge you to submit to me concrete proposals from the State Ministry, so this work, which is basic to the structure of domestic politics in Prussia, will quickly be carried out by legislation, once our warriors have returned. Given the colossal achievements of the whole people in this terrible war, I am convinced that there is no room any longer for the three-class franchise system in Prussia. Furthermore, the proposed bill is to provide for the direct and secret election of deputies.
No King of Prussia will fail to appreciate the merits and enduring significance of the Bundesrat for the state. But the Bundesrat will better be able to meet the colossal demands of the coming age if, to a broader and more equitable extent than before, it unifies in its midst leading men from the diverse sectors and vocations of the people, men who are distinguished by the respect of their fellow citizens.
In renewing important dimensions of our firmly established and hard-tested state apparatus, I am acting in the traditions of my great forebears as I demonstrate my confidence in a loyal, brave, disciplined, and highly developed people."
The speech made vague promises of reform to the German government,with people speculating it was referencing the constitution, the Reichstag, or even the granting of women's suffrage. Of course, the speech was vague and no date of implementation or even a guarantee to follow through on this reform was given and with the war ending in a German victory, the Kaiser and his government had not begun any attempts of reform. Hollweg's failed attempts of compromise between the left and the right had alienated many on both sides from the current system, which did not help the situation. A precarious centrist government is maintained as neither side wants to give up ground to the other and both lack the power to swing the pendulum to their liking. This has led to serious grid-locking and extreme inefficiency within most, if not all, sectors of government and the people are unwilling to start another war. In general, a sense of contentedness, stagnation, and apathy has settled into the German society and it's people. Most German citizens are happy to listen to their favorite radio stars and indulge in the great German theatre culture while the communist and revanchists powers grow in might until the day they could strike Germany.
As Beatty exercise commences, a squadron of planes is spotted approaching the fleet. Beatty orders HMS Hannibal and HMS Barham to fire warning salvos while HMS Ark Royal deploys her own fighters to intimidate the French pilots. The sight of the salvos and the planes scare away the French and Beatty is pleased. The exercise continues uninterrupted and by its end, the whole world knows that the Royal Navy holds naval supremacy over the English Channel. The French have been cowed and the Soviets angered, with the German's having to reluctantly support this move. Beatty returns to port with great applause, as many feared that Britain would back down in the face of this provocation. Mosley congratulates Beatty publicly in a speech in London.
Oswald Mosley
"My fellow Britons, the Hero of Jutland has once again displayed Britain's naval might to all the world! The vile communists believed that they could prevent the destiny of these great Isles and their people by flaunting their false strength in our faces. They dare to send their symbols of slavery and godlessness into our beautiful Channel. They expected us to let such a transgression pass, to let such an insult to the British people be. They are wrong! We are a strong and proud race! Intelligent and diligent! Today, we have once again proven that Britannia rules the waves!"
The people continue applaud Beatty and Mosley. The two head to Mosley's office afterwards. Once they sit down Mosley begins to speak.
Oswald Mosley
"I sincerely thank you Beatty. You defended our naval dominance against the Comintern's actions. Your speedy response put an end to the plans of those filthy upstarts."
David Beatty
"It was my pleasure your Excellency. I'll take any chance I can to stand up to those revolting communists. I am glad we are now alone, I wanted to talk with you in private, before the military assembly with Fuller and Trenchard.
Oswald Mosley
"What about?"
David Beatty
"It relates to the new theory on naval warfare I have been crafting. It is radically different than the conventional primacy of the battleship. Although there are different strategies using this primacy, such as Fleet in Being, they all revolve around commanding powerful warships, where naval might is measured purely in tonnage displaced, number of guns operating and caliber length. This proves extremely costly, so much so that admirals feel that using these powerful ships could incur a cost so great that anything short of total victory would be pyrrhic in nature. This is a problem, one summarised so perfectly at Jutland. I seek to correct this, to implement a new doctrine."
Oswald Mosley
"And what would you propose?"
David Beatty
"I propose a doctrine centered around the seaplane carrier and the air support it can provide in battle. The introduction of airplanes will effect every aspect of war, on land and at sea. Seaplanes are much cheaper to build than dreadnoughts or cruisers and if the technology were to be improved, they could end up becoming an equal if not significantly more dangerous threat to ships. They can be fielded in larger numbers if enough carriers were present and are far more maneuverable than a colossal dreadnought or even a more sprightly cruiser. There is more to it than that, the reconnaissance benefits, power projection, land support, and many other components that have convinced me to follow through with this."
Oswald Mosley
"What exactly prompted you to seek this new way of naval warfare?"
David Beatty
"It was a variety of factors that impelled me to think on this. But the two most important events were Jutland and the Japanese use of sea-based planes at the siege of Tsingtao. Jutland motivated me to find a new way to fight smarter, not harder, and the Japanese tactics at Tsingtao opened the doors in my mind to those new possibilities. "
Oswald Mosley
"Do you have a name to call this new doctrine?"
David Beatty
"I do not have an official name, I intend to arrive at one by the date of the assembly. For now, I have referred to it simply as the "Pelican Strategy". Its name is self-explanatory."
Oswald Mosley
"I see. Still, it is a very promising doctrine, and if you believe that this is the route to restoring Britain's naval dominance over the world, then I entrust you with great confidence to take the necessary steps to fulfill this vision. With oversight and suggestions from the government and other branches of course. I will never forget how you saved my life and the lives of my brothers-in-arms."
David Beatty
"Thank you. I must be going now as I am very tired from the intensive work over the last 2 weeks."
Oswald Mosley
"Of course, good day to you mister Beatty."
David Beatty
"And good day to you your Excellency."
As Beatty departs, Mosley remains at his desk. He still has much work to do. Chambers and Makgill have recently finished a collaboration on a set of policies that were to be presented to Parliament. These laws would strengthen the powers of the Prime Minister and MI5. Kitson had also sent some more economic policy to present in Parliament. Mosley would have to push these policies through Parliament, he would use the popularity gained from his recent actions to achieve this. Mosley is proud that the British Isles stand stalwart against the world.
Joseph Stalin, Primary Contender to Leon Trotsky's Rise to Preeminence in the Soviet Union, 1925
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Maurice Thorez, Head of the Nationalist Party in the French Commune and a Stalinist, 1925
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Boris Souvarine, Head of the Internationalist Party in the French Commune and a Trotskyist, 1923
View attachment 386559
Maxim Litvinov, Soviet Ambassador to the French Commune, 1921
View attachment 386566
HMS Cairo, a C-Class Light Cruiser in the English Channel, 1925
View attachment 386564
HMS Aphis, an Insect-Class Gunboat in the English Channel, 1925
View attachment 386560
HMS Ark Royal, a Seaplane Carrier in the English Channel, 1925
View attachment 386562
HMS Hannibal, a Majestic-Class Pre-Dreadnought Battleship in the English Channel, 1925
View attachment 386565
HMS Barham, a Queen Elizabeth-Class Battleship in the English Channel, 1925
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HMS Hood, an Admiral-Class Battlecruiser and the Pride of the Royal Navy, the Only of Her Kind, in the English Channel, 1925
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Chapter 11: The Isles Stand Stalwart
April 18, 1925
Some time has passed since the infamous London Conference. The members of the Comintern immediately denounced it, saying it was a prime display of capitalist imperialism. Joseph Stalin, primary contestant to Trotsky's rise to leadership of the Soviet Union, stated how he felt to a crowd in Moscow.
Joseph Stalin
"My fellow countrymen, today I stand here to speak out against what has transpired in London 18 days ago. The corruption and greed shown by the Western leaders is microcosm of everything wrong with the old model of government. It is this arrogant and blindingly foolish ideology that will seal the fates of these kings and ministers. Know with certainty that when we overthrow and hang the capitalists, it will be with bullets we made and rope they sold us."
Stalin, being a man of few words, retreats back to his quarters shortly after. The speech helps appeal to some of his softer opponents and even convinces some to side with him. Germany also condemns the event but is unable to fully speak out against it out of fear of seeming in league with the Comintern.
Litvinov is dispatched to Paris to advise the French on what action to take for the foreseeable future, with Grigory Chicherin emphasising aggression towards the British and their newfound alliance instead of towards the Germans due to Molotov's suggestion. Chicherin sends Molotov to Berlin to work with Karl Radek, the Soviet Union's representative in Germany, with plans to ease the Germans to their presence. With this advice from the Soviets, the French stage a naval exercise in the Channel to show off their strength to the British. In response, Beatty sends a petition to Mosley asking permission to stage a naval exercise, much larger than the one the French did, less than 13 knots off the coast of Calais.
The letter also includes a request to have Mosley arrange a meeting between himself, Fuller, and Hugh Trenchard, Marshall of the Royal Air Force, in order to work on cementing cooperation of the Air Force with the Army and the introduction of an innovative theory on how naval warfare would be waged in the next Great War. Mosley signs off on the naval exercise but is sure to let Beatty know that he must avoid war as Britain is not ready for a full-scale one. He agrees to the meeting between the branches and decides it should include not just the respective heads of each branch but also of many of the general staff of them as well as himself.
Beatty, with Mosley's permission, begins to consolidate a fleet big enough to intimidate the French. Beatty would bring the battleships HMS Barham, HMS Hood and HMS Hannibal, the cruisers HMS Achilles, HMS Ambrose, HMS Aphis, HMS Birmingham, HMS Cairo, HMS Calcutta, HMS Calliope, HMS Calypso, HMS Cambrian, HMS Canterbury, HMS Capetown, HMS Caradoc, HMS Cardiff and HMS Carlisle, the destroyer HMS Blenheim, the monitor HMS Erebus and the seaplane carrier HMS Ark Royal as well as 2 dozen or so militarised civilian ships. HMS Hermes was not ready to leave her port as her construction had been delayed due to the Depression. As the fleet converges over the course of the next 2 weeks, Mosley does his best to keep most of the movement secret and the bits that slip through are branded as scheduled movements. These efforts pay off and on the 2nd of May, 3 days before the exercise would go through, the movements of the Royal Navy are mostly unscrutinised by the world. Information relating to the exercise is purposely leaked so as to get the story into international view by the 5th. On the 5th, Beatty's fleet, headed by HMS Hood, steams out towards the coast of Calais.
The French had received news of the exercise and are deliberating on how to respond. Litvinov has no idea how the Kremlin wants the French to react and word from Moscow itself will take too long. They have to make a decision on their own. Two major factions arise. On one side are the Internationalists, led by Boris Souvarine, a supporter of Trotsky, who want to fire on the fleet with everything they have available. The idea is that Britain's fleet has shrunken greatly since WWI, mostly due to the Battle of Jutland and a decent number of the remaining fleet being sold off, and that the fleet coming to the Calais coast contains a sizable chunk of the powerful ships in the Royal Navy and that by dealing a decisive blow, they can cripple Britain's ability to fight and that their prime alliegance is to the workers of the world, not just any one nation. On the other side are the Nationalists, led by Maurice Thorez, a supporter of Stalin, who want to leave the fleet be as they believed that Comintern cannot make any meaningful actions against Britain or her allies and that it will only anger people in an unstable society and that their ultimate allegiance is to France, not the world. In the end, both sides are deadlocked and Litvinov must choose a side to break the stalemate as the remaining undecided members would gravitate to him. He decides to side with the Thorez and let the fleet be. However, he urges Thorez to send a squadron of airplanes into the vicinity of the fleet so as to put up some resistance.
As the world watches, Beatty's fleet reaches the designated point and begins the exercise. Germany is on high alert as well as it did not want to be defenseless if Europe is to descend into war once again. Kaiser Wilhelm II is forced by the Reichstag and Reichskanzler Maximilian von Baden to support the British. Even though Germany is powerful, there are many factions and internal divisions weakening it.
During the war, unrest and protests were rising in Germany due to the British blockade which still continued even after Jutland, with less success. This combined with a potato crop failure because of poor Autumn weather and a lack of able-bodied men due to intensive drafting, with most heading to the Eastern Front due to the startling success of the Brusilov Offensive. Most of the remaining crop that had not failed, spoiled on the way to the cities. These events culminated into what is now known as the Turnip Winter. It was called this as turnips came to replace potatoes in the diets of most German civilians and soldiers, much to their disdain. Malnutrition rose, rations dropped both at home and at the front and even though the war in France was still in Germany's favor, the recent losses on the Eastern Front to General Aleksei Brusilov's daring offensive, the failure at Tours in 1914 as well as the 400,000 people dead due to starvation all made the people tired of war and demands that the Kaiser make a less substantial but immediate peace began to circulate. Rations for the navy dropped to such lows that a naval mutiny arose as sailors were angry that they were virtually starving while officers were wining and dining heartily.
In light of these events, Reichskanzler Bethmann Hollweg convinced Kaiser Wilhelm II to make a speech addressing the nation which was delivered to the Reichstag and then published on April 6, the same day as the USPD was established. The USPD was a social democratic party that was formed by alienated members of the SPD, an older socialist party that had drifted to the center and supported the war despite the Second International's objection. The message, being viewed by most of the population a day before Easter, would come to be known as the Easter Message. The message was written as follows.
Kaiser Wilhelm II
"Never before has the German people proved so unshakable as in this war. The realisation that the Fatherland faced a grave emergency exerted a wonderfully conciliatory force, and despite all the sacrifices of blood that we made on foreign fields, and despite all the difficult privations that we bore at home, the will has remained unshakable to risk the utmost for the last, victorious struggle. The national and social spirits were unified in mutual understanding and gave us lasting strength. Everyone felt: what had been built up during long years of peace, amid many internal difficulties, was worth defending.
The achievements of the whole nation in war and need shine before my soul. The experiences of this struggle for our national existence are inaugurating a new epoch in magnificent solemnity. As the responsible Chancellor of the German Reich and First Minister of my Prussian Government, you face the obligation to help fulfill the demands of this time with the proper means and at the proper time. On various occasions you have spoken of the spirit in which the forms of our state’s life are to be rebuilt in order to foster the free, enthusiastic cooperation of all members of our nation. The principles that you worked out on these occasions have, as you know, my approval. I am aware that in giving it, I am following the course of my grandfather, the founder of the Reich, who fulfilled his monarchical responsibilities in exemplary fashion, both when, as king of Prussia, he presided over the organisation of the military, and when, as German Kaiser, he oversaw social reform. In so doing, he created the foundations on which the German people will survive this bloody time in unanimous and wrathful perseverance.
To preserve the armed forces as a true army of the people, to promote the social improvement of all classes of the people, has been my aim from the beginning of my reign. Determined as I am to serve the commonwealth, in hard-tested unity between the people and the monarchy, I have decided to begin the reconstruction of our domestic political, economic, and social life to the extent that the conditions of war permit.
Millions of our fellow countrymen are still on the battlefield. Behind the front, the settlement of differences of opinion, which are unavoidable in connection with a far-reaching alteration of the Constitution, must be postponed in the highest patriotic interest, until our warriors have returned home and can themselves by word and deed aid in the progress of the new age. However, in order to allow the necessary and practical steps in this connection to take place immediately upon the successful end of the war, which I confidently hope is not far off, I wish that the preparations be concluded without delay.
I am especially anxious to see the reorganisation of the Prussian parliament and the liberation of all our domestic politics from this problem. On my orders, preparations for altering the suffrage for the Bundestag were made at the beginning of the war. I now charge you to submit to me concrete proposals from the State Ministry, so this work, which is basic to the structure of domestic politics in Prussia, will quickly be carried out by legislation, once our warriors have returned. Given the colossal achievements of the whole people in this terrible war, I am convinced that there is no room any longer for the three-class franchise system in Prussia. Furthermore, the proposed bill is to provide for the direct and secret election of deputies.
No King of Prussia will fail to appreciate the merits and enduring significance of the Bundesrat for the state. But the Bundesrat will better be able to meet the colossal demands of the coming age if, to a broader and more equitable extent than before, it unifies in its midst leading men from the diverse sectors and vocations of the people, men who are distinguished by the respect of their fellow citizens.
In renewing important dimensions of our firmly established and hard-tested state apparatus, I am acting in the traditions of my great forebears as I demonstrate my confidence in a loyal, brave, disciplined, and highly developed people."
The speech made vague promises of reform to the German government,with people speculating it was referencing the constitution, the Reichstag, or even the granting of women's suffrage. Of course, the speech was vague and no date of implementation or even a guarantee to follow through on this reform was given and with the war ending in a German victory, the Kaiser and his government had not begun any attempts of reform. Hollweg's failed attempts of compromise between the left and the right had alienated many on both sides from the current system, which did not help the situation. A precarious centrist government is maintained as neither side wants to give up ground to the other and both lack the power to swing the pendulum to their liking. This has led to serious grid-locking and extreme inefficiency within most, if not all, sectors of government and the people are unwilling to start another war. In general, a sense of contentedness, stagnation, and apathy has settled into the German society and it's people. Most German citizens are happy to listen to their favorite radio stars and indulge in the great German theatre culture while the communist and revanchists powers grow in might until the day they could strike Germany.
As Beatty exercise commences, a squadron of planes is spotted approaching the fleet. Beatty orders HMS Hannibal and HMS Barham to fire warning salvos while HMS Ark Royal deploys her own fighters to intimidate the French pilots. The sight of the salvos and the planes scare away the French and Beatty is pleased. The exercise continues uninterrupted and by its end, the whole world knows that the Royal Navy holds naval supremacy over the English Channel. The French have been cowed and the Soviets angered, with the German's having to reluctantly support this move. Beatty returns to port with great applause, as many feared that Britain would back down in the face of this provocation. Mosley congratulates Beatty publicly in a speech in London.
Oswald Mosley
"My fellow Britons, the Hero of Jutland has once again displayed Britain's naval might to all the world! The vile communists believed that they could prevent the destiny of these great Isles and their people by flaunting their false strength in our faces. They dare to send their symbols of slavery and godlessness into our beautiful Channel. They expected us to let such a transgression pass, to let such an insult to the British people be. They are wrong! We are a strong and proud race! Intelligent and diligent! Today, we have once again proven that Britannia rules the waves!"
The people continue applaud Beatty and Mosley. The two head to Mosley's office afterwards. Once they sit down Mosley begins to speak.
Oswald Mosley
"I sincerely thank you Beatty. You defended our naval dominance against the Comintern's actions. Your speedy response put an end to the plans of those filthy upstarts."
David Beatty
"It was my pleasure your Excellency. I'll take any chance I can to stand up to those revolting communists. I am glad we are now alone, I wanted to talk with you in private, before the military assembly with Fuller and Trenchard.
Oswald Mosley
"What about?"
David Beatty
"It relates to the new theory on naval warfare I have been crafting. It is radically different than the conventional primacy of the battleship. Although there are different strategies using this primacy, such as Fleet in Being, they all revolve around commanding powerful warships, where naval might is measured purely in tonnage displaced, number of guns operating and caliber length. This proves extremely costly, so much so that admirals feel that using these powerful ships could incur a cost so great that anything short of total victory would be pyrrhic in nature. This is a problem, one summarised so perfectly at Jutland. I seek to correct this, to implement a new doctrine."
Oswald Mosley
"And what would you propose?"
David Beatty
"I propose a doctrine centered around the seaplane carrier and the air support it can provide in battle. The introduction of airplanes will effect every aspect of war, on land and at sea. Seaplanes are much cheaper to build than dreadnoughts or cruisers and if the technology were to be improved, they could end up becoming an equal if not significantly more dangerous threat to ships. They can be fielded in larger numbers if enough carriers were present and are far more maneuverable than a colossal dreadnought or even a more sprightly cruiser. There is more to it than that, the reconnaissance benefits, power projection, land support, and many other components that have convinced me to follow through with this."
Oswald Mosley
"What exactly prompted you to seek this new way of naval warfare?"
David Beatty
"It was a variety of factors that impelled me to think on this. But the two most important events were Jutland and the Japanese use of sea-based planes at the siege of Tsingtao. Jutland motivated me to find a new way to fight smarter, not harder, and the Japanese tactics at Tsingtao opened the doors in my mind to those new possibilities. "
Oswald Mosley
"Do you have a name to call this new doctrine?"
David Beatty
"I do not have an official name, I intend to arrive at one by the date of the assembly. For now, I have referred to it simply as the "Pelican Strategy". Its name is self-explanatory."
Oswald Mosley
"I see. Still, it is a very promising doctrine, and if you believe that this is the route to restoring Britain's naval dominance over the world, then I entrust you with great confidence to take the necessary steps to fulfill this vision. With oversight and suggestions from the government and other branches of course. I will never forget how you saved my life and the lives of my brothers-in-arms."
David Beatty
"Thank you. I must be going now as I am very tired from the intensive work over the last 2 weeks."
Oswald Mosley
"Of course, good day to you mister Beatty."
David Beatty
"And good day to you your Excellency."
As Beatty departs, Mosley remains at his desk. He still has much work to do. Chambers and Makgill have recently finished a collaboration on a set of policies that were to be presented to Parliament. These laws would strengthen the powers of the Prime Minister and MI5. Kitson had also sent some more economic policy to present in Parliament. Mosley would have to push these policies through Parliament, he would use the popularity gained from his recent actions to achieve this. Mosley is proud that the British Isles stand stalwart against the world.
Joseph Stalin, Primary Contender to Leon Trotsky's Rise to Preeminence in the Soviet Union, 1925
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Maurice Thorez, Head of the Nationalist Party in the French Commune and a Stalinist, 1925
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Boris Souvarine, Head of the Internationalist Party in the French Commune and a Trotskyist, 1923
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Maxim Litvinov, Soviet Ambassador to the French Commune, 1921
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HMS Cairo, a C-Class Light Cruiser in the English Channel, 1925
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HMS Aphis, an Insect-Class Gunboat in the English Channel, 1925
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HMS Ark Royal, a Seaplane Carrier in the English Channel, 1925
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HMS Hannibal, a Majestic-Class Pre-Dreadnought Battleship in the English Channel, 1925
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HMS Barham, a Queen Elizabeth-Class Battleship in the English Channel, 1925
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HMS Hood, an Admiral-Class Battlecruiser and the Pride of the Royal Navy, the Only of Her Kind, in the English Channel, 1925
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- Lord_Vespasian
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