List of Alternate Presidents and PMs II
- Thread starter Asami
- Start date
- Status
Just a Dutch-WIP
2010 - 2020: Mark Rutte (People's Party for Freedom)
2017: (Coalition with Christian Democratic Appeal, Democrats 66 and Christian Union) def. Geert Wilders (Party for Freedom), Sybrand Buma (Christian Democratic Appeal), Alexander Pechtold (Democrats 66), Jesse Klaver (GreenLeft), Emile Roemer (Socialist), Lodewijk Asscher (Labour), Gert-Jan Segers (Christian Union), Marianne Thieme (Party for the Animals), Henk Krol (50PLUS), Kees van der Staaij (Reformed Political Party), Tunahan Kuzu (DENK), Thierry Baudet (Forum for Democracy)
2020 - 2021: Klaas Dijkhoff (People's Party for Freedom)
2021 - 2025: Kajsa Ollongren (Democrats 66)
2021: (Coalition with Labour, Socialist, GreenLeft and Party for the Animals)
def. Sybrand Buma (Christian Democratic Appeal), Ahmed Aboutaleb (Labor), Thierry Baudet (Forum for Democracy), Klaas Dijkhoff (People's Party for Freedom), Geert Wilders (Freedom), Lilian Marijnissen (Socialist), Jesse Klaver (GreenLeft), Marianne Thieme (Party for the Animals), Peter van Dalen (Christian Union), Tunahan Kuzu (DENK), Kees van der Staaij (Reformed Political Party), Henk Krol (50PLUS), Amcilla van de Leest (Pirates), Abderazak Khoulani (Unity), Sylvana Simons (Bij1)
2025 - 2025: Thierry Baudet (Forum for Democracy)
2025: no working coalition
def. Ahmed Aboutaleb (Labor), Kajsa Ollongren (Democrats 66), Lilian Marijnissen (Socialist), Monica Keijzer (Christian Democratic Appeal), Geert Wilders (Freedom), Dilan Yesilgöz-Zegeruis (People's Party for Democracy), Rutger Groot Wasserink (GreenLeft), Peter van Dalen (Christian Union), Tunahan Kuzu (DENK), Kees van der Staaij (Reformed Political Party), Léonie Sazias (50PLUS), Abderazak Khoulani (Unity), Yernaz Ramautarsing (New Way)
2025 - 2026: Williem-Alexander Claus George Ferdinand van Buren of the Netherlands (House of Orange-Nassau)
2026 - 2031: Thierry Baudet (Forum for Democracy)
2026: (Business Cabinet with Democarts 66 and People's Party for Freedom)
2010 - 2020: Mark Rutte (People's Party for Freedom)
2017: (Coalition with Christian Democratic Appeal, Democrats 66 and Christian Union) def. Geert Wilders (Party for Freedom), Sybrand Buma (Christian Democratic Appeal), Alexander Pechtold (Democrats 66), Jesse Klaver (GreenLeft), Emile Roemer (Socialist), Lodewijk Asscher (Labour), Gert-Jan Segers (Christian Union), Marianne Thieme (Party for the Animals), Henk Krol (50PLUS), Kees van der Staaij (Reformed Political Party), Tunahan Kuzu (DENK), Thierry Baudet (Forum for Democracy)
2020 - 2021: Klaas Dijkhoff (People's Party for Freedom)
2021 - 2025: Kajsa Ollongren (Democrats 66)
2021: (Coalition with Labour, Socialist, GreenLeft and Party for the Animals)
def. Sybrand Buma (Christian Democratic Appeal), Ahmed Aboutaleb (Labor), Thierry Baudet (Forum for Democracy), Klaas Dijkhoff (People's Party for Freedom), Geert Wilders (Freedom), Lilian Marijnissen (Socialist), Jesse Klaver (GreenLeft), Marianne Thieme (Party for the Animals), Peter van Dalen (Christian Union), Tunahan Kuzu (DENK), Kees van der Staaij (Reformed Political Party), Henk Krol (50PLUS), Amcilla van de Leest (Pirates), Abderazak Khoulani (Unity), Sylvana Simons (Bij1)
2025 - 2025: Thierry Baudet (Forum for Democracy)
2025: no working coalition
def. Ahmed Aboutaleb (Labor), Kajsa Ollongren (Democrats 66), Lilian Marijnissen (Socialist), Monica Keijzer (Christian Democratic Appeal), Geert Wilders (Freedom), Dilan Yesilgöz-Zegeruis (People's Party for Democracy), Rutger Groot Wasserink (GreenLeft), Peter van Dalen (Christian Union), Tunahan Kuzu (DENK), Kees van der Staaij (Reformed Political Party), Léonie Sazias (50PLUS), Abderazak Khoulani (Unity), Yernaz Ramautarsing (New Way)
2025 - 2026: Williem-Alexander Claus George Ferdinand van Buren of the Netherlands (House of Orange-Nassau)
2026 - 2031: Thierry Baudet (Forum for Democracy)
2026: (Business Cabinet with Democarts 66 and People's Party for Freedom)
This is just an experiment in trying to use the colours used by the party at the time.
1975-1990: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1979 (Majority) def. Jim Callaghan (Labour)
1983 (Majority) def. Michael Foot (Labour)
1987 (Majority) def. Neil Kinnock (Labour)
1990-1997: John Major (Conservative)
1992 (Majority) def. Neil Kinnock (Labour)
1997-2007: Tony Blair (Labour)
1997 (Majority) def. John Major (Conservative)
2001 (Majority) def. William Hague (Conservative)
2005 (Majority) def. Michael Howard (Conservative)
2007-2010: Gordon Brown (Labour majority)
2010-2016: David Cameron (Conservative)
2010 (Coalition) def. Gordon Brown (Labour)
2015 (Majority) def. Ed Miliband (Labour)
2016-2018: Theresa May (Conservative)
2017 (Minority) def. Jeremy Corbyn (Labour)
1975-1990: Margaret Thatcher (Conservative)
1979 (Majority) def. Jim Callaghan (Labour)
1983 (Majority) def. Michael Foot (Labour)
1987 (Majority) def. Neil Kinnock (Labour)
1990-1997: John Major (Conservative)
1992 (Majority) def. Neil Kinnock (Labour)
1997-2007: Tony Blair (Labour)
1997 (Majority) def. John Major (Conservative)
2001 (Majority) def. William Hague (Conservative)
2005 (Majority) def. Michael Howard (Conservative)
2007-2010: Gordon Brown (Labour majority)
2010-2016: David Cameron (Conservative)
2010 (Coalition) def. Gordon Brown (Labour)
2015 (Majority) def. Ed Miliband (Labour)
2016-2018: Theresa May (Conservative)
2017 (Minority) def. Jeremy Corbyn (Labour)
Last edited:
Wolfram currently has a timeline/wikibox series called Divided We Stand that features America fragmented between different political parties and regions resulting in a weak presidency. I tried to get the same sort of scenario taking place in the United Kingdom.
1992 (Majority): Neil Kinnock (Labour), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats), James Molyneaux (UUP)
1995-1996: Michael Heseltine (Conservative majority)
1996-1997: Michael Heseltine (Conservative minority)
1997-2003: Tony Blair (Labour)
1997 (Majority Coalition with Liberal Democrats): Michael Heseltine (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats), Alex Salmond (SNP), Sir James Goldsmith (Referendum), David Trimble (UUP), Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru)
1997 Devolution Referendums: Establishments of the Parliaments of the Administrative Regions
1997 Electoral Reform (List PR) Referendum: Yes
1999 Good Friday Agreement Referendum: Yes
2002 (Coalition with Liberal Democrats & Greens): Michael Howard (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats), John Redwood (English Democrats), Michael Heseltine (Pro-Euro Conservative), Nigel Farage (UKIP), Beatrix Campbell & Clive Lord (Green), Alex Salmond (SNP), Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru), Mick Bower (Yorkshire), Michael Meadowcroft (Liberal), John Prescott (North East), David Trimble (UUP), Arthur Scargill (Coalition), Martin Bell (White Suit), Dick Cole (Mebyon Kernow), Nick Griffin (BNP), Ian Paisley (DUP)
2003 Euro Referendum: Yes
2003-2007: Robin Cook (Labour leading European Integration Coalition with Liberal Democrats & Pro-Euro Conservatives)
2007-2009: John Redwood (English Democrats)
2007 (Radical Coalition with Justice Tories, UKIP & DUP with Independent Conservative confidence & supply): Robin Cook (Labour), Michael Portillo (Modernist Project: New Conservatives), Peter Hitchens (Justice Tory), Lembit Öpik (Liberal Democrats), Steve Radford (Liberal), Nigel Farage (UKIP), Chris Patten (Pro-Euro Conservative), Bob Crow (Coalition), Martin Bell (White Suit), Alex Salmond (SNP), Jill Evans (Plaid Cymru), Clive Lord (Green), John Prescott (North East), Gordon Brown et al. (Co-Operative), Mick Bower (Yorkshire), William McCrea (DUP), Nick Griffin (BNP), Mark Durkan (SDLP), Dick Cole (Mebyon Kernow)
2009 Scottish Independence Referendum: No
2009-2012: Martin Bell (White Suit leading National Unity Government with Labour, Modernist Project: New Conservatives, Liberal Democrats, Liberals, UKIP, Pro-Euro Conservatives, Greens & Co-Operative)
2012-2020: Peter Hitchens (Justice)
2012 (Freedom & Reform Coalition with Liberals, Greens, English Democrats, UKIP, DUP & Öpikite Liberal Democrats): David Blunkett (Labour), Steve Radford (Liberal), Nick Griffin (BNP), Bob Crow (Coalition), Jim Sillars (SNP), Michael Portillo (Modernist Project: New Conservatives), Jenny Jones (Green), Winston McKenzie (English Democrats), Jill Evans (Plaid Cymru), Martin Bell (White Suit), John Prescott (North East), Robert Kilroy-Silk (UKIP), Anna Soubry (Pro-Euro Conservative), Alan Beith (Liberal Democrats), Mick Bower (Yorkshire), William McCrea (DUP), Alasdair McDonnell (SDLP), Gordon Brown (Co-Operative), Dick Cole (Mebyon Kernow), Lembit Öpik (Öpikite Liberal Democrats)
2013 FPTP Restoration Referendum: No
2016 (Second Freedom & Reform Coalition with English Democrats & UKIP): James Purnell (Labour), Tommy Sheridan (Coalition), Steve Radford (Liberal), Michael Gove (United Modernist Conservative), Jim Sillars (SNP), Jill Evans (Plaid Cymru), Peter Bone (English Democrats), Jack Monroe et al. (White Suit-Green-Regionalist), Alan Beith (Liberal Democrats), Suzanne Evans (UKIP), Andrew Brons (BNP), Nelson McCausland (DUP), Alasdair McDonnell (SDLP)
2020-Present: Tommy Sheridan (Coalition)
2020 (People Power Coalition with Liberals, SNP & Plaid Cymru with "Government" Labour confidence & supply): Oona King (Labour), Peter Hitchens (Justice Tories), Michael Gove (United Modernist Conservative), Steve Radford (Liberal), Jim Sillars (SNP), Jill Evans (Plaid Cymru), Jack Monroe (Progressive Britain of Regions), Suzanne Evans (UKIP), Peter Bone (English Democrats), Nelson McCausland (DUP), Alasdair McDonnell (SDLP)
- Major loses a few more votes and resigns in 1995. Michel Heseltine wins the race to succeed him over Lamont and Redwood in a landslide. While the new leadership takes the Tories up in opinion polls, the government is faced with a few minor backbencher defections to the Referendum Party.
- Blair wins a smaller majority to OTL (no 400 seat victory) and goes with his initial plans to make a coalition with the Liberal Democrats.
- The Howard/Hague ticket doesn't break up as it did, with Howard defeating Portillo after comments over "homosexual experiences." Clarke and Redwood are stuck in third and fourth respectively.
- The Referendum Party wins a few seats and has over 5% of the popular vote, but dissolves when Goldsmith dies. The party is split, with members going to the Howard Conservatives, Redwood's new English Democrats project, the Greens, and UKIP.
- Blair and Ashdown get passed new devolution projects and a list PR electoral reform system. This limits the power of Westminister dramatically, and elections have lower and lower turnout each year with voters treating them like the EU elections and focusing on their regional Parliament.
- After Howard leaves the Tories from the EPP grouping, the Pro-Euro Conservative Party splits under the de-facto leadership of Hezza.
- 2002 results in the largest victory after the 1997 electoral reform, but Blair is forced to bring in the Green Party, causing issues when he wants to increase European integration.
- Howard steps down after 2002. With the Europhiles out of the party, the race becomes a fight between the "wishy-washy" modernist Portillo and the right-wing libertarian Hitchens. When Portillo narrowly wins, the Hitchens faction (with the support of much of the Conservative membership) leaves and starts their own Justice Tory Party.
- In a narrow victory, the cross-party Euro campaign wins due to the charisma and popularity of their sharp campaign. Blair, facing heart problems and feeling his legacy has been accomplished, steps down with high approval ratings (later becoming EU Commission President in 2004). While Brown would normally win, his anti-single currency views left his leadership campaign weakened. In a narrow victory, Robin Cook becomes Prime Minister with Blair's secret support. The Greens are swapped for the PECP after Goldsmith fights about entering the Euro.
- With Cook as PM, the War in Iraq never takes place despite Bush insisting that it occurs.
- In a complete mess of an election, Labour, the only major party not completely fractured faces splits and differing ideas over its direction; with Cook being no Tony Blair. With any possible coalition requiring the current European Integration Coalition along with the two of the Greens, Modernists, or Liberals. Redwood is able to form a government with a majority of six with the Justice Tories, UKIP, and DUP along with the support of backbench Modernist Conservatives.
- Redwood's ministry is a disaster with his proposals for a single English Parliament, exiting the Eurozone, and mass privatization being controversial within his coalition and especially with the UK public. The fall of his government is expected at any time, but when First Minister Salmond calls an independence referendum, it appears to be sooner than later. Despite the "No" side winning, the result is so close that a recount takes multiple weeks. When Redwood loses a confidence motion, the "Salmond for PM" meme spreads around the internet.
- Martin Bell, leader of the White Suit Movement of independents is selected to become the next PM with bipartisan acclaim. His tenure is largely uneventful, with him leaving much of the economic policy to Portillo, Blunkett, and Cable while being strong on foreign policy.
- By 2012, Bell has made it shown that he wishes to step down as PM after the election; although many speculated that he would continue as part of another national unity government. Labour expected a win but suffered a few issues. Turnout remained at record lows, and numerous populist parties rose in the election. Blunkett was by far the most popular leader of any party (even higher than Bell), but that did not translate to seats. After a post-Redwood renaissance, Hitchens' rebranded Justice Party finished second. In third were Radford's Liberals, and in fourth (in the biggest shock of the night) the BNP had a massive surge in former Labour heartlands. While the Trotskyite Coalition had a good result, the BNP result limited their gains.
- Reflecting the result, Hitchens put together a team with the various populist and pro-direct democracy parties (along with Lembit Öpik, who still was pissed that Beith had kicked him out of the leadership). The first aim was to restore the FPTP voting system, which split almost every party. When the result came in, FPTP was rejected by 55% of the voters. Despite this, Hitchens fought on, hoping for "a better deal" with the EU and stopping progression on social issues.
- Hitchens hoped in 2016 to rid his government of the Greens and Liberals and called an early election. With the biggest victory for a single party since 2002 (Labour were in second for the first time since 1992), the Justice-EngDem-UKIP government was formed. The BNP collapse allowed for the Coalition to take a third-place showing, and the Modernist-PECP merger had an alright performance.
- Hitchens' second term was largely a repeat of his first, but that led to more people being alienated. In the election with the lowest turnout ever, the Coalition was able to take power with the support of Radford, the Celtics, and the left of Labour. Of course, Sheridan is facing issues as soon as he entered Number 10. The press is reporting that Radford is about to "make his move" and end the government with such a small majority. Labour have their hopes up for the next election; but who really cares anymore when First Minister Andreasen is probably more important?
1992 (Majority): Neil Kinnock (Labour), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats), James Molyneaux (UUP)
1995-1996: Michael Heseltine (Conservative majority)
1996-1997: Michael Heseltine (Conservative minority)
1997-2003: Tony Blair (Labour)
1997 (Majority Coalition with Liberal Democrats): Michael Heseltine (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats), Alex Salmond (SNP), Sir James Goldsmith (Referendum), David Trimble (UUP), Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru)
1997 Devolution Referendums: Establishments of the Parliaments of the Administrative Regions
1997 Electoral Reform (List PR) Referendum: Yes
1999 Good Friday Agreement Referendum: Yes
2002 (Coalition with Liberal Democrats & Greens): Michael Howard (Conservative), Paddy Ashdown (Liberal Democrats), John Redwood (English Democrats), Michael Heseltine (Pro-Euro Conservative), Nigel Farage (UKIP), Beatrix Campbell & Clive Lord (Green), Alex Salmond (SNP), Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru), Mick Bower (Yorkshire), Michael Meadowcroft (Liberal), John Prescott (North East), David Trimble (UUP), Arthur Scargill (Coalition), Martin Bell (White Suit), Dick Cole (Mebyon Kernow), Nick Griffin (BNP), Ian Paisley (DUP)
2003 Euro Referendum: Yes
2003-2007: Robin Cook (Labour leading European Integration Coalition with Liberal Democrats & Pro-Euro Conservatives)
2007-2009: John Redwood (English Democrats)
2007 (Radical Coalition with Justice Tories, UKIP & DUP with Independent Conservative confidence & supply): Robin Cook (Labour), Michael Portillo (Modernist Project: New Conservatives), Peter Hitchens (Justice Tory), Lembit Öpik (Liberal Democrats), Steve Radford (Liberal), Nigel Farage (UKIP), Chris Patten (Pro-Euro Conservative), Bob Crow (Coalition), Martin Bell (White Suit), Alex Salmond (SNP), Jill Evans (Plaid Cymru), Clive Lord (Green), John Prescott (North East), Gordon Brown et al. (Co-Operative), Mick Bower (Yorkshire), William McCrea (DUP), Nick Griffin (BNP), Mark Durkan (SDLP), Dick Cole (Mebyon Kernow)
2009 Scottish Independence Referendum: No
2009-2012: Martin Bell (White Suit leading National Unity Government with Labour, Modernist Project: New Conservatives, Liberal Democrats, Liberals, UKIP, Pro-Euro Conservatives, Greens & Co-Operative)
2012-2020: Peter Hitchens (Justice)
2012 (Freedom & Reform Coalition with Liberals, Greens, English Democrats, UKIP, DUP & Öpikite Liberal Democrats): David Blunkett (Labour), Steve Radford (Liberal), Nick Griffin (BNP), Bob Crow (Coalition), Jim Sillars (SNP), Michael Portillo (Modernist Project: New Conservatives), Jenny Jones (Green), Winston McKenzie (English Democrats), Jill Evans (Plaid Cymru), Martin Bell (White Suit), John Prescott (North East), Robert Kilroy-Silk (UKIP), Anna Soubry (Pro-Euro Conservative), Alan Beith (Liberal Democrats), Mick Bower (Yorkshire), William McCrea (DUP), Alasdair McDonnell (SDLP), Gordon Brown (Co-Operative), Dick Cole (Mebyon Kernow), Lembit Öpik (Öpikite Liberal Democrats)
2013 FPTP Restoration Referendum: No
2016 (Second Freedom & Reform Coalition with English Democrats & UKIP): James Purnell (Labour), Tommy Sheridan (Coalition), Steve Radford (Liberal), Michael Gove (United Modernist Conservative), Jim Sillars (SNP), Jill Evans (Plaid Cymru), Peter Bone (English Democrats), Jack Monroe et al. (White Suit-Green-Regionalist), Alan Beith (Liberal Democrats), Suzanne Evans (UKIP), Andrew Brons (BNP), Nelson McCausland (DUP), Alasdair McDonnell (SDLP)
2020-Present: Tommy Sheridan (Coalition)
2020 (People Power Coalition with Liberals, SNP & Plaid Cymru with "Government" Labour confidence & supply): Oona King (Labour), Peter Hitchens (Justice Tories), Michael Gove (United Modernist Conservative), Steve Radford (Liberal), Jim Sillars (SNP), Jill Evans (Plaid Cymru), Jack Monroe (Progressive Britain of Regions), Suzanne Evans (UKIP), Peter Bone (English Democrats), Nelson McCausland (DUP), Alasdair McDonnell (SDLP)
Teejay
Gone Fishin'
2007-2012: Kevin Rudd (Australian Labor Party)
2007 (majority) def John Howard
2010 (majority) def Tony Abbott
2012-2013: Julia Gillard (Australian Labor Party)
2013- : Malcolm Turnbull (Liberal-National Party Coalition)
2013 (majority) def Julia Gillard
2016 (majority) def Anthony Albanese (Australian Labor Party)
2007 (majority) def John Howard
2010 (majority) def Tony Abbott
2012-2013: Julia Gillard (Australian Labor Party)
2013- : Malcolm Turnbull (Liberal-National Party Coalition)
2013 (majority) def Julia Gillard
2016 (majority) def Anthony Albanese (Australian Labor Party)
Uhura's Mazda
Banned
Not a List.
Also not original content.
I mean, it wouldn't be that hard to write a List about the events that follow on from the by-election.
Debout la République!
List of Prime Ministers of the Fourth French Republic
1947-1948: Paul Ramadier (French Section of the Workers' International)
1948: Maurice Thorez (Communist)
1948-1950: Christian Pineau (French Section of the Workers' International)
1950-1951: Guy Mollet (French Section of the Workers' International)
1951-1952: Robert Schuman (Popular Republican Movement)
1951: Georges Bidault (MRP), Maurice Thorez (PCF), Guy Mollet (SFIO), Roger Duchet (CNIP), Jean-Paul David (RGR)
1952-1953: Georges Bidault (Popular Republican Movement)
1953: Roger Duchet (National Centre of Independents and Peasants)
1953-1954: Edgar Faure (Radical)
1954: Paul Reynaud (National Centre of Independents and Peasants)
1954-1955: Pierre Pflimlin (Popular Republican Movement)
1955-1956: Rene Plevin (Democratic and Socialist Union of the Resistance)
1956-1958: Edgar Faure (Radical)
1956: Pierre Pflimlin (MRP), Maurice Thorlez (PCF), Roger Duchet (CNIP), Guy Mollet (SFIO), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Edgar Faure (PR), Rene Plevin (UDSR)
1958-1961: Antoine Pinay (National Centre of Independents and Peasants)
1961-1962: Maurice Bourges-Maunoury (Radical)
1961: Andre Colin (MRP), Waldeck Rochet (PCF), Camille Laurens (CNIP), Guy Mollet (SFIO), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Maurice Bourges-Maunoury (PR)
1962-1963: Camille Laurens (National Centre of Independents and Peasants)
1963-1966: Jean Lecanuet (Popular Republican Movement)
1966-1968: Gaston Defferre (French Section of the Workers' International)
1966: Waldeck Rochet (PCF), Jean Lecanuet (MRP), Gaston Defferre (SFIO), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Camille Laurens (CNIP), Maurice Faure (PR), Valery Giscard d'Estaing (RI)
1968-1970: Waldeck Rochet (Communist)
1970-1972: Roger Garaudy (Communist)
1972-1974: Georges Marchais (Communist)
1971: Georges Marchais (PCF), Jean Lecanuet (MRP), Alain Savary (SFIO), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Camille Laurens (CNIP), Jacques Chaban-Delmas (PR), Gaston Defferre (D'71), Valery Giscard d'Estaing (RI)
1974-1976: Pierre Poujade (Union and French Fraternity)
1974: Pierre Poujade (UFF), Georges Marchais (PCF), Jean Lecaunet (MRP), Philippe Malaud (CNIP), Gaston Defferre (D'71), Jacques Chaban-Delmas (PR), Alain Savary (SFIO), Valery Giscard d'Estaing (RI)
1976-1979: Raymond Barre (National Union of Republicans)
1976: Raymond Barre (UNR), Georges Marchais (PCF), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Gaston Defferre (D'71), Jacques Chaban-Delmas (PR), Alain Savary (SFIO)
1979: Maurice Papon (National Union of Republicans)
1979-1981: Jacques Chaban-Delmas (Radical)
1981-????: Georges Marchais (Communist)
1981: George Marchais (PCF), Valery Giscard d'Estaing (UNR), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Francois Mitterrand (GU), Jacques Chaban-Delmas (PR), Maurice Faure (D'71)
General idea: Assassination attempts on de Gaulle on 26th August 1944 succeed, leading to the constitutional referendum held in May 1946 to narrowly succeed. This enables more stable governments to begin to appear by the late 1950s and the formation of two general blocs. A more effective Tripartisme between the SFIO and the PCF which eventually sees the PCF gradually eclipse the SFIO by the mid-1960s as the SFIO is seen as stodgy and dominated by yesterday's men. The anti-socialist bloc is made up of the Christian democratic MRP, the conservative-liberal CNIP, and the gradually rightward moving Radical Party - this group eventually swells to include Valery Giscard d'Estaing's liberal conservative Independent Republicans. Pierre Poujade's UFF movement sees its support gradually increase into the 1960s, and eventually explode by the 1970s as many anti-socialist voters flock to his banner due to a perception that the other main right-of-centre parties are ineffective in preventing a Communist led government. Poujade's government, while lasting longer than expected, goes much as expected and collapses as the other right-of-centre parties withdraw support after one too many controversial comments from Poujade and his fellow travellers. The right-of-centre government is initially popular, though the rise to power of the former Budget Minister Maurice Papon in 1979 irreparably blotted the governing coalition when allegations of collaboration during the war are made by a satirical magazine - the Radial Party leader Jacques Chaban-Dalmas is hurridly sworn in as his replacement. The SFIO by the 1970s has been further weakened by interparty fighting between the party's right-wing (led by Marseille Mayor and party leader Gaston Defferre who advocated working with moderate right-wing elements to stand up to the PCF) and its left-wing (led by Alain Savary). Things come to a head when Defferre is forced out as Prime Minister by the PCF and left-wing elements of the SFIO. Defferre bolts and forms his own party, Democrats '71 which cuts into the SFIO's base, enabling them to fall behind the Radicals. The election of Francois Mitterrand, who reforms the SFIO into the GU aids the left-wing coalition back into power in 1981.
List of Prime Ministers of the Fourth French Republic
1947-1948: Paul Ramadier (French Section of the Workers' International)
1948: Maurice Thorez (Communist)
1948-1950: Christian Pineau (French Section of the Workers' International)
1950-1951: Guy Mollet (French Section of the Workers' International)
1951-1952: Robert Schuman (Popular Republican Movement)
1951: Georges Bidault (MRP), Maurice Thorez (PCF), Guy Mollet (SFIO), Roger Duchet (CNIP), Jean-Paul David (RGR)
1952-1953: Georges Bidault (Popular Republican Movement)
1953: Roger Duchet (National Centre of Independents and Peasants)
1953-1954: Edgar Faure (Radical)
1954: Paul Reynaud (National Centre of Independents and Peasants)
1954-1955: Pierre Pflimlin (Popular Republican Movement)
1955-1956: Rene Plevin (Democratic and Socialist Union of the Resistance)
1956-1958: Edgar Faure (Radical)
1956: Pierre Pflimlin (MRP), Maurice Thorlez (PCF), Roger Duchet (CNIP), Guy Mollet (SFIO), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Edgar Faure (PR), Rene Plevin (UDSR)
1958-1961: Antoine Pinay (National Centre of Independents and Peasants)
1961-1962: Maurice Bourges-Maunoury (Radical)
1961: Andre Colin (MRP), Waldeck Rochet (PCF), Camille Laurens (CNIP), Guy Mollet (SFIO), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Maurice Bourges-Maunoury (PR)
1962-1963: Camille Laurens (National Centre of Independents and Peasants)
1963-1966: Jean Lecanuet (Popular Republican Movement)
1966-1968: Gaston Defferre (French Section of the Workers' International)
1966: Waldeck Rochet (PCF), Jean Lecanuet (MRP), Gaston Defferre (SFIO), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Camille Laurens (CNIP), Maurice Faure (PR), Valery Giscard d'Estaing (RI)
1968-1970: Waldeck Rochet (Communist)
1970-1972: Roger Garaudy (Communist)
1972-1974: Georges Marchais (Communist)
1971: Georges Marchais (PCF), Jean Lecanuet (MRP), Alain Savary (SFIO), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Camille Laurens (CNIP), Jacques Chaban-Delmas (PR), Gaston Defferre (D'71), Valery Giscard d'Estaing (RI)
1974-1976: Pierre Poujade (Union and French Fraternity)
1974: Pierre Poujade (UFF), Georges Marchais (PCF), Jean Lecaunet (MRP), Philippe Malaud (CNIP), Gaston Defferre (D'71), Jacques Chaban-Delmas (PR), Alain Savary (SFIO), Valery Giscard d'Estaing (RI)
1976-1979: Raymond Barre (National Union of Republicans)
1976: Raymond Barre (UNR), Georges Marchais (PCF), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Gaston Defferre (D'71), Jacques Chaban-Delmas (PR), Alain Savary (SFIO)
1979: Maurice Papon (National Union of Republicans)
1979-1981: Jacques Chaban-Delmas (Radical)
1981-????: Georges Marchais (Communist)
1981: George Marchais (PCF), Valery Giscard d'Estaing (UNR), Pierre Poujade (UFF), Francois Mitterrand (GU), Jacques Chaban-Delmas (PR), Maurice Faure (D'71)
List of main political parties in France
Parti communiste français (French Communist Party) - Eurocommunism, Democratic socialism, Social democracy (Minority), Soft Euroscepticism -- Left-wing to Centre-left
Union nationale des républicains (National Union of Republicans) - Christian democracy, Civic nationalism, Dirigisme, Liberal conservatism, Classical liberalism (Minority), Pro-Europeanism, Social conservatism -- Centre to Right-wing
Union et fraternité française (Union and French Fraternity) - Poujadism, Agrarianism, French nationalism, Anti-globalism, Traditional conservatism, Euroscepticism, Social conservatism, Political Catholicism -- Right-wing to Radical right
Gauche unie (United Left) - Democratic socialism, Social democracy, Marxism (minority), Social republicanism, Christian left (minority), Progressivism -- Centre-left to Left-wing
Parti radical (Radical Party) - Liberalism, Social liberalism, Radical centrism, Conservative liberalism (minority), Anti-clericalism/Secularism, Radicalism -- Centre-right to Centre (including Centre-left minority)
Démocrates '71 (Democrats '71) - Social liberalism, Social democracy, Pro-Europeanism, Liberal socialism, 'Conservative socialism' -- Centre to Centre-left
Parti communiste français (French Communist Party) - Eurocommunism, Democratic socialism, Social democracy (Minority), Soft Euroscepticism -- Left-wing to Centre-left
Union nationale des républicains (National Union of Republicans) - Christian democracy, Civic nationalism, Dirigisme, Liberal conservatism, Classical liberalism (Minority), Pro-Europeanism, Social conservatism -- Centre to Right-wing
Union et fraternité française (Union and French Fraternity) - Poujadism, Agrarianism, French nationalism, Anti-globalism, Traditional conservatism, Euroscepticism, Social conservatism, Political Catholicism -- Right-wing to Radical right
Gauche unie (United Left) - Democratic socialism, Social democracy, Marxism (minority), Social republicanism, Christian left (minority), Progressivism -- Centre-left to Left-wing
Parti radical (Radical Party) - Liberalism, Social liberalism, Radical centrism, Conservative liberalism (minority), Anti-clericalism/Secularism, Radicalism -- Centre-right to Centre (including Centre-left minority)
Démocrates '71 (Democrats '71) - Social liberalism, Social democracy, Pro-Europeanism, Liberal socialism, 'Conservative socialism' -- Centre to Centre-left
General idea: Assassination attempts on de Gaulle on 26th August 1944 succeed, leading to the constitutional referendum held in May 1946 to narrowly succeed. This enables more stable governments to begin to appear by the late 1950s and the formation of two general blocs. A more effective Tripartisme between the SFIO and the PCF which eventually sees the PCF gradually eclipse the SFIO by the mid-1960s as the SFIO is seen as stodgy and dominated by yesterday's men. The anti-socialist bloc is made up of the Christian democratic MRP, the conservative-liberal CNIP, and the gradually rightward moving Radical Party - this group eventually swells to include Valery Giscard d'Estaing's liberal conservative Independent Republicans. Pierre Poujade's UFF movement sees its support gradually increase into the 1960s, and eventually explode by the 1970s as many anti-socialist voters flock to his banner due to a perception that the other main right-of-centre parties are ineffective in preventing a Communist led government. Poujade's government, while lasting longer than expected, goes much as expected and collapses as the other right-of-centre parties withdraw support after one too many controversial comments from Poujade and his fellow travellers. The right-of-centre government is initially popular, though the rise to power of the former Budget Minister Maurice Papon in 1979 irreparably blotted the governing coalition when allegations of collaboration during the war are made by a satirical magazine - the Radial Party leader Jacques Chaban-Dalmas is hurridly sworn in as his replacement. The SFIO by the 1970s has been further weakened by interparty fighting between the party's right-wing (led by Marseille Mayor and party leader Gaston Defferre who advocated working with moderate right-wing elements to stand up to the PCF) and its left-wing (led by Alain Savary). Things come to a head when Defferre is forced out as Prime Minister by the PCF and left-wing elements of the SFIO. Defferre bolts and forms his own party, Democrats '71 which cuts into the SFIO's base, enabling them to fall behind the Radicals. The election of Francois Mitterrand, who reforms the SFIO into the GU aids the left-wing coalition back into power in 1981.
Last edited:
heres a very basic list before i come out with something much more memeby
Brown Dawn
2007-2017: Gordon Brown (Labour)
2010 (Majority) def. David Cameron (Conservative), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat), Peter Robinson (Democratic Unionist), Alex Salmond (Scottish National), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
2014 (Majority) def. David Davis (Conservative), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat / National Liberal Alliance), Peter Robinson (Democratic Unionist), Alex Salmond (Scottish National), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
2017-2018: Nigel Griffiths (Labour)
2018 (Minority) def. John Baron (Conservative), Nick Boles (United Liberal), Nicola Sturgeon (Scottish National), Arlene Foster (Democratic Unionist), Leanne Wood (Plaid Cymru), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
2018-2023: Nick Boles (United Liberal)
2018 (Minority, with SNP and Plaid Cymru confidence and supply) def. Nigel Griffiths (Labour), John Baron (Conservative), Nicola Sturgeon (Scottish National), Arlene Foster (Democratic Unionist), Leanne Wood (Plaid Cymru), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
Brown Dawn
2007-2017: Gordon Brown (Labour)
2010 (Majority) def. David Cameron (Conservative), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat), Peter Robinson (Democratic Unionist), Alex Salmond (Scottish National), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
2014 (Majority) def. David Davis (Conservative), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrat / National Liberal Alliance), Peter Robinson (Democratic Unionist), Alex Salmond (Scottish National), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
2017-2018: Nigel Griffiths (Labour)
2018 (Minority) def. John Baron (Conservative), Nick Boles (United Liberal), Nicola Sturgeon (Scottish National), Arlene Foster (Democratic Unionist), Leanne Wood (Plaid Cymru), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
2018-2023: Nick Boles (United Liberal)
2018 (Minority, with SNP and Plaid Cymru confidence and supply) def. Nigel Griffiths (Labour), John Baron (Conservative), Nicola Sturgeon (Scottish National), Arlene Foster (Democratic Unionist), Leanne Wood (Plaid Cymru), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein)
Prime Ministers of the States of Savoy (since WWII)
1945-1961: Giuseppe Saragat (Workers’ Socialist)[1]
1945 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Luigi Einaudi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Cipriano Facchinetti (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL)
1950 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Luigi Einaudi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Cipriano Facchinetti (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)[2]
1955 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Norberto Bobbio (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1960 (min.) def. Giovanni Marcora (UEC), Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Norberto Bobbio (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1961-1972: Roberto Tremelloni (Workers’ Socialist)[3]
1965 (maj.) def. Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Giovanni Marcora (UEC), Luigi Longo (PCS), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1970 (PSL-PRI coalition) def. Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Mario Ferrari Aggradi (UEC), Luigi Longo (PCS), Pierre Cot (PRI), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1972-1975: Enrico Berlinguer (Workers’ Socialist)[4]
1975-1977: Giovanni Malagodi (Constitutional Democratic)[5]
1975 (PCD-UEC-PRI-UL coalition) def. Enrico Berlinguer (PSL), Mino Martinazzoli (UEC), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Luigi Longo (PCS), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1977-1978: Valerio Zanone (Constitutional Democratic)[6]
1978-1985: Enrico Berlinguer (Workers’ Socialist)[7]
1978 (min.) def. Valerio Zanone (PCD), Joseph Fontanet (UEC), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1983 (min.) def. Joseph Fontanet (UEC), Valerio Zanone (PCD), Pier Luigi Romita (PRI), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Gianni Francesco Mattioli (FdV)[8] , Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1985-1992: Giuliano Amato (Workers’ Socialist)[9]
1988 (min.) def. Giovanni Goria (UEC), Raffaele Costa (PDC), Pier Luigi Romita (PRI), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Edgardo Sogno (USM), Gianni Francesco Mattioli (FdV), Francesco Cossiga (UL)
1992-1997: Mario Monti (Constitutional Democratic, CD)[10]
1992 (CD-PRI coalition) def. Giuliano Amato (PSL), Giovanni Goria (UEC-CD), Emma Bonino (PRI), Giuseppe Pisanu (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Carlo Ripa di Meana (FdV)
1997-2006: Piero Fassino (Workers’ Socialist)[11]
1997 (min.) def. Pierluigi Castagnetti (UEC-CD), Mario Monti (PCD-CD), Emma Bonino (PRI), Pierluigi Bersiani (PCS), Giuseppe Pisanu (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Carlo Ripa di Meana (FdV)
2002 (min.) def. Pierluigi Castagnetti (UEC-CD), Carlo Scognamiglio (PCD-CD), Emilio Zuccarelli (PRI), Paolo Romani (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Pierluigi Bersiani (ARV)[12]
2006-2016: Luigi Bobba (Catholic Electoral Union, CD)[13]
2006 (maj.) def. Romano Prodi (PSL), Carlo Scognamiglio (PCD-CD), Gianni Vernetti (PRI), Paolo Romani (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Pierluigi Bersiani (ARV)
2011 (CD-PRI coalition) def. Ignazio Marino (PSL), Gianni Vernetti (PRI), Giuseppe Civati (ARV), Roberto Formigoni (USM)
2016-onwa: Ignazio Marino (Workers’ Socialist)[14]
2016 (min.) def. Hervé Gaymard (CD)[15], Gianluca Galimberti (PRI), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Giuseppe Civati (ARV)
[1] After the liberation of the kingdom, new elections were held. The results reflected a great deal of continuity with the pre-war political scenario, however, the war efforts by the Socialist Resistance and the more bold leadership of Saragat from exile in London combined with the more radial vision for the country delivered the Socialists their first parliamentary majority. In his first legislature, the PSL majority would embark on a programme of expansion of the welfare state and economic expansion and modernisation, in cooperation with big business and the trade unions, continuing with the policies of the pre-war social democrat governments. Saragat’s rhetorical ability, his ability to control the PSL numerous factions and the economic successes of his premiership – the Savoyard States became one of the wealthiest states in the world, and together with the Nordic countries one of the most generous countries in the world. However, Saragat is particularly well-known for the constitutional reforms of the outdated Statuto Albertino in the 1945-1950 period, during which the ‘constitution’ was revamped, in a pseudo-republican manner – largely eliminating the powers of the monarchy as a compromise between the PSL and the PRI’s republicanism and the monarchism of the liberal and conservative forces on the right.
After the loss of its majority in 1955, Saragat would depend on ‘arithmetical magic’ as it was called, occasionally compromising with the communists, the republicans or the catholic party to get progressive and socialist policies pushed – ranging from nationalisations to land reform to increased powers for unions or massive housing projects in the outskirts of Turin and Milan. However, Saragat’s magic began to fade with age and after the disappointing results in 1960, Saragat would resign and pass over power to his no. 2, the Minister for the Economy, Roberto Tremelloni.
[2] The creation of the Monarchist Social Union in 1949 over the support of the PCD of the constitutional reforms of the first Saragat governments marked the first explicitly pro-monarchist party since the 1850s. The founder Sogno, a former partisan and monarchist liberal never quite matched the party’s profile, which attracted many conservatives who no longer felt at home in the broad bourgeois parties’ bloc – much closer to traditionalist conservatism.
[3] Tremelloni became Prime Minister at 61 with a long experience in running the various economic ministries during the Saragat administration and an important career in economics before the war. His government presided over the largest economic expansion that permitted him to continue governing using Saragat’s ‘arithmetical magic’ formula. In 1970, however after losing his majority, he would be forced to form a coalition with the PRI. This centrist coalition, combined with his advanced age and the rumble on the PSL’s left-wing due to Tremelloni’s gradualism and fiscal restraint would lead to his resignation in 1972 giving way to …
[4] Enrico Berlinguer is an interesting figure, simultaneously a member of Sardinia's aristocracy, linked by blood to UL leaders, and a bona fide socialist considerably to the left of the previous PSL Prime Ministers, who despite featuring a divisive economic agenda was held in a very high esteem as a person across the political spectrum. But personality does not guarantee success, and his programme for socialisation of the economy (and country) – from more nationalisations, more generous welfare provisions, industrial democracy or more progressive taxes or regionalisation – would run into problems with the economic downturn of the early 1970s. The polarisation of positions over Berlinguer's radical proposals strenghtened the right-wing's impetus after years of demoralised opposition, ultimately leading to the defeat of the PSL in 1975.
[5] For the first time in nearly 40 years, the right governed, albeit in a broad coalition of four parties without a substantial majority. Malagodi, albeit an experimented and able politician was too economically liberal and polarising to the taste of his coalition partners – who blocked many of his proposals, leading to his angry resignation from both the government and the PCD leadership two years into his premiership after both the UEC and the PRI threatened to withdraw their support over proposed changes to the income tax marginal rates (nowadays seen as an excuse to remove him). After his resignation, he would be replaced by the more centrist …
[6] Valerio Zanone, who belonged to the left-wing of the PCD and who would preside over the briefest government of the post-war era, as inter-government bickering increased and poll numbers worsened leading to early dissolution of Parliament in 1978.
[7] Berlinguer's return to power in 1978, after the chaotic ‘liberal triennium’ was in a sense a return to the normalcy of the past. However, Berlinguer's radical economic proposals remained, and over the next five years he would manage to push them through, against the opposition’s wishes and essentially breaking with the traditional consensus-driven policy-making of the past, in the way of pushing towards democratic socialism, however he was increasingly facing internal pressure in the PSL to moderate, and ultimately in 1985, he would be pushed out by his party and replaced with the much more moderate Amato, a social democrat economist much more in the style of Tremelloni.
[8] The late 1970s and the 1980s saw the increasing importance of a grassroots green movement, that while partially listened to by the social democratic government of Berlinguer would ultimately form its own political party, the Greens’ Federation that experienced its electoral breakthrough in 83 with a much more socially progressive agenda than any other party’s at the time.
[9] Amato’s premiership was marked by good economic numbers and certain welfare expansion, but it essentially marked a reversal of the philosophical underpinning of the Berlinguer era – returning to social democracy as a progressive way of managing capitalism rather than a step-by-step approach to building a socialist society. As such, some of the most radical and business-unfriendly changes of Berlinguer were either reversed or not continued, however the recession of the early 1990s, which gravely affected the Savoyard States’ led to his downfall in what has been called ‘the most boring election ever’ against PCD candidate and economist …
[10] Mario Monti, who applied neoliberal medicine to end the crisis – in that he was successful but the budget cuts and reversal of policies of the 1970s, aiming to make a more dynamic and flexible economy, through lowered taxes and burden on capital meant that for the first time in decades, the political dynamism had shifted from the left to the right, despite his loss in 1997 to …
[11] Piero Fassino, a more traditional candidate in the PSL, the result of a compromise between the right and the left of the party following the assassination of the candidate in pectore, Livia Turco. Fassino’s tenure can be mostly characterised by its tranquillity – the country did not experience an economic downfall nor great growth like in the 1960s and pro-flexibility policies were continued but in a more social manner, as the welfare state saw attempts to adjust it to the 21st century global economy’s demands. Fassino, a relatively charismatic leader would not run again in 2006, instead being replaced by Romano Prodi, the Foreign Affairs Minister, and who was perceived to be have a too technocratic profile, and ultimately led to his loss and the first majority government of the right since the 1920s (or the 1870s, depending on the definition).
[12] In 2000, after several years of bad electoral results, the two main parties on the left, communists and greens decided to form a joint list agreement in order to maximise their possibilities under the electoral system. The Red-Green Alliance as it was called, would also form a common parliamentary group but would still rmeain two different parties with different programmes beyond common points. For the common list however, the chosen capolista was the experienced trade union leader, Pierluigi Bersani, formerly the Communist Party capolista in 1997.
[13] Luigi Bobba's succesful leadership of his party, the UEC building on the electoral consolidation of the Castagnetti years, however Bobba's greatest triumphs were his own - the formation of the first unified, joint list of the right-wing parties in the form of the Democratic Coalition after the Sforza Castle Accords and despite the PRI's rejection of the agreement; and secondly the first instance of a right-wing governed being re-elected since before the Second World War. Bobba's tenure would be marked by good economic data as the economy grew at a good rate, and the ruling coalition proceeded with its economic programme of nationalisation and liberalisation of key sectors, together with the second round of competences' devolution to the regions. However, the economic crisis that begun in 2014 and undid Bobba's reputation as a skilled managed, would ultimately cost the government, together with the Maroni Affair, its majority.
[14] After the 2016, the PSL returned to power with a more dynamic programme and the promise to enact a 'social democracy for the 21st century' tha would stop the growth of income and social inequality that the country has experienced since the early 2000s. Whether they will manage remains to be seen, as the government still relies on the occassional support of the PRI after the eco-communist coalition lost all its seats in the 2016 election.
[15] Gaymard, former regional president of Savoy is the first major native French-speaking politician since Pierre Cot in 1970, and the first to lead one of the two major parties since the 19th century. Gaymard's election in the party elections where the members of all 3 parties belonging to the Democratic Coalition could vote represents a high point for Bobba's electoral coalition. Gaymard, a member of the PCD would have integrate into his new executive the two losing candidates from the UEC in order to maintain the coalition's unity.
1945-1961: Giuseppe Saragat (Workers’ Socialist)[1]
1945 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Luigi Einaudi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Cipriano Facchinetti (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL)
1950 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Luigi Einaudi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Cipriano Facchinetti (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)[2]
1955 (maj.) def. Paolo Emilio Taviani (UEC), Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Norberto Bobbio (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1960 (min.) def. Giovanni Marcora (UEC), Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Palmiro Togliatti (PCS), Norberto Bobbio (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1961-1972: Roberto Tremelloni (Workers’ Socialist)[3]
1965 (maj.) def. Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Giovanni Marcora (UEC), Luigi Longo (PCS), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Giuseppe Pella (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1970 (PSL-PRI coalition) def. Giovanni Malagodi (PCD), Mario Ferrari Aggradi (UEC), Luigi Longo (PCS), Pierre Cot (PRI), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1972-1975: Enrico Berlinguer (Workers’ Socialist)[4]
1975-1977: Giovanni Malagodi (Constitutional Democratic)[5]
1975 (PCD-UEC-PRI-UL coalition) def. Enrico Berlinguer (PSL), Mino Martinazzoli (UEC), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Luigi Longo (PCS), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1977-1978: Valerio Zanone (Constitutional Democratic)[6]
1978-1985: Enrico Berlinguer (Workers’ Socialist)[7]
1978 (min.) def. Valerio Zanone (PCD), Joseph Fontanet (UEC), Bruno Visentini (PRI), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1983 (min.) def. Joseph Fontanet (UEC), Valerio Zanone (PCD), Pier Luigi Romita (PRI), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Oscar Luigi Scalfaro (UL), Gianni Francesco Mattioli (FdV)[8] , Edgardo Sogno (USM)
1985-1992: Giuliano Amato (Workers’ Socialist)[9]
1988 (min.) def. Giovanni Goria (UEC), Raffaele Costa (PDC), Pier Luigi Romita (PRI), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Edgardo Sogno (USM), Gianni Francesco Mattioli (FdV), Francesco Cossiga (UL)
1992-1997: Mario Monti (Constitutional Democratic, CD)[10]
1992 (CD-PRI coalition) def. Giuliano Amato (PSL), Giovanni Goria (UEC-CD), Emma Bonino (PRI), Giuseppe Pisanu (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Fausto Bertinotti (PCS), Carlo Ripa di Meana (FdV)
1997-2006: Piero Fassino (Workers’ Socialist)[11]
1997 (min.) def. Pierluigi Castagnetti (UEC-CD), Mario Monti (PCD-CD), Emma Bonino (PRI), Pierluigi Bersiani (PCS), Giuseppe Pisanu (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Carlo Ripa di Meana (FdV)
2002 (min.) def. Pierluigi Castagnetti (UEC-CD), Carlo Scognamiglio (PCD-CD), Emilio Zuccarelli (PRI), Paolo Romani (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Pierluigi Bersiani (ARV)[12]
2006-2016: Luigi Bobba (Catholic Electoral Union, CD)[13]
2006 (maj.) def. Romano Prodi (PSL), Carlo Scognamiglio (PCD-CD), Gianni Vernetti (PRI), Paolo Romani (UL-CD), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Pierluigi Bersiani (ARV)
2011 (CD-PRI coalition) def. Ignazio Marino (PSL), Gianni Vernetti (PRI), Giuseppe Civati (ARV), Roberto Formigoni (USM)
2016-onwa: Ignazio Marino (Workers’ Socialist)[14]
2016 (min.) def. Hervé Gaymard (CD)[15], Gianluca Galimberti (PRI), Roberto Formigoni (USM), Giuseppe Civati (ARV)
[1] After the liberation of the kingdom, new elections were held. The results reflected a great deal of continuity with the pre-war political scenario, however, the war efforts by the Socialist Resistance and the more bold leadership of Saragat from exile in London combined with the more radial vision for the country delivered the Socialists their first parliamentary majority. In his first legislature, the PSL majority would embark on a programme of expansion of the welfare state and economic expansion and modernisation, in cooperation with big business and the trade unions, continuing with the policies of the pre-war social democrat governments. Saragat’s rhetorical ability, his ability to control the PSL numerous factions and the economic successes of his premiership – the Savoyard States became one of the wealthiest states in the world, and together with the Nordic countries one of the most generous countries in the world. However, Saragat is particularly well-known for the constitutional reforms of the outdated Statuto Albertino in the 1945-1950 period, during which the ‘constitution’ was revamped, in a pseudo-republican manner – largely eliminating the powers of the monarchy as a compromise between the PSL and the PRI’s republicanism and the monarchism of the liberal and conservative forces on the right.
After the loss of its majority in 1955, Saragat would depend on ‘arithmetical magic’ as it was called, occasionally compromising with the communists, the republicans or the catholic party to get progressive and socialist policies pushed – ranging from nationalisations to land reform to increased powers for unions or massive housing projects in the outskirts of Turin and Milan. However, Saragat’s magic began to fade with age and after the disappointing results in 1960, Saragat would resign and pass over power to his no. 2, the Minister for the Economy, Roberto Tremelloni.
[2] The creation of the Monarchist Social Union in 1949 over the support of the PCD of the constitutional reforms of the first Saragat governments marked the first explicitly pro-monarchist party since the 1850s. The founder Sogno, a former partisan and monarchist liberal never quite matched the party’s profile, which attracted many conservatives who no longer felt at home in the broad bourgeois parties’ bloc – much closer to traditionalist conservatism.
[3] Tremelloni became Prime Minister at 61 with a long experience in running the various economic ministries during the Saragat administration and an important career in economics before the war. His government presided over the largest economic expansion that permitted him to continue governing using Saragat’s ‘arithmetical magic’ formula. In 1970, however after losing his majority, he would be forced to form a coalition with the PRI. This centrist coalition, combined with his advanced age and the rumble on the PSL’s left-wing due to Tremelloni’s gradualism and fiscal restraint would lead to his resignation in 1972 giving way to …
[4] Enrico Berlinguer is an interesting figure, simultaneously a member of Sardinia's aristocracy, linked by blood to UL leaders, and a bona fide socialist considerably to the left of the previous PSL Prime Ministers, who despite featuring a divisive economic agenda was held in a very high esteem as a person across the political spectrum. But personality does not guarantee success, and his programme for socialisation of the economy (and country) – from more nationalisations, more generous welfare provisions, industrial democracy or more progressive taxes or regionalisation – would run into problems with the economic downturn of the early 1970s. The polarisation of positions over Berlinguer's radical proposals strenghtened the right-wing's impetus after years of demoralised opposition, ultimately leading to the defeat of the PSL in 1975.
[5] For the first time in nearly 40 years, the right governed, albeit in a broad coalition of four parties without a substantial majority. Malagodi, albeit an experimented and able politician was too economically liberal and polarising to the taste of his coalition partners – who blocked many of his proposals, leading to his angry resignation from both the government and the PCD leadership two years into his premiership after both the UEC and the PRI threatened to withdraw their support over proposed changes to the income tax marginal rates (nowadays seen as an excuse to remove him). After his resignation, he would be replaced by the more centrist …
[6] Valerio Zanone, who belonged to the left-wing of the PCD and who would preside over the briefest government of the post-war era, as inter-government bickering increased and poll numbers worsened leading to early dissolution of Parliament in 1978.
[7] Berlinguer's return to power in 1978, after the chaotic ‘liberal triennium’ was in a sense a return to the normalcy of the past. However, Berlinguer's radical economic proposals remained, and over the next five years he would manage to push them through, against the opposition’s wishes and essentially breaking with the traditional consensus-driven policy-making of the past, in the way of pushing towards democratic socialism, however he was increasingly facing internal pressure in the PSL to moderate, and ultimately in 1985, he would be pushed out by his party and replaced with the much more moderate Amato, a social democrat economist much more in the style of Tremelloni.
[8] The late 1970s and the 1980s saw the increasing importance of a grassroots green movement, that while partially listened to by the social democratic government of Berlinguer would ultimately form its own political party, the Greens’ Federation that experienced its electoral breakthrough in 83 with a much more socially progressive agenda than any other party’s at the time.
[9] Amato’s premiership was marked by good economic numbers and certain welfare expansion, but it essentially marked a reversal of the philosophical underpinning of the Berlinguer era – returning to social democracy as a progressive way of managing capitalism rather than a step-by-step approach to building a socialist society. As such, some of the most radical and business-unfriendly changes of Berlinguer were either reversed or not continued, however the recession of the early 1990s, which gravely affected the Savoyard States’ led to his downfall in what has been called ‘the most boring election ever’ against PCD candidate and economist …
[10] Mario Monti, who applied neoliberal medicine to end the crisis – in that he was successful but the budget cuts and reversal of policies of the 1970s, aiming to make a more dynamic and flexible economy, through lowered taxes and burden on capital meant that for the first time in decades, the political dynamism had shifted from the left to the right, despite his loss in 1997 to …
[11] Piero Fassino, a more traditional candidate in the PSL, the result of a compromise between the right and the left of the party following the assassination of the candidate in pectore, Livia Turco. Fassino’s tenure can be mostly characterised by its tranquillity – the country did not experience an economic downfall nor great growth like in the 1960s and pro-flexibility policies were continued but in a more social manner, as the welfare state saw attempts to adjust it to the 21st century global economy’s demands. Fassino, a relatively charismatic leader would not run again in 2006, instead being replaced by Romano Prodi, the Foreign Affairs Minister, and who was perceived to be have a too technocratic profile, and ultimately led to his loss and the first majority government of the right since the 1920s (or the 1870s, depending on the definition).
[12] In 2000, after several years of bad electoral results, the two main parties on the left, communists and greens decided to form a joint list agreement in order to maximise their possibilities under the electoral system. The Red-Green Alliance as it was called, would also form a common parliamentary group but would still rmeain two different parties with different programmes beyond common points. For the common list however, the chosen capolista was the experienced trade union leader, Pierluigi Bersani, formerly the Communist Party capolista in 1997.
[13] Luigi Bobba's succesful leadership of his party, the UEC building on the electoral consolidation of the Castagnetti years, however Bobba's greatest triumphs were his own - the formation of the first unified, joint list of the right-wing parties in the form of the Democratic Coalition after the Sforza Castle Accords and despite the PRI's rejection of the agreement; and secondly the first instance of a right-wing governed being re-elected since before the Second World War. Bobba's tenure would be marked by good economic data as the economy grew at a good rate, and the ruling coalition proceeded with its economic programme of nationalisation and liberalisation of key sectors, together with the second round of competences' devolution to the regions. However, the economic crisis that begun in 2014 and undid Bobba's reputation as a skilled managed, would ultimately cost the government, together with the Maroni Affair, its majority.
[14] After the 2016, the PSL returned to power with a more dynamic programme and the promise to enact a 'social democracy for the 21st century' tha would stop the growth of income and social inequality that the country has experienced since the early 2000s. Whether they will manage remains to be seen, as the government still relies on the occassional support of the PRI after the eco-communist coalition lost all its seats in the 2016 election.
[15] Gaymard, former regional president of Savoy is the first major native French-speaking politician since Pierre Cot in 1970, and the first to lead one of the two major parties since the 19th century. Gaymard's election in the party elections where the members of all 3 parties belonging to the Democratic Coalition could vote represents a high point for Bobba's electoral coalition. Gaymard, a member of the PCD would have integrate into his new executive the two losing candidates from the UEC in order to maintain the coalition's unity.
churchill no pls
1945-1952: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1945 (Majority) def. Winston Churchill (National Government - Conservatives, Liberal Nationals), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
1950 (Majority) def. Winston Churchill (Conservative), Gwilym Lloyd-George (National Liberal), Clement Davies (Liberal)
1952-1959: Jim Griffiths (Labour)
1955 (Majority) def. Gwilym Lloyd-George (Liberal), Harold Macmillan (Conservative), Robert Gascoyne-Cecil (League of Empire Loyalists)
1959-1970: Alf Robens (Labour)
1960 (Majority) def. Gwilym Lloyd-George (Liberal), Bernard Montgomery (League of Empire Loyalists), Harold Macmillan (Conservative)
1965 (Majority) def. Mark Bonham-Carter (Liberal), Enoch Powell (National), Leo Abse (Common Wealth)
1970-1973: Mark Bonham-Carter (Liberal)
1970 (Minority coalition with Common Wealth) def. Alf Robens (Labour), Julian Amery (National), Leo Abse (Common Wealth)
1973-1978: Jim Callaghan (Labour)
1973 (Majority) def. Mark Bonham-Carter (Liberal), Julian Amery (National)
Churchill decides to make the Tory slogan of the 1950 election campaign 'Keep Britain White' as he toyed with doing OTL, and it goes down so badly it enlarges Labour's majority and leads to the National Liberals severing their relationship. Macmillan takes charge of the wounded Tories and tries to lead them back to relevance but endures a hard right split while the reunified Liberals displace the Conservatives as largest party of the Opposition.
1945-1952: Clement Attlee (Labour)
1945 (Majority) def. Winston Churchill (National Government - Conservatives, Liberal Nationals), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal)
1950 (Majority) def. Winston Churchill (Conservative), Gwilym Lloyd-George (National Liberal), Clement Davies (Liberal)
1952-1959: Jim Griffiths (Labour)
1955 (Majority) def. Gwilym Lloyd-George (Liberal), Harold Macmillan (Conservative), Robert Gascoyne-Cecil (League of Empire Loyalists)
1959-1970: Alf Robens (Labour)
1960 (Majority) def. Gwilym Lloyd-George (Liberal), Bernard Montgomery (League of Empire Loyalists), Harold Macmillan (Conservative)
1965 (Majority) def. Mark Bonham-Carter (Liberal), Enoch Powell (National), Leo Abse (Common Wealth)
1970-1973: Mark Bonham-Carter (Liberal)
1970 (Minority coalition with Common Wealth) def. Alf Robens (Labour), Julian Amery (National), Leo Abse (Common Wealth)
1973-1978: Jim Callaghan (Labour)
1973 (Majority) def. Mark Bonham-Carter (Liberal), Julian Amery (National)
Churchill decides to make the Tory slogan of the 1950 election campaign 'Keep Britain White' as he toyed with doing OTL, and it goes down so badly it enlarges Labour's majority and leads to the National Liberals severing their relationship. Macmillan takes charge of the wounded Tories and tries to lead them back to relevance but endures a hard right split while the reunified Liberals displace the Conservatives as largest party of the Opposition.
Last edited:
- Status