alternatehistory.com
International snippets of the 1890's: 1/?
Somsak Jeamteerasakul, Siam’s Constant Struggle, (Nakhon Si Thammarat University Press, 1989)
By the end of 1893, Siam stood at an unwelcome position.
Once a regional power, it was now surrounded on three sides by the two global superpowers of the day: The French Third Republic and the British Empire. Upper Burma was being gnawed off from Calcutta while French influence in the east was at its highest level yet. Worse, a succession of diplomatic crises had resulted in Bangkok losing the tributary states of Luang Prabang, Vientianne, and Champasak, from which France would cobble together the modern state now known as Laos. Most damning of all, the Siamese provinces of Chantaburi and Trat were themselves occupied by the Troupes de Marine, providing the Power with a bargaining chip from which they could (and would) ask for even more territory.
Perhaps the most stinging of these capitulations was how the Siamese’s supposed ally, Great Britain, stood by while the French navy blockaded Bangkok and pointed their guns at the royal palace. Defeating a small squadron of Siamese vessels, the French threatened to blow up the complex unless the demands of Paris were accepted. In all this, the most that London did was to deliver a few worded complaints, several gunboats from Singapore to protect her own citizens, and a request to further influence the Shan hill states of the northwest. Not surprisingly, the Siamese government was less than happy.
Which was probably why King Chulalongkorn and his ministers began searching for a third Power that could guarantee his kingdom’s independence. The fact that the Anglo-French rivalry overtook past agreements of friendship was not lost on him, and he decided to focus on making friends with a Power that could command the respect of both nations – and reign Paris in: Russia.
The empire of the north has a long history of involvement in the region, dating all the way back to 1863. Russian vessels regularly docked at Bangkok, the Tsarevich Nicholas paid a visit in 1891, and a Russian composer even wrote the Siamese royal anthem [1]. More recently, the Russian navy has also taken an eye to Sundaland, with its rich resources and strategic position making the benefits clear. Discussions of acquiring a coaling station were laid as far back as 1883, and imperial cruisers were scouting the Siamese coast as early as 1889 [2]. Nevertheless, such plans were always laid at the backburner, not least because the imperial government of Alexander III wanted to maintain peace with Europe.
That changed after Siam’s episode with France. Bangkok began courting the Russian government, hoping to add a third column to guarantee its freedom. Talks were held, and among the issues of discussion was a base for the imperial fleet from which they could resupply along the Crimea – China route. Held in secret for fear of attracting unwanted attention, the discussions culminated with Chulalongkorn’s official European Tour of 1897, from which his entourage’s first destination was the Russian Empire. The conferences that were held at the Anichkov Palace were still held in secret, but their result would prove to be the opposite of that. Upon his return to Siam six months later, the king accepted a proposal to lease Phuket Island to St. Petersburg.
Britain was aghast. The government had not interfered with the 1893 crisis because, apart from French rivalry, the Colonial Office favoured a weak Siam that could not challenge British interests over Burma and the hill states. That their non-involvement could result in a diplomatic backfire was a consequence that was out of their minds. It also raised the ire of Singapore, which knew very well just how island leases could become vital naval bases firsthand. A Russian Phuket could not only influence the resource-rich Malay Peninsula – which was already seen as a British sphere of influence – but it might open the notion of undercutting oceanic trade through facilitating transport links across the Kra isthumus, and perhaps even dredging a separate canal!
But what no one expected was the reaction of the Malay sultanates themselves. Caught between the Great Game of Powers, the sultans and their royal courts have since learned of the Russo-Turkish War and viewed darkly at the planting of a Russia that might see local Muslims as, if not enemies, then as second-class peoples to be Russianized. Three weeks after Chulalongkorn’s announcement, a group of Malay nobles from Patani arrived in Singapore, emulating the past delegations of Johor, Aceh, and Sulu. Their demands were simple: Seek the protection of Germany or the Ottoman Empire against Russo-Siamese intrigue [3].
Now, the local British administration was horrified. The Malay Peninsula had been their playground, and now they are facing a real prospect of a divided land. An alarmist communiqué to London in early 1898 highlighted the situation, stating “…If the land of Malaya is not ours, then we could very well see the loss of British power.”
The resulting negotiations, talks, and diplomatic discourse between the sultanates, Siam, and Europe are enough to fill many more chapters, but by the end of March, a new paradigm has emerged on the land. Siam would cede every Malay sultanate it has as tributaries to Great Britain, along with the Malay-majority regions of Perlis, Songkhla, Satun, Trang, and Phatthalung. In all, the lease of Phuket to Russia was acknowledged so long as the northern ‘neck’ of Malaya lay under British control.
To say that the agreement was glumly accepted by everyone was far from inaccurate. The Siamese government was rankled at the cession of so much land, though a few noticed that the kingdom’s south was more religiously and ethnically homogenised as a result. British opinion was raucous, with many officials openly calling for British India to simply annex the entire Peninsula – Thai monthons and Malay states and all – to avoid another Power seeking to do what Russia did. The fact that such an action would only drive the Siamese court closer to St. Petersburg prevailed, but it was a very close thing. Conversely, there were many in Russia whom wanted the government to be more proactive and gain greater influence around the Kra isthmus, though this was quickly shot down by Tsar Alexander. For him, enough trouble has been done already for the island.
Intriguingly, the new uptick in regional interest did set the Royal Navy to be more active in the local seas, which would indirectly precipitate to the Oil Policy of September 1898 between the Admiralty, the Kriegsmarine, and the Kingdom of Sarawak. In fact, some have speculated that it was the diplomatic game around Russian Phuket that compelled Franz Ferdinand to tour around the region, though this has never been confirmed from hearsay…
____________________
The full version of the map is here.
Notes:
1. IOTL, there is notion that a Russian composer wrote Thailand’s royal anthem (Sansoen Phra Barami) but this is mostly apocryphal, with other sources claiming that the composers were local men whom were educated in Western music.
2. This is based IOTL. Russia was interested in obtaining some Siamese lands for a coaling station, but failed due to combined pressure from Britain, France, and the Japanese on the Siamese side.
3. Also based IOTL. The sultan of Pattani threatened to Britain that he would seek German protection if the British do not guarantee their relative freedom from Siam. IOTL, this lead to the 1909 Anglo-Siamese Treaty, where Patani was kicked under the bus and remained Siamese.
EDIT: 'Gulf of Thailand' my arse. Also, added links and brushed up some words at some places.
Somsak Jeamteerasakul, Siam’s Constant Struggle, (Nakhon Si Thammarat University Press, 1989)
By the end of 1893, Siam stood at an unwelcome position.
Once a regional power, it was now surrounded on three sides by the two global superpowers of the day: The French Third Republic and the British Empire. Upper Burma was being gnawed off from Calcutta while French influence in the east was at its highest level yet. Worse, a succession of diplomatic crises had resulted in Bangkok losing the tributary states of Luang Prabang, Vientianne, and Champasak, from which France would cobble together the modern state now known as Laos. Most damning of all, the Siamese provinces of Chantaburi and Trat were themselves occupied by the Troupes de Marine, providing the Power with a bargaining chip from which they could (and would) ask for even more territory.
Perhaps the most stinging of these capitulations was how the Siamese’s supposed ally, Great Britain, stood by while the French navy blockaded Bangkok and pointed their guns at the royal palace. Defeating a small squadron of Siamese vessels, the French threatened to blow up the complex unless the demands of Paris were accepted. In all this, the most that London did was to deliver a few worded complaints, several gunboats from Singapore to protect her own citizens, and a request to further influence the Shan hill states of the northwest. Not surprisingly, the Siamese government was less than happy.
Which was probably why King Chulalongkorn and his ministers began searching for a third Power that could guarantee his kingdom’s independence. The fact that the Anglo-French rivalry overtook past agreements of friendship was not lost on him, and he decided to focus on making friends with a Power that could command the respect of both nations – and reign Paris in: Russia.
The empire of the north has a long history of involvement in the region, dating all the way back to 1863. Russian vessels regularly docked at Bangkok, the Tsarevich Nicholas paid a visit in 1891, and a Russian composer even wrote the Siamese royal anthem [1]. More recently, the Russian navy has also taken an eye to Sundaland, with its rich resources and strategic position making the benefits clear. Discussions of acquiring a coaling station were laid as far back as 1883, and imperial cruisers were scouting the Siamese coast as early as 1889 [2]. Nevertheless, such plans were always laid at the backburner, not least because the imperial government of Alexander III wanted to maintain peace with Europe.
That changed after Siam’s episode with France. Bangkok began courting the Russian government, hoping to add a third column to guarantee its freedom. Talks were held, and among the issues of discussion was a base for the imperial fleet from which they could resupply along the Crimea – China route. Held in secret for fear of attracting unwanted attention, the discussions culminated with Chulalongkorn’s official European Tour of 1897, from which his entourage’s first destination was the Russian Empire. The conferences that were held at the Anichkov Palace were still held in secret, but their result would prove to be the opposite of that. Upon his return to Siam six months later, the king accepted a proposal to lease Phuket Island to St. Petersburg.
Britain was aghast. The government had not interfered with the 1893 crisis because, apart from French rivalry, the Colonial Office favoured a weak Siam that could not challenge British interests over Burma and the hill states. That their non-involvement could result in a diplomatic backfire was a consequence that was out of their minds. It also raised the ire of Singapore, which knew very well just how island leases could become vital naval bases firsthand. A Russian Phuket could not only influence the resource-rich Malay Peninsula – which was already seen as a British sphere of influence – but it might open the notion of undercutting oceanic trade through facilitating transport links across the Kra isthumus, and perhaps even dredging a separate canal!
But what no one expected was the reaction of the Malay sultanates themselves. Caught between the Great Game of Powers, the sultans and their royal courts have since learned of the Russo-Turkish War and viewed darkly at the planting of a Russia that might see local Muslims as, if not enemies, then as second-class peoples to be Russianized. Three weeks after Chulalongkorn’s announcement, a group of Malay nobles from Patani arrived in Singapore, emulating the past delegations of Johor, Aceh, and Sulu. Their demands were simple: Seek the protection of Germany or the Ottoman Empire against Russo-Siamese intrigue [3].
Now, the local British administration was horrified. The Malay Peninsula had been their playground, and now they are facing a real prospect of a divided land. An alarmist communiqué to London in early 1898 highlighted the situation, stating “…If the land of Malaya is not ours, then we could very well see the loss of British power.”
The resulting negotiations, talks, and diplomatic discourse between the sultanates, Siam, and Europe are enough to fill many more chapters, but by the end of March, a new paradigm has emerged on the land. Siam would cede every Malay sultanate it has as tributaries to Great Britain, along with the Malay-majority regions of Perlis, Songkhla, Satun, Trang, and Phatthalung. In all, the lease of Phuket to Russia was acknowledged so long as the northern ‘neck’ of Malaya lay under British control.
To say that the agreement was glumly accepted by everyone was far from inaccurate. The Siamese government was rankled at the cession of so much land, though a few noticed that the kingdom’s south was more religiously and ethnically homogenised as a result. British opinion was raucous, with many officials openly calling for British India to simply annex the entire Peninsula – Thai monthons and Malay states and all – to avoid another Power seeking to do what Russia did. The fact that such an action would only drive the Siamese court closer to St. Petersburg prevailed, but it was a very close thing. Conversely, there were many in Russia whom wanted the government to be more proactive and gain greater influence around the Kra isthmus, though this was quickly shot down by Tsar Alexander. For him, enough trouble has been done already for the island.
Intriguingly, the new uptick in regional interest did set the Royal Navy to be more active in the local seas, which would indirectly precipitate to the Oil Policy of September 1898 between the Admiralty, the Kriegsmarine, and the Kingdom of Sarawak. In fact, some have speculated that it was the diplomatic game around Russian Phuket that compelled Franz Ferdinand to tour around the region, though this has never been confirmed from hearsay…
____________________
The full version of the map is here.
Notes:
1. IOTL, there is notion that a Russian composer wrote Thailand’s royal anthem (Sansoen Phra Barami) but this is mostly apocryphal, with other sources claiming that the composers were local men whom were educated in Western music.
2. This is based IOTL. Russia was interested in obtaining some Siamese lands for a coaling station, but failed due to combined pressure from Britain, France, and the Japanese on the Siamese side.
3. Also based IOTL. The sultan of Pattani threatened to Britain that he would seek German protection if the British do not guarantee their relative freedom from Siam. IOTL, this lead to the 1909 Anglo-Siamese Treaty, where Patani was kicked under the bus and remained Siamese.
EDIT: 'Gulf of Thailand' my arse. Also, added links and brushed up some words at some places.
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