alternatehistory.com
Oppo - Canadian Action
1968-1979: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal)
1968 (Majority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), Tommy Douglas (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Ralliement créditiste)
1972 (Minority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), David Lewis (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
1974 (Majority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), David Lewis (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
1979-1980: Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative)
1979 (Minority): Pierre Trudeau (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1980-1984: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal)
1980 (Majority): Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1984: John Turner (Liberal)
1984-1988: Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative)
1984 (Majority): John Turner (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
1988-1992: Jean Chrétien (Liberal) [1]
1988 (Majority): Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Preston Manning (Reform) [2]
1992-2005: Kim Campbell (Progressive Conservative) [3]
1992 (Majority): Jean Chrétien (Liberal), Steve Langdon (New Democratic), Preston Manning (Reform), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Mel Hurtig (National) [4]
1997 (Majority): John Nunziata (Liberal), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Preston Manning (Reform), Buzz Hargrove (New Democratic) [5]
2001 (Majority): John Nunziata (Liberal), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Jan Brown (Reform) [6]
2004-2009: André Bachand (Progressive Conservative) [7]
2005 (Minority): David Orchard (Canadian Action), Mark Eyking (Liberal), Jan Brown (Reform) [8]
2009-2019: Pat Martin (Canadian Action) [9]
2009 (Majority): André Bachand (Progressive Conservative), Jason Kenney (Reform), Bob Rae (Liberal) [10]
2014 (Minority): Dianne Watts (Progressive Conservative), Brian Tobin (Liberal), Candice Hoeppner (Reform) [11]
2019-Present: Dianne Watts (Progressive Conservative) [12]
2019 (Majority): Brian Tobin (Liberal), Pat Martin (Canadian Action), Candice Hoeppner (Reform) [13]
[1] Chrétien was really seen as being a great man elected at the wrong time. The recession of the early 1990s would be detrimental to his ministry, with some Liberals encouraging him to resign. He would call an early election in 1992, thinking his campaign skills would allow him to make a comeback. Unfortunately, it would be unsuccessful.
[2] 1988 has been seen as a battle between two of Canada's political titans, Chrétien (with Turner being removed in '86) and Mulroney. The Tories would start off with a lead, but the Liberals ran a clever campaign opposing Mulroney's free trade agreement. Ed Broadbent's NDP would have an impressive showing, but not earning as many seats as they hoped for. A new third party would enter the ring, the Reformists, reminiscent of the old SoCreds. The Liberals would return to the days of Trudeau, but that would ultimately not be.
[3] The "founder of the modern Tories", Kim Campbell has made a great influence on Candian politics, as the fifth longest serving Prime Minister. While at the time, Campbell was best known for the economic recovery and the Quebec independence referendum, her legacy is the Valentine's Day Attacks. Along with attacks on the U.S. Capital and the WTC, Canada would be hit when a plane crashed into First Canadian Place. Campbell's stirring unity speech with President Ann Richards has been seen as a shining moment in US-Canadian unity (after her time in 24 Sussex, she would also give the eulogy at Richard's funeral). Campbell would retire once the war effort was mostly finished, saying she would "hand the reigns to a new generation of citizens."
[4] Liberals had a sense of optimism about 1992 that seems bizarre in hindsight. The Conservatives would have a messy battle for their leadership, with Mulroney announcing he wouldn't retire at the last moment to take down Kim Campbell. It was already late, and Mulroney offended many by saying Campbell "would be more concerned with her Russian boyfriend than leading us to victory." However, Chrétien was shocked at his polling numbers declining. Voters turned to other left-wing parties, like the NDP, the CAP, or the Nationalists. Election Day came and went, and the Liberals were destroyed by the Tories. Not only that, but the NDP would almost take the position of Leader of the Opposition.
[5] 1997 was looking positive for the Tories, with Campbell very popular. Backbench "Rat Pack" MP John Nunziata would take the Liberal's leadership election as a centrist. The NDP would also get a new leader, CAW President Buzz Hargrove. Hargrove would prove to be a bad campaigner and unpopular with the establishment. This would cause Liberals and New Democrats to vote for the CAP. The Liberals would have a weak position as the opposition to the Tories. Like the Liberals and the NDP, the Reformists would have a weaker performance with a popular Tory government.
[6] Campbell would call a snap election following the Valentine's Day Attacks and the War in Afganistan to build up support for the "War on Terror." While the CAP claimed that Campbell was politizing terrorism, the vast majority of the nation disagreed. Plus, the Conservatives had given Canada a strong leader for the past nine years, why change a PM at a crisis? Campbell would score a large mandate.
[7] It would be difficult to follow Campbell's legacy, but that was the job of Bachand, a forty three year old Red Tory. The decision in the early days of the administration was if and when to have a snap election, which Bachand decided to do in mid-2005. Bachand had a smaller mandate than Campbell (having to work with moderate Reform MPs), which would foreshadow the rest of his ministry. An economic recession would lower the popularity of the Conservative administration, leaving Bachand without allies in parliament. Like the last young Red Tory PM, Bachand would lose another term.
[8] Orchard's last election as CAP leader would be a disappointment. Orchard was caught post-election ranting on the campaign, claiming that the Liberals split the vote, and that he would have won in a landslide. The Liberals were in third place, a result expected since 1992 finally occurring. Jan Brown would make an impressive showing for the Reform Party, but she would be removed for working with the Tories.
[9] Pat Martin would be a very controversial PM. While a fiery campaigner, Martin would spend his days in 24 Sussex with controversy after controversy surrounding him. Martin would often threaten news outlets who wrote articles critical of him with libel lawsuits, and was one to use profanity. This overshadowed his new governmental reforms, which hurt his approval ratings and in the polls.
[10] 2009 represented the low point in the Liberal Party's history, and the first non-PC PM in almost two decades. While the CAP started outed with a lead, the Tories made a slow comeback, but it was too little, too late.
[11] 2014 was a nail-biter for all parties, but especially the two major ones. Martin's string of gaffes was front and centre, but the public cared much less than expected. Replacing Bachand would be another British Columbian woman, Dianne Watts. Watts was more to the right of the party, but was generally popular with all factions. The Liberals would have a surprise, as Brian Tobin would make a sudden reappearance on the political scene. After Canadians went to the polls, the CAP would have a much smaller number of seats. Tobin's Liberals would make a comeback, coming back into third. Watts was very close to being able to form a government, but there was always another election. Both Watts and Martin had been encouraged by some to resign, but both stayed on.
[12] Time will only tell if Watts will be the second coming of Kim Campbell, or if she will fall flat in a new political landscape. The attention is on who will be the leader of the Liberals and the CAP.
[13] Like 2014, 2019 was a close race. Unlike 2014, Watts, Martin, or Tobin could become the PM. Martin was the safe bet for most of the campaign, but the poor economy hurt his reputation with swing voters. Polls went back and forth, with this being the most expensive campaign in Canadian history. Ultimately, Watts would take the PCs back to 24 Sussex. However, the other story was Tobin's even bigger surge, and the CAP's loss of many seats (Martin himself would lose re-election). Tobin had not just done his job to give the Liberals some urgent CPR, but ended up taking them back to second. He would resign, satisfied at his job.
1968 (Majority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), Tommy Douglas (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Ralliement créditiste)
1972 (Minority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), David Lewis (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
1974 (Majority): Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), David Lewis (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
1979-1980: Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative)
1979 (Minority): Pierre Trudeau (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1980-1984: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal)
1980 (Majority): Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
1984: John Turner (Liberal)
1984-1988: Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative)
1984 (Majority): John Turner (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
1988-1992: Jean Chrétien (Liberal) [1]
1988 (Majority): Brian Mulroney (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Preston Manning (Reform) [2]
1992-2005: Kim Campbell (Progressive Conservative) [3]
1992 (Majority): Jean Chrétien (Liberal), Steve Langdon (New Democratic), Preston Manning (Reform), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Mel Hurtig (National) [4]
1997 (Majority): John Nunziata (Liberal), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Preston Manning (Reform), Buzz Hargrove (New Democratic) [5]
2001 (Majority): John Nunziata (Liberal), David Orchard (Canadian Action), Jan Brown (Reform) [6]
2004-2009: André Bachand (Progressive Conservative) [7]
2005 (Minority): David Orchard (Canadian Action), Mark Eyking (Liberal), Jan Brown (Reform) [8]
2009-2019: Pat Martin (Canadian Action) [9]
2009 (Majority): André Bachand (Progressive Conservative), Jason Kenney (Reform), Bob Rae (Liberal) [10]
2014 (Minority): Dianne Watts (Progressive Conservative), Brian Tobin (Liberal), Candice Hoeppner (Reform) [11]
2019-Present: Dianne Watts (Progressive Conservative) [12]
2019 (Majority): Brian Tobin (Liberal), Pat Martin (Canadian Action), Candice Hoeppner (Reform) [13]
[1] Chrétien was really seen as being a great man elected at the wrong time. The recession of the early 1990s would be detrimental to his ministry, with some Liberals encouraging him to resign. He would call an early election in 1992, thinking his campaign skills would allow him to make a comeback. Unfortunately, it would be unsuccessful.
[2] 1988 has been seen as a battle between two of Canada's political titans, Chrétien (with Turner being removed in '86) and Mulroney. The Tories would start off with a lead, but the Liberals ran a clever campaign opposing Mulroney's free trade agreement. Ed Broadbent's NDP would have an impressive showing, but not earning as many seats as they hoped for. A new third party would enter the ring, the Reformists, reminiscent of the old SoCreds. The Liberals would return to the days of Trudeau, but that would ultimately not be.
[3] The "founder of the modern Tories", Kim Campbell has made a great influence on Candian politics, as the fifth longest serving Prime Minister. While at the time, Campbell was best known for the economic recovery and the Quebec independence referendum, her legacy is the Valentine's Day Attacks. Along with attacks on the U.S. Capital and the WTC, Canada would be hit when a plane crashed into First Canadian Place. Campbell's stirring unity speech with President Ann Richards has been seen as a shining moment in US-Canadian unity (after her time in 24 Sussex, she would also give the eulogy at Richard's funeral). Campbell would retire once the war effort was mostly finished, saying she would "hand the reigns to a new generation of citizens."
[4] Liberals had a sense of optimism about 1992 that seems bizarre in hindsight. The Conservatives would have a messy battle for their leadership, with Mulroney announcing he wouldn't retire at the last moment to take down Kim Campbell. It was already late, and Mulroney offended many by saying Campbell "would be more concerned with her Russian boyfriend than leading us to victory." However, Chrétien was shocked at his polling numbers declining. Voters turned to other left-wing parties, like the NDP, the CAP, or the Nationalists. Election Day came and went, and the Liberals were destroyed by the Tories. Not only that, but the NDP would almost take the position of Leader of the Opposition.
[5] 1997 was looking positive for the Tories, with Campbell very popular. Backbench "Rat Pack" MP John Nunziata would take the Liberal's leadership election as a centrist. The NDP would also get a new leader, CAW President Buzz Hargrove. Hargrove would prove to be a bad campaigner and unpopular with the establishment. This would cause Liberals and New Democrats to vote for the CAP. The Liberals would have a weak position as the opposition to the Tories. Like the Liberals and the NDP, the Reformists would have a weaker performance with a popular Tory government.
[6] Campbell would call a snap election following the Valentine's Day Attacks and the War in Afganistan to build up support for the "War on Terror." While the CAP claimed that Campbell was politizing terrorism, the vast majority of the nation disagreed. Plus, the Conservatives had given Canada a strong leader for the past nine years, why change a PM at a crisis? Campbell would score a large mandate.
[7] It would be difficult to follow Campbell's legacy, but that was the job of Bachand, a forty three year old Red Tory. The decision in the early days of the administration was if and when to have a snap election, which Bachand decided to do in mid-2005. Bachand had a smaller mandate than Campbell (having to work with moderate Reform MPs), which would foreshadow the rest of his ministry. An economic recession would lower the popularity of the Conservative administration, leaving Bachand without allies in parliament. Like the last young Red Tory PM, Bachand would lose another term.
[8] Orchard's last election as CAP leader would be a disappointment. Orchard was caught post-election ranting on the campaign, claiming that the Liberals split the vote, and that he would have won in a landslide. The Liberals were in third place, a result expected since 1992 finally occurring. Jan Brown would make an impressive showing for the Reform Party, but she would be removed for working with the Tories.
[9] Pat Martin would be a very controversial PM. While a fiery campaigner, Martin would spend his days in 24 Sussex with controversy after controversy surrounding him. Martin would often threaten news outlets who wrote articles critical of him with libel lawsuits, and was one to use profanity. This overshadowed his new governmental reforms, which hurt his approval ratings and in the polls.
[10] 2009 represented the low point in the Liberal Party's history, and the first non-PC PM in almost two decades. While the CAP started outed with a lead, the Tories made a slow comeback, but it was too little, too late.
[11] 2014 was a nail-biter for all parties, but especially the two major ones. Martin's string of gaffes was front and centre, but the public cared much less than expected. Replacing Bachand would be another British Columbian woman, Dianne Watts. Watts was more to the right of the party, but was generally popular with all factions. The Liberals would have a surprise, as Brian Tobin would make a sudden reappearance on the political scene. After Canadians went to the polls, the CAP would have a much smaller number of seats. Tobin's Liberals would make a comeback, coming back into third. Watts was very close to being able to form a government, but there was always another election. Both Watts and Martin had been encouraged by some to resign, but both stayed on.
[12] Time will only tell if Watts will be the second coming of Kim Campbell, or if she will fall flat in a new political landscape. The attention is on who will be the leader of the Liberals and the CAP.
[13] Like 2014, 2019 was a close race. Unlike 2014, Watts, Martin, or Tobin could become the PM. Martin was the safe bet for most of the campaign, but the poor economy hurt his reputation with swing voters. Polls went back and forth, with this being the most expensive campaign in Canadian history. Ultimately, Watts would take the PCs back to 24 Sussex. However, the other story was Tobin's even bigger surge, and the CAP's loss of many seats (Martin himself would lose re-election). Tobin had not just done his job to give the Liberals some urgent CPR, but ended up taking them back to second. He would resign, satisfied at his job.
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