alternatehistory.com
True Grit - Liberal Democratic-punk Canada
Prime Ministers of Canada
1980-1983: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal/New Democratic coalition) [1]
-1980 (min): Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
-1983 (min): Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
1983-1986: Jean Chrétien (Liberal/New Democratic coalition) [2]
1986-1995: Peter Lougheed (Progressive Conservative) [3]
-1986: Jean Chrétien (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
-1990: Jean Chrétien (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
-1994 (min): Sheila Copps (Liberal Democratic), Svend Robinson (National Progress) [4]
1995-2004: Sheila Copps (Liberal Democratic) [5]
-1995 (min): Peter Lougheed (Progressive Conservative), Svend Robinson (National Progress)
-1997: Lucien Bouchard (Progressive Conservative), Svend Robinson (National Progress)
-2001: Perrin Beatty (Progressive Conservative), Jean Lapierre (Voix Québécoise) [6], Svend Robinson (National Progress)
2004-2008: Roy Romanow (Liberal Democratic) [7]
-2004: Perrin Beatty (Progressive Conservative), Jean Lapierre (Voix Québécoise), Svend Robinson (National Progress)
2008-2009: Mike Harris (Progressive Conservative) [8]
-2008 (min): Roy Romanow (Liberal Democratic), Jean Lapierre (Voix Québécoise), Libby Davies (National Progress)
-April 2009 (min): Martin Cauchon (Liberal Democratic), Jean Lapierre (Voix Québécoise), Libby Davies (National Progress)
2009-2009: Martin Cauchon (Liberal Democratic/National Progress coalition)
2009-2014: Mike Harris (Progressive Conservative) [9]
-December 2009: Martin Cauchon (Liberal Democratic), Jean Lapierre (Voix Québécoise), Libby Davies (National Progress)
2014-2016: Rachel Notley (Liberal Democratic) [10]
-14: Pierre Karl Péladeau (Voix Québécoise), Ryan Meili (National Progress), Mike Harris (Progressive Conservative), Michael Chong (Independent Conservative)
2016-2017: Bob Rae (Liberal Democratic) [11]
2017-present: Bill Blair (Liberal Democratic) [12]
[1] Though he managed to return to office after a brief period in opposition, the 1980 election was not all good news for Pierre Trudeau and his Liberal Party. Not only did they only return to office with a minority government, but they failed to elect any Members of Parliament west of Manitoba. With Trudeau intending to embark upon an ambitious series of constitutional reform, this posed a problem for him: how could he represent Western interests without any Western MPs? His solution, somewhat controversial as it was, was to reach out to Ed Broadbent and the New Democratic Party, with the offer of forming a coalition government. While reluctant at first, Broadbent eventually accepts Trudeau’s offer, knowing that while the NDP’s influence in government may be small, the Liberals’ minority situation would give the NDP a great amount of sway in the coalition. With Broadbent and the NDP now in the government benches, Trudeau’s attempts to patriate the constitution go better than OTL, with Broadbent managing to ensure the support of NDP Premiers Howard Pawley and (until his defeat) Allen Blakeney. Though Quebec still refuses to sign on to the new constitution, patriation as a whole proves to be less controversial than OTL, preventing Trudeau’s approval ratings from dropping to abysmal levels. Riding off this success, and with the coalition agreement with the NDP about to expire anyway, Trudeau calls a snap election in 1983 and, while he initially appears on track for a majority government, the country’s worsening economic position causes attention to drift away from the constitution, and results in Trudeau winning an even thinner minority government, prompting his resignation shortly after the election.
[2] Trudeau is replaced by long-time cabinet minister Jean Chrétien, who, having a good relationship with Broadbent, opts to continue to coalition with the NDP, to the annoyance of some of his more right-wing members of caucus. While his tenure is less controversial than Trudeau’s, and his relationship with Broadbent is certainly better, government-fatigue and a poor economy causes the government to be defeated at the polls when the coalition agreement expires in 1986.
[3] After succeeding Joe Clark as Progressive Conservative leader following his 1985 resignation, former Alberta Premier Peter Lougheed is able to win a majority government in 1986 on the back of a poor economy. While he is relatively popular while in office (and, unlike Brian Mulroney IOTL, stays away from the constitution, knowing from experience the difficulty involved in it and content with leaving well enough alone), an economic downturn and merger of the Liberals and NDP cause him to be reduced to a minority government in 1994 before he is defeated in an election the following year.
[4] Having governed together relatively successfully from 1980-1986, calls grow for the Liberals and the NDP to merge following the PC majority victories in 1986 and 1990, with party activists claiming that the only reason the PCs were able to win was because of the split in the centre/centre-left vote. These calls are answered in 1992 following the election of new NDP leader Bob Rae, a pro-merger candidate, and the election of the similarly pro-merger Sheila Copps as Liberal leader in 1991, resulting in a merger between the two parties in 1993. While by and large most Liberals join the new party (with a handful of right-wingers swapping to the PCs), NDP members are more divided, fearing their voices will not be heard in a party consisting mostly of former Liberals. As a result, a small contingent of left-wing New Democrats form their own party, the “National Progress Party of Canada,” led by veteran left-wing MP Svend Robinson.
[5] After merging the Liberals and the NDP in 1992 into the Liberal Democratic Party, Sheila Copps is able to nearly seize power in 1994. While left-wing former-NDP dissidents in the new National Progress Party prevent her from defeating Lougheed, she is able to win a minority of her own in the subsequent election. When the Progressive Conservatives defeat the government in 1997 the Lib Dems are able to win a majority, with new PC leader Lucien Bouchard having misjudged both Copps’ unpopularity and the willingness of Canadians to go to the polls yet again. Thanks to a growing economy, Copps is able to win re-election in 2001 with another majority government.
[6] Over the course of Copps’ tenure, some of her more nationalist Quebec MPs leave the party to form the Voix Québécoise, frustrated by Copps’ insufficient (in their eyes) attempts at “bringing Quebec back into the [constitutional] fold”. While starting off as a mostly nationalist party, further frustration with the subsequent ministries will result in it shifting into a separatist party, a transformation it generally achieves around 2006.
[7] Copps retires due to middling approval ratings, and is replaced with her Minister of Health, Roy Romanow, who calls (and wins) a snap election in 2004. An economic decline and various Lib Dem scandals cause his popularity to decline, though, as does a failed attempt at initiating constitutional reform following the further rise of Voix Québécoise and increased pressure from worried Lib Dem Quebec MPs. As a result, Romanow’s government is defeated in 2008.
[8] Despite the Lib Dems’ unpopularity, the strongly right-wing positions of new PC leader Mike Harris result in the latter only winning a minority government, despite impressive gains in Quebec from former Lib Dem supporters frustrated with their lack of constitutional success and unwilling to vote for the separatist VQ. Harris’ policies while in government prove controversial, however, and he wins a reduced minority in the spring of 2009, prompting new Lib Dem leader Martin Cauchon to form a coalition with National Progress. Proving very unpopular and having a very thin majority, the coalition is forced to the polls only a few months into their term after losing a confidence vote following a series of floor-crossings and by-election losses.
[9] Due to the unpopularity of the coalition, Harris is able to return to power with a strong majority. However, his tenure quickly proves controversial. A free trade agreement with the United States produces significant opposition, while a severe economic downturn causes his reputation as a strong economic manager to shatter. While his government is eventually able to lessen the effects of the recession, tax increases associated with these measures quickly prove to be unpopular (particularly with right-wing members of his caucus), and causes his approval ratings to further drop. The fatal blow for his government, however, is when Quebec votes to separate in early 2014, after a series of constitutional negotiations Harris had announced when he first took office, designed to bring Quebec onto the constitution and consolidate PC gains in the province, quickly prove unworkable and unsatisfactory to all. In the general election a few months later, despite Harris’ attempts to portray himself as the only person experienced enough to handle this crisis of national unity, he is defeated in a landslide, coming in fourth behind the Lib Dems, VQ, and National Progress, and only slightly ahead of the right-wing splinter “Independent Conservative Party” led by his former cabinet minister Michael Chong.
[10] New Lib Dem leader Rachel Notley is elected in an overwhelming landslide, and is quickly forced to enter into negotiations with Quebec, trying to modify the Canada-Quebec relationship and keep Quebec from separating, while at the same time trying to walk the delicate line between giving Quebec enough so that it won’t separate and not giving it too much so as to not produce outrage in the Rest of Canada. While things initially seem to go well for Notley, tensions among the population soon begin to rise, with violent pro- and anti-separation protests erupting across the country. These tensions reach their peak in late 2016, when Notley is killed during an attack on Parliament Hill by a radical pro-Quebec separation terrorist.
[11] Following her assassination, Notley is replaced on an interim basis by her Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the last leader of the New Democratic Party, Bob Rae. While Rae had considered running for Lib Dem leader before, with lingering resentment from former NDP members preventing him from entering the fray, he declines to run for the position following Notley’s death, despite strong support among both Canadians and members of the Lib Dem caucus.
[12] Ontario Premier Bill Blair is elected Lib Dem leader in the ensuing leadership contest, and quickly begins to crack down on the protests raging across the country and adopting a significantly more hardline stance towards the Quebec government, who quickly finds itself forced to bow to pressure as a result of the anti-sovereignty wave that Notley’s assassination has produced. As 2017 continues on, whether these new developments will change is anyone’s guess.
1980-1983: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal/New Democratic coalition) [1]
-1980 (min): Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
-1983 (min): Joe Clark (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
1983-1986: Jean Chrétien (Liberal/New Democratic coalition) [2]
1986-1995: Peter Lougheed (Progressive Conservative) [3]
-1986: Jean Chrétien (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
-1990: Jean Chrétien (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
-1994 (min): Sheila Copps (Liberal Democratic), Svend Robinson (National Progress) [4]
1995-2004: Sheila Copps (Liberal Democratic) [5]
-1995 (min): Peter Lougheed (Progressive Conservative), Svend Robinson (National Progress)
-1997: Lucien Bouchard (Progressive Conservative), Svend Robinson (National Progress)
-2001: Perrin Beatty (Progressive Conservative), Jean Lapierre (Voix Québécoise) [6], Svend Robinson (National Progress)
2004-2008: Roy Romanow (Liberal Democratic) [7]
-2004: Perrin Beatty (Progressive Conservative), Jean Lapierre (Voix Québécoise), Svend Robinson (National Progress)
2008-2009: Mike Harris (Progressive Conservative) [8]
-2008 (min): Roy Romanow (Liberal Democratic), Jean Lapierre (Voix Québécoise), Libby Davies (National Progress)
-April 2009 (min): Martin Cauchon (Liberal Democratic), Jean Lapierre (Voix Québécoise), Libby Davies (National Progress)
2009-2009: Martin Cauchon (Liberal Democratic/National Progress coalition)
2009-2014: Mike Harris (Progressive Conservative) [9]
-December 2009: Martin Cauchon (Liberal Democratic), Jean Lapierre (Voix Québécoise), Libby Davies (National Progress)
2014-2016: Rachel Notley (Liberal Democratic) [10]
-14: Pierre Karl Péladeau (Voix Québécoise), Ryan Meili (National Progress), Mike Harris (Progressive Conservative), Michael Chong (Independent Conservative)
2016-2017: Bob Rae (Liberal Democratic) [11]
2017-present: Bill Blair (Liberal Democratic) [12]
[1] Though he managed to return to office after a brief period in opposition, the 1980 election was not all good news for Pierre Trudeau and his Liberal Party. Not only did they only return to office with a minority government, but they failed to elect any Members of Parliament west of Manitoba. With Trudeau intending to embark upon an ambitious series of constitutional reform, this posed a problem for him: how could he represent Western interests without any Western MPs? His solution, somewhat controversial as it was, was to reach out to Ed Broadbent and the New Democratic Party, with the offer of forming a coalition government. While reluctant at first, Broadbent eventually accepts Trudeau’s offer, knowing that while the NDP’s influence in government may be small, the Liberals’ minority situation would give the NDP a great amount of sway in the coalition. With Broadbent and the NDP now in the government benches, Trudeau’s attempts to patriate the constitution go better than OTL, with Broadbent managing to ensure the support of NDP Premiers Howard Pawley and (until his defeat) Allen Blakeney. Though Quebec still refuses to sign on to the new constitution, patriation as a whole proves to be less controversial than OTL, preventing Trudeau’s approval ratings from dropping to abysmal levels. Riding off this success, and with the coalition agreement with the NDP about to expire anyway, Trudeau calls a snap election in 1983 and, while he initially appears on track for a majority government, the country’s worsening economic position causes attention to drift away from the constitution, and results in Trudeau winning an even thinner minority government, prompting his resignation shortly after the election.
[2] Trudeau is replaced by long-time cabinet minister Jean Chrétien, who, having a good relationship with Broadbent, opts to continue to coalition with the NDP, to the annoyance of some of his more right-wing members of caucus. While his tenure is less controversial than Trudeau’s, and his relationship with Broadbent is certainly better, government-fatigue and a poor economy causes the government to be defeated at the polls when the coalition agreement expires in 1986.
[3] After succeeding Joe Clark as Progressive Conservative leader following his 1985 resignation, former Alberta Premier Peter Lougheed is able to win a majority government in 1986 on the back of a poor economy. While he is relatively popular while in office (and, unlike Brian Mulroney IOTL, stays away from the constitution, knowing from experience the difficulty involved in it and content with leaving well enough alone), an economic downturn and merger of the Liberals and NDP cause him to be reduced to a minority government in 1994 before he is defeated in an election the following year.
[4] Having governed together relatively successfully from 1980-1986, calls grow for the Liberals and the NDP to merge following the PC majority victories in 1986 and 1990, with party activists claiming that the only reason the PCs were able to win was because of the split in the centre/centre-left vote. These calls are answered in 1992 following the election of new NDP leader Bob Rae, a pro-merger candidate, and the election of the similarly pro-merger Sheila Copps as Liberal leader in 1991, resulting in a merger between the two parties in 1993. While by and large most Liberals join the new party (with a handful of right-wingers swapping to the PCs), NDP members are more divided, fearing their voices will not be heard in a party consisting mostly of former Liberals. As a result, a small contingent of left-wing New Democrats form their own party, the “National Progress Party of Canada,” led by veteran left-wing MP Svend Robinson.
[5] After merging the Liberals and the NDP in 1992 into the Liberal Democratic Party, Sheila Copps is able to nearly seize power in 1994. While left-wing former-NDP dissidents in the new National Progress Party prevent her from defeating Lougheed, she is able to win a minority of her own in the subsequent election. When the Progressive Conservatives defeat the government in 1997 the Lib Dems are able to win a majority, with new PC leader Lucien Bouchard having misjudged both Copps’ unpopularity and the willingness of Canadians to go to the polls yet again. Thanks to a growing economy, Copps is able to win re-election in 2001 with another majority government.
[6] Over the course of Copps’ tenure, some of her more nationalist Quebec MPs leave the party to form the Voix Québécoise, frustrated by Copps’ insufficient (in their eyes) attempts at “bringing Quebec back into the [constitutional] fold”. While starting off as a mostly nationalist party, further frustration with the subsequent ministries will result in it shifting into a separatist party, a transformation it generally achieves around 2006.
[7] Copps retires due to middling approval ratings, and is replaced with her Minister of Health, Roy Romanow, who calls (and wins) a snap election in 2004. An economic decline and various Lib Dem scandals cause his popularity to decline, though, as does a failed attempt at initiating constitutional reform following the further rise of Voix Québécoise and increased pressure from worried Lib Dem Quebec MPs. As a result, Romanow’s government is defeated in 2008.
[8] Despite the Lib Dems’ unpopularity, the strongly right-wing positions of new PC leader Mike Harris result in the latter only winning a minority government, despite impressive gains in Quebec from former Lib Dem supporters frustrated with their lack of constitutional success and unwilling to vote for the separatist VQ. Harris’ policies while in government prove controversial, however, and he wins a reduced minority in the spring of 2009, prompting new Lib Dem leader Martin Cauchon to form a coalition with National Progress. Proving very unpopular and having a very thin majority, the coalition is forced to the polls only a few months into their term after losing a confidence vote following a series of floor-crossings and by-election losses.
[9] Due to the unpopularity of the coalition, Harris is able to return to power with a strong majority. However, his tenure quickly proves controversial. A free trade agreement with the United States produces significant opposition, while a severe economic downturn causes his reputation as a strong economic manager to shatter. While his government is eventually able to lessen the effects of the recession, tax increases associated with these measures quickly prove to be unpopular (particularly with right-wing members of his caucus), and causes his approval ratings to further drop. The fatal blow for his government, however, is when Quebec votes to separate in early 2014, after a series of constitutional negotiations Harris had announced when he first took office, designed to bring Quebec onto the constitution and consolidate PC gains in the province, quickly prove unworkable and unsatisfactory to all. In the general election a few months later, despite Harris’ attempts to portray himself as the only person experienced enough to handle this crisis of national unity, he is defeated in a landslide, coming in fourth behind the Lib Dems, VQ, and National Progress, and only slightly ahead of the right-wing splinter “Independent Conservative Party” led by his former cabinet minister Michael Chong.
[10] New Lib Dem leader Rachel Notley is elected in an overwhelming landslide, and is quickly forced to enter into negotiations with Quebec, trying to modify the Canada-Quebec relationship and keep Quebec from separating, while at the same time trying to walk the delicate line between giving Quebec enough so that it won’t separate and not giving it too much so as to not produce outrage in the Rest of Canada. While things initially seem to go well for Notley, tensions among the population soon begin to rise, with violent pro- and anti-separation protests erupting across the country. These tensions reach their peak in late 2016, when Notley is killed during an attack on Parliament Hill by a radical pro-Quebec separation terrorist.
[11] Following her assassination, Notley is replaced on an interim basis by her Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the last leader of the New Democratic Party, Bob Rae. While Rae had considered running for Lib Dem leader before, with lingering resentment from former NDP members preventing him from entering the fray, he declines to run for the position following Notley’s death, despite strong support among both Canadians and members of the Lib Dem caucus.
[12] Ontario Premier Bill Blair is elected Lib Dem leader in the ensuing leadership contest, and quickly begins to crack down on the protests raging across the country and adopting a significantly more hardline stance towards the Quebec government, who quickly finds itself forced to bow to pressure as a result of the anti-sovereignty wave that Notley’s assassination has produced. As 2017 continues on, whether these new developments will change is anyone’s guess.
- True Grit
- Word Count: 1.7k