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shiftygiant - Oh Shit
Oh Shit I've had too much cider
2010-2015: David Cameron (Conservative) def. 2010 (Liberal Democrats Coalition): Gordon Brown (Labour), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats) 2015-2016: Nigel Farage (UKIP) [1] def. 2015 (UKIP Minority): Ed Miliband (Labour), David Cameron (Conservative), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats) 2016-2016: Paul Nuttall (UKIP) [2]
2016-20??: Andy Burnham (Labour) def. 2016: (Liberal Democrats Coalition with SNP supply/confidence): Michael Gove (Conservative), Nicola Sturgeon (SNP), Paul Nuttall (UKIP), Ed Davey (Liberal Democrats), Douglas Carswell (Libertarian)
1- The news hit Britain like fist to the stomach- on the morning of the 8th May 2015, the Conservative Party had been defeated. But not by their old rivals Labour, or their older ones the Liberals. Instead, the defeat of David Cameron, the Coalition, and the Big Society came not at the hands of familiar enemies, but at the hands of a different kind of entity altogether- UKIP. Populist with a capital P, Nigel Farage was positively beaming at the count in his new seat of Thanet South in the early hours of the 8th, declaring boldly that he intended to bring Britain kicking and screaming into its new political reality. Of course, UKIP failed to cross the line- the Conservatives, for all their faults, held their heads above the water at some 126 seats. With only 288, UKIP were undoubtedly the largest party in Parliament- and one with a membership of barely any experience outside of the European Parliament and County Councils- but were a minority of some 38 seats. Still, this did not deter Farage, and after several days of frigid and bitter coalition talks, he was able to wrangle a working agreement with the Conservative Party. Not anything official- Cameron and Osborne were blunt to their smug opponent he would get nothing out of them or their successors- but Farage would wrangle around 40 Tory backbenchers who could be relied upon to abstain or vote with the new Government. And so a Government was formed.
As a famous passage in a history textbook would put it so eloquently some years later, the UKIP Government was like a 'new born horse running the grand national'. As noted, there was little experience in the ranks of UKIP, and of the great offices, only the new Chancellor- Mike Reckless- had Parliamentary experience. Diane James and James Carver, Home Secretary and Foreign Secretary respectively, had served in the European Parliament, but both had done so for less than a year. Still, they could fall back on the Civil Service, and for guidance at the unexpected victory, they could also fall back on the Manifesto. Setting to work, key pledges, such as those regarding immigration and welfare reform, were implemented. Promises on the NHS were placed on the backburner, with Nuttall- now moved to the Health Ministry- given a fiefdom to experiment. James set forward a rollback on criminal rights, with Carver sending prickly messages to the EU and sticking his nose into the middle east. One of the more surprising moments would come with the recognition of Somaliland. Reckless began amassing the Autumn Statement, and Education would see major restructuring. But for Farage, all this was white noise compared to his white whale: Europe. Upon entering office, he was in a unique position, with the ability to trigger Article 50 at any moment. However, Farage was nothing if not a showman, and tonight was the opening night at the Albert Hall. He wanted to have fun, to mess with Juncker and the Establishment, and to keep people in suspense. He knew when he would personally trigger it, despite some reports, and perhaps, for the sake of his legacy, he should have triggered Article 50 as soon as he he was in No. 10.
Frustrated by the lack of communication between him and the Parliamentary Party with Farage over Article 50, Douglas Carswell sought to outmaneuver the Government by introducing a Private Members Bill for a Referendum on Europe. The social policy faced backlash, and protests of an unprecedented scale across the country, with UKIP's relative left beginning to push back against the parties more extreme social policies as a result. The larger personalities in the party were becoming restless, Reckless undertaking mass economic deregulation, whilst Nuttall, in his capacity as First Secretary, began throwing his weight around. Farage, for his vapid showmanship, pinned everything together, but it was beginning to fray around him as admiration and loyalty turned to resentment and bitterness. Article 50- which he promised would be triggered any day now- was becoming a sticking point, with many now seeing it as more his chance to gloat. An infamous and poor performance by Farage at PMQs would do little to help, with the 40 Conservatives now feeling unnerved by him. UKIP's promise to 'reexamine the Barnett Formula' was about to bite them, hard. Scotland had become bothersome, with the SNP making noises that sounded like a UDI following the Autumn Statement. Farage didn't take kindly to this and sought to punish them, demanding Reckless go further with the rewiring of Barnett. This only pushed the SNP further out, and quickly the situation between Farage and his Scottish counterpart broke down. These issues were only compounded when Tim Aker of the Libertarian wing of the party challenged Farage for the leadership. It was a risky move, and it was clear that Aker was a stalking horse for a bigger candidates, but confident he would win Farage fought. It was the parties referendum on his leadership, and though he won easily, it was not by a comfortable margin. The discontent was clear.
With protests on the street, a Prime Minister who was seen as a smug gloating indecisive, Scotland on the verge of seceding, an economy in the hands of a Thatcherite given free reign, and a leadership challenge that exposed the parties divisions, something had to give. And something did give.
On May 2016, Nigel Farage resigned as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, and, in his last official act as Prime Minister, triggered Article 50. 2-Paul Nuttall's leap into the office wasn't a calculated one. Weakened by the leadership contest, it was clear that Farage's cult of personality had worn thin. There were many in Party who still supported him, but he was obviously not up to delivering what he promised, and as loyal as Nuttall was, it was increasingly difficult for him to continue backing him. In the end, Nuttall is ultimately responsible for Farage's resignation. Rumours of a second contest began to brew in March 2016, this time led by Douglas Carswell and his band of Libertarians. Nuttall knew Farage would win, but it wouldn't be a clean victory, and would only serve to undermine the party. At a private meeting, Nuttall informed the embattled Prime Minister that he would be pulling his support and throwing it behind an alternative 'unity candidate', such as Steven Woolfe or Reckless himself. Whilst Farage was angry, nowt was more than sound and fury. He gave in, buoyed by the promise of a peerage. The party was over, and the future was looking somewhat stable once the 'unity' leader was in place. But Nuttall hadn't expected that Farage would trigger Article 50 on his last day. He hadn't expected a phonecall from Steven Woolfe telling him he wouldn't run, and Reckless laughing off the idea. With no other option, he decided to run himself, going against so he ran for the Leadership, against Douglas Carswell and Suzanne Evans as the 'Continuity Farageite'. He trumped them both easily, becoming the new Prime Minister shortly after. But his victory would be soured as, whilst stepping through the doors of Downing Street, he was informed that Carswell had moments earlier split, taking Tim Aker and two dozen MP's into the Libertarian Party.
With his majority reduced, facing the hanging sword of a vote of no confidence, and in dire need to give his party the mandate to handle 'Britiave', Nuttall went to the country. It was a mistake. Swept out of power, Nuttall and UKIP were succeeded by Andy Burnham and Labour, who, in coalition with the Liberal Democrats, promised to "end the madness" and "restore the countries dignity". They couldn't save Britain from leaving, but they could cushion the blow, and for them that was enough. But for UKIP, everything they had accomplished or began was crumbling.