alternatehistory.com

1964-1969: Harold Wilson (Labour)
1964: Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
1969-1971: Reginald Maudling (Conservative minority)
1969: Harold Wilson (Labour), Eric Lubbock (Liberal)
1971-1972: Harold Wilson (Labour)
1971: Reginald Maudling (Conservative), Eric Lubbock (Liberal)
1972-1976: Roy Jenkins (Labour)
1976-1980: Jim Prior (Conservative)
1976: Roy Jenkins (Labour), Eric Lubbock (Liberal), Reg Birch (CPGB), William Wolfe (SNP)
1980-1984: Jim Prior (Conservative-Liberal coalition)
1980: Anthony Benn (Labour), John Pardoe (Liberal), Stephen Maxwell (SNP)
1984-1986: Edmund Dell (Labour)
1984: Jim Prior (Conservative), John Pardoe (Liberal), Norman Atkinson (DSP), Stephen Maxwell (SNP)
1986-1994: David Owen (Labour)
1986: Gerald Nabarro (Conservative), John Pardoe (Liberal), Les Huckfield (DSP)
1991: Nicholas Scott (Conservative), Bill Pitt (Liberal), Les Huckfield (DSP)
1994-1995: Donald Dewar (Labour)
1995-2000: Anthony Steen (Conservative)
1995: Donald Dewar (Labour), Alan Beith (Liberal), David Fleming (DSP), Daffyd Elis-Thomas (Plaid Cymru)

My thinking here is that worse party troubles concerning Home's ascension, combined with a few less appearances on behalf of George Brown, lead to Wilson securing a decent majority, which eliminates the need for him to call another election shortly afterwards. Wilson's government is actually fairly similar, white heat and all. However, by the end of the 1960's and with the passage of the controversial In Place of Strife, he looks tired and reforms are slowing by the month. Reggie Maudling's Tories run a bad campaign on their part also, so they are stuck with a mere minority government riding on support from the nascent Liberals. The Poulson scandal forces Maudling's hand and when he refuses to resign, a snap GE is called, seeing Wilson propelled into another frustratingly small majority. Wilson spends a year completing reforms and uses a rejection of Common Market membership as an excuse to leave office. The subsequent leadership contest sees Jenkins scare off other challengers, having stewarded a more radical economic agenda during his time as chancellor. He does not heed calls for the weakening of In Place of Strife, instead instituting strike ballots and other measures designed to prevent industrial action crippling the government. Jenkins also pursues local government reform, creating assemblies in both Scotland and the North-East, while seeking to put to rest local council disputes. The growth of radical violence in Northern Ireland greatly concerns Jenkins, and he works diligently with the stern Brian Faulkner to mediate tensions, something that would earn him plaudits in years to come. What would be controversy-stirring among the Labour electorate was the reform of the leadership contest, mandating an 'electoral college' in which MPs had considerable power. Jenkins ended up losing to the One Nationer Jim Prior, who himself saw off challenges from the right of his own party. Anger from the left spurs one elected representative for the united Communist Party of Great Britain in 1976, who would go on to lose his seat in 1980.

Prior won the adoration of many in the country when he successfully defended the Falkland Islands from invasion in 1977, but things wouldn't work out well for him from then on. Prior increased spending twofold to the anger of his monetarist companions, and he also kickstarted a massive infrastructure program for the north of England, with a new rail track included. A defence procurements scandal in 1979 would lead to many a 'Prior Knowledge' headlines, as well as dipping ratings for Prior's government, as the deficit rose and the bottom began showing signs of displacement. The 1980 election would nonetheless see a decent result for the Tories, with some inroads being made into Manchester as Anthony Benn's 'Neo-Bevanism' failed to inspire confidence in the electorate. A coalition ensued, with spending remaining as high as ever, with the added caveats of more emphasis placed upon EEC entry and voting reform per the request of Prior's coalition partners. A trialed program of Cash Credits for Students fails miserably, as does an attempt to devolve educational powers to councils and new assemblies in London and the North-West. Northern Ireland quickly outpaces the rest of the nation as tech companies flock to vacant land West of the Bann*. Prior's so-called fiscal irresponsibility really comes to a head when the world economy falls into sharp decline in 1982, with the pound hit hard. The good times are suddenly cut short when Prior introduces VAT and increases sales taxes. His prevarication on the collapse of Lloyd's provokes an awful response from the panicking market, which Labour seizes upon. Their calm hand leader Edmund Dell, who took advantage of Jenkinsian reforms to win by a tiny margin against party grandee Michael Foot, called for a more managed response and won over a scared electorate. His support for harsh free-market reforms saw a split in the party, with noted Footite Norman Atkinson forming the 'Democratic Socialist Party', which in years to come would become overrun with Trotskyites. Ironically enough, Dell was helped by the minor party as it allowed him to paint himself as a credible moderate who wouldn't be beholden to left wing interests. He won in a landslide, and initiated some of the harshest free market reforms seen in the western world. His party absolutely weren't prepared to take it, and petitioned him to leave in 1986. He complied, ensuring the completion of his legacy to Foreign Secretary David Owen, who was quick to act and called a snap election before the government fell into the doldrums. Meanwhile, those such as New Zealand's Stan Rodger began to take inspiration from what became known as 'Dellnomics'.


*wish fulfillment abound.