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Phoenician Religion
It was Enis Wicta alone of all Tartiz’s colonial foundations that merited a temple of Melkart, the great god of ancient and noble Sir, so it is known and so it is verified by Kippir and Zipur. Melkart was fundamentally a god of urban civilization, its placement on Wicta an assertment that this would be a great foundation that would stand the test of time, and also a statement on the quality of the lands they found before them, placing Wicta above Wenesika and the ancient Keitani littoral. The temple only fell to disrepair and rumour in the tragedy of the Saramatish invasion, its rediscovery a key goal of modern atrotorn. At last, the beauty and size of the temple can now be directly attested due to the careful excavations of C. Lanuc.
The temple is, as enumerated earlier, a distance of 220 metres from the coastal, western walls of Ebon Wicta. The full precinct is 51 metres by 53 metres, with the north-eastern edges damaged by later works. The precinct is divided into three zones, as would be expected for a Foiniki temple as described by ancient authors. The innermost zone is that of intimate worship with the most venerated objects, as comparable to the cruder Eleni naos. It is connected to the second zone by a set of stone stairs. The second zone is that of public prayer and sacrifice, and once again linked to the outermost zone by a set of stairs. The outermost zone is that of preparing the body for divine interaction. The steps leading into the temple are flanked by two columns, and the outer walls of the temple surrounded by a single colonnade.
The state of the temple is as follows; the damage by fire and pillage is evident in all places, and in particular the innermost zone, where it is clear that a concerted effort was made to render the space as ruinous as possible. Very little remains to indicate what venerated objects resided here at the time of the temple’s destruction. Some areas of pigmentation are still visible on the floor, which were copied by druwon before being re-covered with earth, so as to avoid unnecessary degradation. Most of the altars were damaged or deliberately destroyed but around one were found offerings. It would seem remarkable indeed that such offerings survived such a catastrophe, and instead C. Lanuc suggests that some worship continued at the ruined temple after its destruction. The water basins of the temple were more intact than had been suspected, mostly being damaged by the progress of time rather than deliberate destruction. This was likely due to the known Saramatish belief in water being sacred.
The offerings found were mostly small sacrifices of vegetable matter, of which very little remained, though it seems that the abal tree which grew so tall and proud over the ruins grew from a seed left as an offering, judging from its relative placement. Some other portable objects were discovered in the excavation. Many sherds were discovered, which offer very little to the imagination and are as ever a near useless mass present at every ancient site. Some coins were discovered, which were detailed by druwon before being taken as treasure. The coinage is much like that discovered elsewhere in Ebon Wicta, an illustration of the profound and far reaching trade connections that the colony possessed. Some coins are of that ancient Belgi standard, coming from eastern Enis Pridyn and Belgika. Others are of the late Foiniki standard, with those of Tartiz mixed with other of their colonies and those natively struck on Wicta. There are more than a few Wenesi coins as well, a coin whose ubiquity in Morika is only superseded by the coins of the Foiniki. A few Eleni drakmai are also among them, mostly those of civilized Oritain.
The temple would have been grand indeed in its heyday, and would have been a shock indeed for the Belgi of nearly Pridyn still in their nascence. Whilst only a few incomplete pieces remain, it is abundantly clear that magnificent mosaics carpeted the floor. Judging the full height of the structure is difficult with the temple in such a state of disrepair but it certainly towered over any contemporary structure of the Pridynish natives. We have already seen how Ebon Wicta’s walls would become a major fixture of the Pridynish imagination, for well justified reasons, and the Temple of Melkart at Wicta entered legend in its own right. The Ekeni druw Esu claimed that the gods would favour the Foiniki over the Pridynish if they did not learn to build equally opulent houses of worship. Esu, and those who agreed with him, helped change the face of the island’s architecture forever with this envious eye they cast over the Foiniki colonists and their sanctuary.
Momentum gathers among the faithful to embark on a reconstructed temple to Melkart on this site, and one sees daily offerings from nearby residents on the ruined site, now that it is clear that this is the site of Melkart’s house on Wicta. Melkart was never entirely forgotten on this island, but his image blended with that of Ogni, who has long since been favoured on this island even above Noda, a far more typical patron of islanders and dwellers of the littoral zones. Indeed, such time has passed that the Wicti, having reacquainted themselves with the Foiniki classics treat Melkart as another protector entirely to Ogni, and are in the process of constituting a new priest for Melkart on the island. The revival, both spiritual and cultural, of true Foiniki wisdom and culture continues apace, and speaks of the greatness that we Moriki have begun to tap into in this age of learning and renewed Olichan piety.
BAAL-BUDDA aka BEL-BUDDA, aka BAAL-BUDDO: A syncretic deity of Phoinikia, first appearing in the late Agnemitrid era. The first known epigraphical reference comes from Kyprus, in a liturgical calendar discovered in Old Kition. Baal-Budda fused notions of Buddhist behaviour and enlightenment with Phoinikian ideas of social status and godly behaviour. The centre of the cult in Phoinikia was Sidon, where the cult received official toleration. Acceptance was contentious in many of the other Phoinikian city-states, and never took hold in Africa. Traditional Buddisme avoided depictions of the Budda in human form, and Phoinikians did not usually depict their divinities directly, but both would become influenced by other cultures of the region, and the style of Buddiste forms that emerged out of Aigypt would come to dominate Phoinikian Buddisme, including the cult of Baal-Budda, which used the humanised depictions of Horus-Budda as a baseline. The cult was damaged during the purge of the early Gimi Empire, a purge supported by hardline supporters of traditional Phoinikian practice. However, Buddisme in the region would recover, along with the cult of Baal-Budda, which is mentioned by Bodorus’ survey of Asian Buddisme . In the formalisation of Buddiste schools during the Middle Iranian Empire the cult of Baal-Budda began to fade away, and begins to disappear from surveys of Buddisme in the west, along with many of the histories of older Asian Buddisme. Interest and knowledge of the cult has revived in recent years. A single shrine to Baal-Budda is maintained in the current era, but it is disputed whether this is a continuity of practice or an attempt to re-exotify western Buddisme with versions of more ancient practices.
Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
CHAPTER 4:BAGAHA or THEOI
CHAPTER 4:BAGAHA or THEOI
Footsteps of Foinikia:The Rediscovery of Ancient Ebon Wicta by C. Lanuc (1564 CE)
Chapter 5: The Temple of Melkart
Chapter 5: The Temple of Melkart
It was Enis Wicta alone of all Tartiz’s colonial foundations that merited a temple of Melkart, the great god of ancient and noble Sir, so it is known and so it is verified by Kippir and Zipur. Melkart was fundamentally a god of urban civilization, its placement on Wicta an assertment that this would be a great foundation that would stand the test of time, and also a statement on the quality of the lands they found before them, placing Wicta above Wenesika and the ancient Keitani littoral. The temple only fell to disrepair and rumour in the tragedy of the Saramatish invasion, its rediscovery a key goal of modern atrotorn. At last, the beauty and size of the temple can now be directly attested due to the careful excavations of C. Lanuc.
The temple is, as enumerated earlier, a distance of 220 metres from the coastal, western walls of Ebon Wicta. The full precinct is 51 metres by 53 metres, with the north-eastern edges damaged by later works. The precinct is divided into three zones, as would be expected for a Foiniki temple as described by ancient authors. The innermost zone is that of intimate worship with the most venerated objects, as comparable to the cruder Eleni naos. It is connected to the second zone by a set of stone stairs. The second zone is that of public prayer and sacrifice, and once again linked to the outermost zone by a set of stairs. The outermost zone is that of preparing the body for divine interaction. The steps leading into the temple are flanked by two columns, and the outer walls of the temple surrounded by a single colonnade.
The state of the temple is as follows; the damage by fire and pillage is evident in all places, and in particular the innermost zone, where it is clear that a concerted effort was made to render the space as ruinous as possible. Very little remains to indicate what venerated objects resided here at the time of the temple’s destruction. Some areas of pigmentation are still visible on the floor, which were copied by druwon before being re-covered with earth, so as to avoid unnecessary degradation. Most of the altars were damaged or deliberately destroyed but around one were found offerings. It would seem remarkable indeed that such offerings survived such a catastrophe, and instead C. Lanuc suggests that some worship continued at the ruined temple after its destruction. The water basins of the temple were more intact than had been suspected, mostly being damaged by the progress of time rather than deliberate destruction. This was likely due to the known Saramatish belief in water being sacred.
The offerings found were mostly small sacrifices of vegetable matter, of which very little remained, though it seems that the abal tree which grew so tall and proud over the ruins grew from a seed left as an offering, judging from its relative placement. Some other portable objects were discovered in the excavation. Many sherds were discovered, which offer very little to the imagination and are as ever a near useless mass present at every ancient site. Some coins were discovered, which were detailed by druwon before being taken as treasure. The coinage is much like that discovered elsewhere in Ebon Wicta, an illustration of the profound and far reaching trade connections that the colony possessed. Some coins are of that ancient Belgi standard, coming from eastern Enis Pridyn and Belgika. Others are of the late Foiniki standard, with those of Tartiz mixed with other of their colonies and those natively struck on Wicta. There are more than a few Wenesi coins as well, a coin whose ubiquity in Morika is only superseded by the coins of the Foiniki. A few Eleni drakmai are also among them, mostly those of civilized Oritain.
The temple would have been grand indeed in its heyday, and would have been a shock indeed for the Belgi of nearly Pridyn still in their nascence. Whilst only a few incomplete pieces remain, it is abundantly clear that magnificent mosaics carpeted the floor. Judging the full height of the structure is difficult with the temple in such a state of disrepair but it certainly towered over any contemporary structure of the Pridynish natives. We have already seen how Ebon Wicta’s walls would become a major fixture of the Pridynish imagination, for well justified reasons, and the Temple of Melkart at Wicta entered legend in its own right. The Ekeni druw Esu claimed that the gods would favour the Foiniki over the Pridynish if they did not learn to build equally opulent houses of worship. Esu, and those who agreed with him, helped change the face of the island’s architecture forever with this envious eye they cast over the Foiniki colonists and their sanctuary.
Momentum gathers among the faithful to embark on a reconstructed temple to Melkart on this site, and one sees daily offerings from nearby residents on the ruined site, now that it is clear that this is the site of Melkart’s house on Wicta. Melkart was never entirely forgotten on this island, but his image blended with that of Ogni, who has long since been favoured on this island even above Noda, a far more typical patron of islanders and dwellers of the littoral zones. Indeed, such time has passed that the Wicti, having reacquainted themselves with the Foiniki classics treat Melkart as another protector entirely to Ogni, and are in the process of constituting a new priest for Melkart on the island. The revival, both spiritual and cultural, of true Foiniki wisdom and culture continues apace, and speaks of the greatness that we Moriki have begun to tap into in this age of learning and renewed Olichan piety.
EXTRACT FROM THE YAUNA SATRAPAL DIARY VOLUME 2: ARTAXERXES (441-419 BCE)
The Achaemenid layer of ancient Thebes
On this day in Thebai, Day 3, Month 5, in the 20th year of the reign of King Artaxerxes, the following. One thousand hoplitai and one cavalry squadron sent north under the command of Zanuzamaz of Babylon to Thessalia. Meeting with Akarnanioi delegation on assize strength, size, and immediacy. Seizure of all estates belonging to Xoadeios of Baktria. Assignment of orchards granted to Xenophanes son of Tillorobos, Landros son of Agathaios, Lagetas son of Agathaios, and Phranartes of Media. Permission granted by Daieobazanes and Boiotarkhes Dokimos for Phoinikian foundation of a temple to Bel-Zeus on Kadmeia.
The Achaemenid layer of ancient Thebes
On this day in Thebai, Day 3, Month 5, in the 20th year of the reign of King Artaxerxes, the following. One thousand hoplitai and one cavalry squadron sent north under the command of Zanuzamaz of Babylon to Thessalia. Meeting with Akarnanioi delegation on assize strength, size, and immediacy. Seizure of all estates belonging to Xoadeios of Baktria. Assignment of orchards granted to Xenophanes son of Tillorobos, Landros son of Agathaios, Lagetas son of Agathaios, and Phranartes of Media. Permission granted by Daieobazanes and Boiotarkhes Dokimos for Phoinikian foundation of a temple to Bel-Zeus on Kadmeia.
THE LEXICON OF ASIAN RELIGION (1706 CE)
BAAL-BUDDA aka BEL-BUDDA, aka BAAL-BUDDO: A syncretic deity of Phoinikia, first appearing in the late Agnemitrid era. The first known epigraphical reference comes from Kyprus, in a liturgical calendar discovered in Old Kition. Baal-Budda fused notions of Buddhist behaviour and enlightenment with Phoinikian ideas of social status and godly behaviour. The centre of the cult in Phoinikia was Sidon, where the cult received official toleration. Acceptance was contentious in many of the other Phoinikian city-states, and never took hold in Africa. Traditional Buddisme avoided depictions of the Budda in human form, and Phoinikians did not usually depict their divinities directly, but both would become influenced by other cultures of the region, and the style of Buddiste forms that emerged out of Aigypt would come to dominate Phoinikian Buddisme, including the cult of Baal-Budda, which used the humanised depictions of Horus-Budda as a baseline. The cult was damaged during the purge of the early Gimi Empire, a purge supported by hardline supporters of traditional Phoinikian practice. However, Buddisme in the region would recover, along with the cult of Baal-Budda, which is mentioned by Bodorus’ survey of Asian Buddisme . In the formalisation of Buddiste schools during the Middle Iranian Empire the cult of Baal-Budda began to fade away, and begins to disappear from surveys of Buddisme in the west, along with many of the histories of older Asian Buddisme. Interest and knowledge of the cult has revived in recent years. A single shrine to Baal-Budda is maintained in the current era, but it is disputed whether this is a continuity of practice or an attempt to re-exotify western Buddisme with versions of more ancient practices.
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