alternatehistory.com
Premier Taylerov - Labourland
My first contribution to the new thread, and partly inspired from reading @shiftygiant and his timeline 'Beneath an Amber Moon'. That timeline focused upon the Liberal Democrats, and whilst it concerned the third-party status of the LDs I found the emphasis upon a single party to be rather interesting. That led to me speculate as to how a party in modern British history could govern for as long as possible whilst still remaining democratic. I figured that an Attlee win in 1951 puts Labour in a pretty strong position, and if their momentum could be maintained throughout a Gaitskell premiership I very much think they would have become the natural party of government. Or, in this case, THE party of government.
Labourland:
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (1945-2010)
1945-1953: Clement Attlee (Labour) [1] [2] [3]
1945 (Majority): Winston Churchill (Conservative), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), Ernest Brown (Liberal National)
1950 (Majority): Winston Churchill (Conservative), Clement Davies (Liberal), John Maclay (Liberal National)
1951 (Majority): Winston Churchill (Conservative), Clement Davies (Liberal), James Stewart (Liberal National)
1953-1963: Hugh Gaitskell† (Labour) [4] [5]
1954 (Majority): Anthony Eden (Conservative), Gwilym Lloyd George (Liberal)
1958 (Majority): Anthony Eden (Conservative), Gwilym Lloyd George (Liberal)
1963-1965: Edward Shackleton (Labour) [6] [7]
1963 (Majority): Harold Macmillan (Conservative)
1965 (Minority): Harold Macmillan (Conservative), Peter Bessel (Liberal)
1965-1969: Emrys Hughes† (Labour/Liberal) [8] [9]
1967 (Majority Coalition): Martin Redmayne (Conservative), William Rees-Mogg (Democratic Conservative), Peter Bessell (Liberal), Robyn Léwis (Plaid Cymru), Olwen Drysdale (Scottish National)
1969-1980: David Ennals (Labour/Liberal) [10] [11] [12]
1970 (Majority Coalition): Ian Gilmour (Conservative), Peter Bessell (Liberal), William Rees-Mogg (Democratic Conservative), Hector Monro (Scottish Conservative), Robyn Léwis (Plaid Cymru), Brian Wilson (Scottish National)
1975 (Majority Coalition): Timothy Kitson (Conservative), Edward Heath (Liberal), Anthony Meyer (Democratic), Brian Wilson/John Edward Jones (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach/Plaid Cymru Alliance), Hector Monro (Scottish Conservative), Jim Sillars (Scottish National)
1977 (Minority Coalition): Keith Joseph (Conservative), Michael Heseltine (Democratic), Edward Heath (Liberal), Douglas Black/John Edward Jones (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach/Plaid Cymru Alliance), Hector Monro (Scottish Conservative), Jim Sillars (Scottish National)
1980-1982: Michael Stewart (Labour/Liberal-Democratic) [13]
1980 (Minority Coalition): Keith Joseph (Conservative), Michael Heseltine (Liberal-Democratic), Douglas Black (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Albert McQuarrie (Alba), Cynog Dafis (Plaid Cymru), Douglas Henderson (Scottish National), Sara Parkin (ENVIRONMENT)
1982-1983: Michael Stewart (Labour) [14]
1983-1984: Michael Stewart (Labour/Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach)* [15]
1984-1988: Malcolm Chisholm (Labour/Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach/Scottish National) [16]
1984 (Majority Coalition): Michael Heseltine (Liberal-Democratic), Iain Sproat (Conservative), Douglas Black (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Albert McQuarrie (Alba), Cynog Dafis/Sara Parkin (Plaid Cymru/ENVIRONMENT joint-party), Douglas Henderson (Scottish National)
1988-1991: Malcolm Chisholm (Labour/[Scottish Socialist Bloc]: Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach/Scottish National) [17] [18]
1988 (Minority Coalition): Michael Mates [LDB] (Liberal-Democratic), Douglas Black [SSB] (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Alastair Goodlad [CB] (Conservative), Albert McQuarrie [CB] (Alba), Cynog Dafis [NEB] (Plaid Cymru), Douglas Henderson [SSB] (Scottish National), Sara Parkin [NEB] (ENVIRONMENT)
1990 (Minority Coalition): Michael Mates [LDB] (Liberal-Democratic), Helen Liddell [SSB] (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Alastair Goodlad [CB] (Conservative), Jackson Carlaw [CB] (Alba), Cynog Dafis [NEB] (Plaid Cymru), Fred Goodwin [CB]/[NEB] (English National), Susan Deacon [SSB] (Scottish National), Billy Bragg [NEB] (ENVIRONMENT), John Tyndall (Take Action!)
1991-1993: Malcolm Chisholm (Labour/Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach) [19]
1993-1999: Bernard Grant (Labour) [20] [21]
1995 (Majority): William Hague [LDB] (Liberal-Democratic), Jackson Carlaw [LDB] (Alba), Helen Liddell [NEB] (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Cynog Dafis [NEB] (Plaid Cymru), John Major [LDB] (Moderate), Fred Goodwin [LDB]/[NEB] (English National), Alexander Salmond [IB] (Scottish National), Billy Bragg [NEB] (ENVIRONMENT)
1998 (Majority): Peter Mandelson [LDB] (Liberal-Democratic), Jackson Carlaw [LDB] (Alba), Charles Blair [NEB] (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Cynog Dafis [NEB] (Plaid Cymru), John Major [LDB] (Moderate), Fred Goodwin [LDB]/[NEB] (English National), Alexander Salmond [IB] (Scottish National), Bill Oddie [NEB] (ENVIRONMENT)
[1] The landslide victory of Clement Attlee and the Labour Party was a watershed moment in modern British political history, as the old order of National and minority governments was washed away in the post-war euphoria to make way for a new welfare state. The election, in which Attlee won 393 seats, cemented Labour as the other half of the two-party system; their victory stemmed from the weakness of the war-weary Conservatives, coupled with a general curiosity for a socialist planned economy. Churchill was pushed aside with ease, and Attlee set about creating the Post-War Consensus. Wide-ranging nationalization took over the utilities and railways, whilst the Bank of England was also brought under government control. Such ambitious spending programmes took place against necessary austerity, and rationing remained a fact of life. (In fact, rationing would remain in place until 1954). On the domestic front, however, the foundation of the National Health Service (NHS) and the widening of the National Insurance Scheme were the crowning glories of the government. In foreign policy there were also major bookmarks; India would finally secure independence in 1947, although not as a unified state, and Israel would be created in 1948 as a controversial homeland for the Jewish people in British-controlled Palestine.
[2] After the high-reaching successes of the 1945 government, it seemed inevitable that the 1950 election would prove anti-climatic. Whilst the government was returned the continuing economic climate of post-war Britain led to the hemorrhaging of seats - the impressive 146-seat majority was reduced to just 5. It was fortunate in many ways that the 'Consensus had been established so firmly by the leading Labour figures during their first term as Attlee found his smaller majority hard to manage (especially as the new generation of party upstarts threatened some of the more established personalities, threatening resignations or defections). Irked by the situation, Attlee called an election in 1951 - encouraged by George VI who sought a resolution before he departed abroad on diplomatic duties.
[3] The election was close; despite suspicions that the first-past-the-post system would stymie any further developments for Labour, the party improved from 5 seats to 17. Again, it was a disappointment for Attlee but now the Prime Minister was simply holding out for as long as possible to prevent the ascension of hostile Labour factions (most notably Morrison). Churchill, too, would abandon his attempts to reclaim Downing Street and instead became the first Duke of London. As such, both parties began to update their images - Hugh Gaitskell would take over the reigns from Attlee after the death of George VI, whilst Anthony Eden finally took up the mantle of the Conservative leadership.
[4] Gaitskell immediately faced challenges from Bevan over policy, and once again the popularity of Labour was eroded by internal fighting and a weak majority. Eden, too, was a fresh and vigorous face. Taking the country to the polls in 1954, Gaitskell would finally be able to increase his standing as the Conservatives unexpectedly slipped. Eden had been assisted by the Conservative absorption of the Liberal Nationals, but the traditional Liberals continued their death-spiral. Unlike the Attlee governments, that had largely been concerned with domestic issues, Gaitskell was forced to address international events. The Egyptian nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956 would trigger the Suez Incident. Gaitskell, despite significant lobbying and political pressure, did not authorize a military response and instead took the matter to the United Nations. Unifying the Labour factions to a degree by reshuffling Bevan to the position of Foreign Secretary, the Gaitskell response was well-received across the Commonwealth and in the United States although it entirely alienated the Conservatives and the French. With the Canal Zone brought under UN authority and Nasser forced to back down, attentions turned to the Eastern Bloc (which was rife with unrest following the death of Stalin and the squabbles for power in the Kremlin). The delay in reaction from Moscow had resulted in a very messy situation in Hungary, as the USSR now faced major partisan and rebel groups acting against it. Indeed, the Warsaw Pact was convulsing under riots by 1957 and consequently the Soviets were unable to bring in forces from the client states as they were needed for suppression at home. All-in-all, the situation was very ugly and Gaitskell went to the polls in 1958 with some even fearing that a full-scale war could break out between the East and West.
[5] The Conservatives had struggled in the 1958 campaign; Eden, whilst pragmatic and a shrewd operator, did not have the same media presence at Gaitskell and the largely-respected actions of the Prime Minister in response to Suez and the situation in Budapest were well-received by the public. As such, the situation remained largely the same as Gaitskell captured another 10 seats to bring his majority to 43. The partial-unification of the party factions had served Gaitskell well, especially as now the Conservatives faced their own share of internal trouble. Tensions continued in Eastern Europe as the Soviets consolidated their power, but it was clear the rebellious states would no longer be granted the 'privileges' they had enjoyed prior to 1957. The new Malenkov regime would not tolerate dissension. After the chaos of the late-1950s, however, Labour settled the country down to a period of quiet growth. Surprisingly Gaitskell rejected proposals from his parliamentary allies to consider the re-privatization of some industries (probably to prevent opening the can of worms among the parliamentary party again). Indeed, as the election in 1958 approached it seemed clear the Prime Minister would follow in the trend of Attlee and return with a third successive victory. Tragedy struck, however, when he was killed by a sudden attack of lupus. The party had little time for mourning as the election would carry on regardless.
[6] Shackleton had briefly served as Chancellor during the final weeks of the Gaitskell government and took his position largely as a rapid compromise between the party factions. Nevertheless, the death of Gaitskell hit Labour hard. Whilst many felt sympathy with the party, it shed the hard-won majority and was returned with just 5 in a bitter re-working of 1950. The sudden departure of Gaitskell had broken the ideological stride of the party and now the troubles of the past began to slowly creep in. Shackleton, who had initially only been a placeholder leader, now sought a stronger position. Despite the complete wipe-out of the Liberals in 1965, their victory in the 1965 by-election pushed Shackleton to call a general election before the party could lose any more ground.
[7] Such unusual times brought in an unusual result; Macmillan was unable to capitalize on the weakness of Labour whilst his internal divisions remained strong, and as a result it was the resurgent Liberals (with 11 seats) who would hold the narrow balance of power. For Shackleton, however, this was a complete and utter failure. His Minister for Education, Harold Wilson, would pull the plug on his leadership and the delicate equilibrium of the Labour factions collapsed.
[8] Whilst the Wilson action brought down their divisive leader, it very nearly led to the first Conservative government since the war as an arrogant Macmillan attempted to persuade Bessel to join him in coalition. However, as the Labour Left exerted new control over the party it offered two irresistible prizes to the Liberals - voting reform and a referendum on whether Britain should attempt membership of the European Economic Community. The former was relatively well-supported among the Labour Party whilst the latter was unlikely to pass without bipartisan support. As such, Hughes and Bessel went to the Queen for her support. The coalition would prove a surprising success; the EEC Referendum resulted in a narrow defeat for the 'Yes' Camp, partly inspired by strongly-expressed hostility from the French. More success was had in voting reform, as Hughes took the issue straight to a Commons Commission and then vote which was passed with support from all directions. It was a modernizing step for a party that had governed for 22 years straight and many believed would soon lose power, and Hughes was certainly a face different from the old orders of the post-war era.
[9] Nevertheless, it was true that under Hughes the Labour Party was the most radical it had been since Attlee created the welfare state. A vote in early-1965 on the reduction of money sent to the royal family nearly fractured the coalition, and relations with Her Majesty were said to be frosty. Confident that the new voting system would reward him well, however, Hughes went to the polls a few months later. The PR system was a major shakeup, and led to sweeping gains for the Liberals in particular, but also the nationalist parties secured some representation in the Commons. The election was a disaster for the Conservatives in their immediate post-Macmillan era; Rees-Mogg had only formed the Democratic Conservatives in protest to the means by which Redmayne had been propelled to the leadership without a party vote, but now found himself at the head of the third largest voting bloc in Parliament. Bessel rejoined Hughes in government (securing 9 Downing Street in the process) on the basis that regional democracy would be up for grabs next. Indeed, Hughes started the ball in motion to prepare for referenda across the country on devolution. However, his premiership would be cut short by his sudden death in 1969.
[10] With Hughes dead, there was something of a power struggle in the coalition. Bessell, as Deputy Prime Minister, wanted to take control and then call and election. This was obviously opposed in the Labour Party, and the Foreign Secretary David Ennals took the reigns. Calling an election for the following year, Ennals hoped that the increasing nationalist vote would drain the Liberals of a little confidence. He was proven wrong, as whilst both Plaid and the SNP performed well the Liberals gained seats on the various minority Conservatives factions. Ennals was forced to restore the coalition but did so in good faith, increasing Liberal representation in the Cabinet as befitted their greater influence. The 1970 election would set wheels in motion all across the political spectrum. Gilmour was ousted from the Conservatives, whilst those concerned at the anti-European stance of Labour courted an electoral alliance against them for the next election. Nevertheless, the referenda went ahead as planned - Scotland, Wales and Northern England all obtained devolved assemblies, whilst other regions narrowly rejected them. Bessel, disappointed from the lack of support in Cornwall (his pet project) resigned as Liberal leader to be succeeded by Ted Heath. This immediately drew a clearer line between the two parties in government, and as the election loomed in 1975 Heath privately stated that a commitment to another European referendum would be the price for coalition.
[11] 1975 saw the ravaging of the Conservatives almost everywhere, as the pro-European Liberals under Heath smothered any chance of recovery from the poor 1970 performance. The nationalists did very well - knocking out the last Tory seats in Wales and Scotland - as the electoral alliance between Wilson and Jones sought to shut out the increasingly-militaristic SNP in the wake of devolution. Meyer, the leader of the new Democratic Party, also secured his base in suburban constituencies, and gained 15 seats. British politics was on the move, and Ennals was a popular figurehead for such transitions. Nevertheless, he was forced to re-address the issue of Europe at the urging of Heath, and a referendum was scheduled for August 1976. Perhaps surprisingly it was expected that Britain would indeed vote to enter the European Community and the campaign was tightly run. However, just three weeks before the event terrorism at the Brennilis Nuclear Power Plant in Brittany required Civil Defence to be enacted along the southern coast and a brief suspension of much Channel shipping. It was a major turning point in the campaign, and ultimately the vote was carried in favour of joining by a mere 25,000 votes. After two court cases to re-determine the result, Ennals took the country to the negotiating table in Luxembourg; he was shocked when the French again refused British entry and sidelined the country into pursuing an 'Affiliate Member' role rather than full integration. The reaction in Britain was incredulous, and placed much strain on the coalition.
[12] With Heath on the verge of resigning following the initial talks at Luxembourg, Ennals was aware that his doing so would likely trigger a minority government. Committing Britain to continuing talks with Paris but accepting that 'Affiliate' status was as good as it was going to get, the coalition went to the polls in 1977 to secure a mandate for the negotiations. Ennals performed relatively well, only losing seats to the nationalists and a handful of Democratic targets, but the Liberals were ravaged. The result was a minority - only the second since the War - and Ennals watched as Heath fell victim to a coup. (Indeed, the end of the Heath leadership would put in motion the unification of the Liberals and the Democrats in 1980). The Tories also made gains for their opposition to Community membership, with Joseph steering the party more noticeably to the right. Ennals would nevertheless reform the coalition with his new deputy, Peter Walker, although would also secure unofficial support from Heseltine and the Democrats as the Luxembourg Discussions continued. Cross-party talks also began on the abolition of the nuclear deterrent, emboldened by the reshuffle of Michael Foot to the Defence brief, and on the reduction of the armed forces in general. In 1979 came the Soviet Civil War and the beginning of the end for the Warsaw Pact as a wide array of protests and riots shook Eastern Europe. This was the final straw in the negotiations in Europe, as the refugee crisis placed Western Germany and France in particular under great strain. The talks were off, and Ennals announced that he would retire from the premiership in time for an election in 1981.
[13] With the end of the Ennals premiership Labour began to decline in popularity; the fallout from the disastrous times in Luxembourg, the end of the Twenty Year Boom and the continuing wars in Eastern Europe all stood against the party which, by now, had now had an unprecedented 35 years in power. Just as Shackleton had taken over the leadership after the death of Gaitskell in 1963, the Labour Party struggled to rally around a successor. Long-time Cabinet member and Fabian Michael Stewart took the reigns (at the impressive age of 74) to give the party factions time to readjust after the chaos of the late-1970s. However, the Liberals were on the verge of their unification with the gently-centre-right Democrats and once again the fragile government looked in serious trouble. Stewart, against the advice of his closest advisers but supported by Walker, took the country to the polls in 1980 on a campaign of national unity, but it was clear that Labour was slipping. The new Liberal-Democrats surged in popularity against the two main parties - falling behind the Conservatives by a mere 3 seats. (1980 was the final election in which the Conservatives remained the second-largest party). Stewart reformed the coalition, but with Heseltine now in No. 9 it was clear that the good times of previous coalitions had come to an end.
[14] Stewart - heckled by his rebellious left-wing and aging fast - was forced to take Parliament to a vote on the nuclear deterrent. This immediately triggered the Liberal-Democrats to abandon the coalition and leave Stewart in a crippled minority.
[15] The single-party government of 1982 to 1983 was the first time since the 1960s that Labour had run all the levels of government. However, the party lost both majorities in Wales and Scotland and Stewart was on the verge of resignation (before he was pushed). However, his Scottish Secretary - future Prime Minister Malcolm Chisholm - secured the support of the Celtic League (newly released from their electoral alliance with Plaid) to reinforce the government further. It was not a majority, but it helped the government to regain some ground and pass popular if largely insignificant reforms to the devolved assemblies.
[16] With the review on nuclear weapons and the parliamentary vote approaching, Stewart handed over the reigns to Chisholm. The latter then offered an unprecedented deal to the Scottish parties - a broad coalition of their interests in exchange for a sizeable stake in the North Sea oil fields and their support to abolish the deterrent. (In effect, the creation of the alliance in Westminster created a super-coalition in the Scottish Assembly, leaving the position of Opposition to the Albans under McQuarrie). With nuclear weapons voted out, the fortunes of the coalition were drastically improved and keen to capitalize upon his success Chisholm embraced the Scottish alliance going into an election for 1984. Whilst Labour lost seats in Scotland to the other parties, it was reinforced by the terminal decline of the Conservatives and the ascension of Heseltine to the first non-Conservative/Labour Opposition since the days of Lloyd George. Concerns that the government had become a Scottish cartel rang strongly in Wales and England, and the Plaid Cymru/ENVIRONMENT joint-party performed well. As the war in Eastern Europe came to an end, NATO had been badly shaken by the actions in Britain and now widespread calls for dissolution sprang up from every corner of the continent. Britain would also embrace an unprecedented rapprochement with the French, rallying around the joint cause of opposition to German unification, and Chisholm secretly re-opened negotiations for British membership to the EC.
[17] With news of a potential British entry to the EC sometime in the mid-1990s leaked in 1987, the public mood was mixed. Some were disconcerted that the alliance of Scottish parties had cut other regions out of negotiations, whilst more were alarmed at the recovering strength of the fundamentally pro-independence SNP. However, a major constituency re-arranging coupled with serious reform to the Electoral Commission now required all parties to identify with a certain 'parliamentary bloc' that would be used on ballot papers to indicate supra-party loyalties and coalition intention. Hoping that his government had been progressive enough in Scotland to cover for the troubles he faced back south, Chisholm called an election in 1988 was but only rewarded with a minority coalition. Despite accusatory comments from the Opposition benches, Chisholm reformed the coalition with the new Scottish Socialist Bloc but as negotiations in Europe continued (without the need for a public vote) the government was addled by vote after failed vote. However, when Michael Mates requested an audience with the Queen to appoint a grand coalition there was outrage, and Chisholm called a snap election.
[18] The gamble failed; as the Liberal-Democrats snaffled up more Conservatives and the English National Party made sizeable gains (combined with a tiny degree of worrying representation from Take Action!), Chisholm was returned with an even smaller minority government. He reformed the Scottish Socialist coalition, but with Susan Deacon under pressure from the radical wing of her party things were about to get rather interesting.
[19] The SNP internal coup in 1991 would bring the wider Scottish coalition to an end, as the new leader Alexander Salmond refused to support the government unless Chisholm granted a Scottish independence referendum. Chisholm did not. Instead, he continued to govern as a significantly minority administration until 1993. It looked possible that the Labour government would collapse and Hague would take over in 1992, but as the Conservative Party fractured no major political force wanted an election before the spoils had been divided. Indeed, Chisholm did well to survive as long as he did but ultimately it would prove his own party that would undo all his efforts.
[20] The Labour Left, irritated at the dependence their party had on Scotland, challenged Chisholm to a leadership contest in 1993. Instead, faced with criticism, the Prime Minister chose not to stand (essentially forfeiting Downing Street). Such a shock sent ripples through Labour, and many applicants longing to be the next Prime Minister threw in the lots. Ultimately, it was a contest for the soul of the nation and Bernard Grant emerged victorious thanks to the support of the Corbyn wing. Hague screamed bloody murder from Opposition, but Labour began to restore the party fortunes. Continuing to govern for two years, Grant eventually called an election in 1995. The result was sensational - a Labour majority, as Scotland split right down the middle and England turned nationalist. Grant, pleasantly surprised, set in motion one of the most radical agendas in recent times. Further devolution was enacted for Southern England and Cornwall, as well as for the Shetlands and Orkney. British entry into the EC finally came in 1996, to much expectation, and using his status as the first black Prime Minister there came major liberalizations in domestic policy. The death penalty was easily abolished, and the role of workers' councils in industry were substantially increased. Britain seemed to never have had it so good.
[21] Grant was determined to improve upon his standing, and after the Welsh Assembly election in 1998 (in which Labour retook majority control for the first time in a decade) and the deadlock in the Scottish Assembly he went to the polls in 1998. Returned with a reduced majority, Grant initially approached the Celtic League leader Charles Blair to try and resolve the LAB/CL/SNP stand-off at Holyrood. He would fail, and a second Assembly election was held in 1999 in which the SNP narrowly scratched through with a majority. Salmond, using the fiery rhetoric with which he had revived the SNP fortunes, announced that his government would immediately begin plans for secession from the United Kingdom. In London, panic ensued as Labour suddenly realized it had empowered secessionism all over the country and threatened the UK with dissolution. As Goodwin and Dafis endorsed the Salmond Proposal, Mandelson (the enigmatic leader of the Liberal-Democrats) gained much ground. For the first time since the Second World War, polls projected that Labour would not survive an election as the largest party. As riots broke out in Edinburgh and strikes crippled Welsh industry, Mandelson began plans for an emergency government. Combining with Major and rebellious centrist Labour members, he orchestrated the end of the Labour hegemony that he governed for 54 years straight. Her Majesty obliged, and Grant was hounded from office as the saltire was raised over St. Arthur's Seat and the war for Scotland began.
Labourland:
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland (1945-2010)
1945-1953: Clement Attlee (Labour) [1] [2] [3]
1945 (Majority): Winston Churchill (Conservative), Archibald Sinclair (Liberal), Ernest Brown (Liberal National)
1950 (Majority): Winston Churchill (Conservative), Clement Davies (Liberal), John Maclay (Liberal National)
1951 (Majority): Winston Churchill (Conservative), Clement Davies (Liberal), James Stewart (Liberal National)
1953-1963: Hugh Gaitskell† (Labour) [4] [5]
1954 (Majority): Anthony Eden (Conservative), Gwilym Lloyd George (Liberal)
1958 (Majority): Anthony Eden (Conservative), Gwilym Lloyd George (Liberal)
1963-1965: Edward Shackleton (Labour) [6] [7]
1963 (Majority): Harold Macmillan (Conservative)
1965 (Minority): Harold Macmillan (Conservative), Peter Bessel (Liberal)
1965-1969: Emrys Hughes† (Labour/Liberal) [8] [9]
1967 (Majority Coalition): Martin Redmayne (Conservative), William Rees-Mogg (Democratic Conservative), Peter Bessell (Liberal), Robyn Léwis (Plaid Cymru), Olwen Drysdale (Scottish National)
1969-1980: David Ennals (Labour/Liberal) [10] [11] [12]
1970 (Majority Coalition): Ian Gilmour (Conservative), Peter Bessell (Liberal), William Rees-Mogg (Democratic Conservative), Hector Monro (Scottish Conservative), Robyn Léwis (Plaid Cymru), Brian Wilson (Scottish National)
1975 (Majority Coalition): Timothy Kitson (Conservative), Edward Heath (Liberal), Anthony Meyer (Democratic), Brian Wilson/John Edward Jones (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach/Plaid Cymru Alliance), Hector Monro (Scottish Conservative), Jim Sillars (Scottish National)
1977 (Minority Coalition): Keith Joseph (Conservative), Michael Heseltine (Democratic), Edward Heath (Liberal), Douglas Black/John Edward Jones (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach/Plaid Cymru Alliance), Hector Monro (Scottish Conservative), Jim Sillars (Scottish National)
1980-1982: Michael Stewart (Labour/Liberal-Democratic) [13]
1980 (Minority Coalition): Keith Joseph (Conservative), Michael Heseltine (Liberal-Democratic), Douglas Black (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Albert McQuarrie (Alba), Cynog Dafis (Plaid Cymru), Douglas Henderson (Scottish National), Sara Parkin (ENVIRONMENT)
1982-1983: Michael Stewart (Labour) [14]
1983-1984: Michael Stewart (Labour/Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach)* [15]
1984-1988: Malcolm Chisholm (Labour/Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach/Scottish National) [16]
1984 (Majority Coalition): Michael Heseltine (Liberal-Democratic), Iain Sproat (Conservative), Douglas Black (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Albert McQuarrie (Alba), Cynog Dafis/Sara Parkin (Plaid Cymru/ENVIRONMENT joint-party), Douglas Henderson (Scottish National)
1988-1991: Malcolm Chisholm (Labour/[Scottish Socialist Bloc]: Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach/Scottish National) [17] [18]
1988 (Minority Coalition): Michael Mates [LDB] (Liberal-Democratic), Douglas Black [SSB] (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Alastair Goodlad [CB] (Conservative), Albert McQuarrie [CB] (Alba), Cynog Dafis [NEB] (Plaid Cymru), Douglas Henderson [SSB] (Scottish National), Sara Parkin [NEB] (ENVIRONMENT)
1990 (Minority Coalition): Michael Mates [LDB] (Liberal-Democratic), Helen Liddell [SSB] (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Alastair Goodlad [CB] (Conservative), Jackson Carlaw [CB] (Alba), Cynog Dafis [NEB] (Plaid Cymru), Fred Goodwin [CB]/[NEB] (English National), Susan Deacon [SSB] (Scottish National), Billy Bragg [NEB] (ENVIRONMENT), John Tyndall (Take Action!)
1991-1993: Malcolm Chisholm (Labour/Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach) [19]
1993-1999: Bernard Grant (Labour) [20] [21]
1995 (Majority): William Hague [LDB] (Liberal-Democratic), Jackson Carlaw [LDB] (Alba), Helen Liddell [NEB] (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Cynog Dafis [NEB] (Plaid Cymru), John Major [LDB] (Moderate), Fred Goodwin [LDB]/[NEB] (English National), Alexander Salmond [IB] (Scottish National), Billy Bragg [NEB] (ENVIRONMENT)
1998 (Majority): Peter Mandelson [LDB] (Liberal-Democratic), Jackson Carlaw [LDB] (Alba), Charles Blair [NEB] (Celtic League-An Comann Ceilteach), Cynog Dafis [NEB] (Plaid Cymru), John Major [LDB] (Moderate), Fred Goodwin [LDB]/[NEB] (English National), Alexander Salmond [IB] (Scottish National), Bill Oddie [NEB] (ENVIRONMENT)
[1] The landslide victory of Clement Attlee and the Labour Party was a watershed moment in modern British political history, as the old order of National and minority governments was washed away in the post-war euphoria to make way for a new welfare state. The election, in which Attlee won 393 seats, cemented Labour as the other half of the two-party system; their victory stemmed from the weakness of the war-weary Conservatives, coupled with a general curiosity for a socialist planned economy. Churchill was pushed aside with ease, and Attlee set about creating the Post-War Consensus. Wide-ranging nationalization took over the utilities and railways, whilst the Bank of England was also brought under government control. Such ambitious spending programmes took place against necessary austerity, and rationing remained a fact of life. (In fact, rationing would remain in place until 1954). On the domestic front, however, the foundation of the National Health Service (NHS) and the widening of the National Insurance Scheme were the crowning glories of the government. In foreign policy there were also major bookmarks; India would finally secure independence in 1947, although not as a unified state, and Israel would be created in 1948 as a controversial homeland for the Jewish people in British-controlled Palestine.
[2] After the high-reaching successes of the 1945 government, it seemed inevitable that the 1950 election would prove anti-climatic. Whilst the government was returned the continuing economic climate of post-war Britain led to the hemorrhaging of seats - the impressive 146-seat majority was reduced to just 5. It was fortunate in many ways that the 'Consensus had been established so firmly by the leading Labour figures during their first term as Attlee found his smaller majority hard to manage (especially as the new generation of party upstarts threatened some of the more established personalities, threatening resignations or defections). Irked by the situation, Attlee called an election in 1951 - encouraged by George VI who sought a resolution before he departed abroad on diplomatic duties.
[3] The election was close; despite suspicions that the first-past-the-post system would stymie any further developments for Labour, the party improved from 5 seats to 17. Again, it was a disappointment for Attlee but now the Prime Minister was simply holding out for as long as possible to prevent the ascension of hostile Labour factions (most notably Morrison). Churchill, too, would abandon his attempts to reclaim Downing Street and instead became the first Duke of London. As such, both parties began to update their images - Hugh Gaitskell would take over the reigns from Attlee after the death of George VI, whilst Anthony Eden finally took up the mantle of the Conservative leadership.
[4] Gaitskell immediately faced challenges from Bevan over policy, and once again the popularity of Labour was eroded by internal fighting and a weak majority. Eden, too, was a fresh and vigorous face. Taking the country to the polls in 1954, Gaitskell would finally be able to increase his standing as the Conservatives unexpectedly slipped. Eden had been assisted by the Conservative absorption of the Liberal Nationals, but the traditional Liberals continued their death-spiral. Unlike the Attlee governments, that had largely been concerned with domestic issues, Gaitskell was forced to address international events. The Egyptian nationalization of the Suez Canal in 1956 would trigger the Suez Incident. Gaitskell, despite significant lobbying and political pressure, did not authorize a military response and instead took the matter to the United Nations. Unifying the Labour factions to a degree by reshuffling Bevan to the position of Foreign Secretary, the Gaitskell response was well-received across the Commonwealth and in the United States although it entirely alienated the Conservatives and the French. With the Canal Zone brought under UN authority and Nasser forced to back down, attentions turned to the Eastern Bloc (which was rife with unrest following the death of Stalin and the squabbles for power in the Kremlin). The delay in reaction from Moscow had resulted in a very messy situation in Hungary, as the USSR now faced major partisan and rebel groups acting against it. Indeed, the Warsaw Pact was convulsing under riots by 1957 and consequently the Soviets were unable to bring in forces from the client states as they were needed for suppression at home. All-in-all, the situation was very ugly and Gaitskell went to the polls in 1958 with some even fearing that a full-scale war could break out between the East and West.
[5] The Conservatives had struggled in the 1958 campaign; Eden, whilst pragmatic and a shrewd operator, did not have the same media presence at Gaitskell and the largely-respected actions of the Prime Minister in response to Suez and the situation in Budapest were well-received by the public. As such, the situation remained largely the same as Gaitskell captured another 10 seats to bring his majority to 43. The partial-unification of the party factions had served Gaitskell well, especially as now the Conservatives faced their own share of internal trouble. Tensions continued in Eastern Europe as the Soviets consolidated their power, but it was clear the rebellious states would no longer be granted the 'privileges' they had enjoyed prior to 1957. The new Malenkov regime would not tolerate dissension. After the chaos of the late-1950s, however, Labour settled the country down to a period of quiet growth. Surprisingly Gaitskell rejected proposals from his parliamentary allies to consider the re-privatization of some industries (probably to prevent opening the can of worms among the parliamentary party again). Indeed, as the election in 1958 approached it seemed clear the Prime Minister would follow in the trend of Attlee and return with a third successive victory. Tragedy struck, however, when he was killed by a sudden attack of lupus. The party had little time for mourning as the election would carry on regardless.
[6] Shackleton had briefly served as Chancellor during the final weeks of the Gaitskell government and took his position largely as a rapid compromise between the party factions. Nevertheless, the death of Gaitskell hit Labour hard. Whilst many felt sympathy with the party, it shed the hard-won majority and was returned with just 5 in a bitter re-working of 1950. The sudden departure of Gaitskell had broken the ideological stride of the party and now the troubles of the past began to slowly creep in. Shackleton, who had initially only been a placeholder leader, now sought a stronger position. Despite the complete wipe-out of the Liberals in 1965, their victory in the 1965 by-election pushed Shackleton to call a general election before the party could lose any more ground.
[7] Such unusual times brought in an unusual result; Macmillan was unable to capitalize on the weakness of Labour whilst his internal divisions remained strong, and as a result it was the resurgent Liberals (with 11 seats) who would hold the narrow balance of power. For Shackleton, however, this was a complete and utter failure. His Minister for Education, Harold Wilson, would pull the plug on his leadership and the delicate equilibrium of the Labour factions collapsed.
[8] Whilst the Wilson action brought down their divisive leader, it very nearly led to the first Conservative government since the war as an arrogant Macmillan attempted to persuade Bessel to join him in coalition. However, as the Labour Left exerted new control over the party it offered two irresistible prizes to the Liberals - voting reform and a referendum on whether Britain should attempt membership of the European Economic Community. The former was relatively well-supported among the Labour Party whilst the latter was unlikely to pass without bipartisan support. As such, Hughes and Bessel went to the Queen for her support. The coalition would prove a surprising success; the EEC Referendum resulted in a narrow defeat for the 'Yes' Camp, partly inspired by strongly-expressed hostility from the French. More success was had in voting reform, as Hughes took the issue straight to a Commons Commission and then vote which was passed with support from all directions. It was a modernizing step for a party that had governed for 22 years straight and many believed would soon lose power, and Hughes was certainly a face different from the old orders of the post-war era.
[9] Nevertheless, it was true that under Hughes the Labour Party was the most radical it had been since Attlee created the welfare state. A vote in early-1965 on the reduction of money sent to the royal family nearly fractured the coalition, and relations with Her Majesty were said to be frosty. Confident that the new voting system would reward him well, however, Hughes went to the polls a few months later. The PR system was a major shakeup, and led to sweeping gains for the Liberals in particular, but also the nationalist parties secured some representation in the Commons. The election was a disaster for the Conservatives in their immediate post-Macmillan era; Rees-Mogg had only formed the Democratic Conservatives in protest to the means by which Redmayne had been propelled to the leadership without a party vote, but now found himself at the head of the third largest voting bloc in Parliament. Bessel rejoined Hughes in government (securing 9 Downing Street in the process) on the basis that regional democracy would be up for grabs next. Indeed, Hughes started the ball in motion to prepare for referenda across the country on devolution. However, his premiership would be cut short by his sudden death in 1969.
[10] With Hughes dead, there was something of a power struggle in the coalition. Bessell, as Deputy Prime Minister, wanted to take control and then call and election. This was obviously opposed in the Labour Party, and the Foreign Secretary David Ennals took the reigns. Calling an election for the following year, Ennals hoped that the increasing nationalist vote would drain the Liberals of a little confidence. He was proven wrong, as whilst both Plaid and the SNP performed well the Liberals gained seats on the various minority Conservatives factions. Ennals was forced to restore the coalition but did so in good faith, increasing Liberal representation in the Cabinet as befitted their greater influence. The 1970 election would set wheels in motion all across the political spectrum. Gilmour was ousted from the Conservatives, whilst those concerned at the anti-European stance of Labour courted an electoral alliance against them for the next election. Nevertheless, the referenda went ahead as planned - Scotland, Wales and Northern England all obtained devolved assemblies, whilst other regions narrowly rejected them. Bessel, disappointed from the lack of support in Cornwall (his pet project) resigned as Liberal leader to be succeeded by Ted Heath. This immediately drew a clearer line between the two parties in government, and as the election loomed in 1975 Heath privately stated that a commitment to another European referendum would be the price for coalition.
[11] 1975 saw the ravaging of the Conservatives almost everywhere, as the pro-European Liberals under Heath smothered any chance of recovery from the poor 1970 performance. The nationalists did very well - knocking out the last Tory seats in Wales and Scotland - as the electoral alliance between Wilson and Jones sought to shut out the increasingly-militaristic SNP in the wake of devolution. Meyer, the leader of the new Democratic Party, also secured his base in suburban constituencies, and gained 15 seats. British politics was on the move, and Ennals was a popular figurehead for such transitions. Nevertheless, he was forced to re-address the issue of Europe at the urging of Heath, and a referendum was scheduled for August 1976. Perhaps surprisingly it was expected that Britain would indeed vote to enter the European Community and the campaign was tightly run. However, just three weeks before the event terrorism at the Brennilis Nuclear Power Plant in Brittany required Civil Defence to be enacted along the southern coast and a brief suspension of much Channel shipping. It was a major turning point in the campaign, and ultimately the vote was carried in favour of joining by a mere 25,000 votes. After two court cases to re-determine the result, Ennals took the country to the negotiating table in Luxembourg; he was shocked when the French again refused British entry and sidelined the country into pursuing an 'Affiliate Member' role rather than full integration. The reaction in Britain was incredulous, and placed much strain on the coalition.
[12] With Heath on the verge of resigning following the initial talks at Luxembourg, Ennals was aware that his doing so would likely trigger a minority government. Committing Britain to continuing talks with Paris but accepting that 'Affiliate' status was as good as it was going to get, the coalition went to the polls in 1977 to secure a mandate for the negotiations. Ennals performed relatively well, only losing seats to the nationalists and a handful of Democratic targets, but the Liberals were ravaged. The result was a minority - only the second since the War - and Ennals watched as Heath fell victim to a coup. (Indeed, the end of the Heath leadership would put in motion the unification of the Liberals and the Democrats in 1980). The Tories also made gains for their opposition to Community membership, with Joseph steering the party more noticeably to the right. Ennals would nevertheless reform the coalition with his new deputy, Peter Walker, although would also secure unofficial support from Heseltine and the Democrats as the Luxembourg Discussions continued. Cross-party talks also began on the abolition of the nuclear deterrent, emboldened by the reshuffle of Michael Foot to the Defence brief, and on the reduction of the armed forces in general. In 1979 came the Soviet Civil War and the beginning of the end for the Warsaw Pact as a wide array of protests and riots shook Eastern Europe. This was the final straw in the negotiations in Europe, as the refugee crisis placed Western Germany and France in particular under great strain. The talks were off, and Ennals announced that he would retire from the premiership in time for an election in 1981.
[13] With the end of the Ennals premiership Labour began to decline in popularity; the fallout from the disastrous times in Luxembourg, the end of the Twenty Year Boom and the continuing wars in Eastern Europe all stood against the party which, by now, had now had an unprecedented 35 years in power. Just as Shackleton had taken over the leadership after the death of Gaitskell in 1963, the Labour Party struggled to rally around a successor. Long-time Cabinet member and Fabian Michael Stewart took the reigns (at the impressive age of 74) to give the party factions time to readjust after the chaos of the late-1970s. However, the Liberals were on the verge of their unification with the gently-centre-right Democrats and once again the fragile government looked in serious trouble. Stewart, against the advice of his closest advisers but supported by Walker, took the country to the polls in 1980 on a campaign of national unity, but it was clear that Labour was slipping. The new Liberal-Democrats surged in popularity against the two main parties - falling behind the Conservatives by a mere 3 seats. (1980 was the final election in which the Conservatives remained the second-largest party). Stewart reformed the coalition, but with Heseltine now in No. 9 it was clear that the good times of previous coalitions had come to an end.
[14] Stewart - heckled by his rebellious left-wing and aging fast - was forced to take Parliament to a vote on the nuclear deterrent. This immediately triggered the Liberal-Democrats to abandon the coalition and leave Stewart in a crippled minority.
[15] The single-party government of 1982 to 1983 was the first time since the 1960s that Labour had run all the levels of government. However, the party lost both majorities in Wales and Scotland and Stewart was on the verge of resignation (before he was pushed). However, his Scottish Secretary - future Prime Minister Malcolm Chisholm - secured the support of the Celtic League (newly released from their electoral alliance with Plaid) to reinforce the government further. It was not a majority, but it helped the government to regain some ground and pass popular if largely insignificant reforms to the devolved assemblies.
[16] With the review on nuclear weapons and the parliamentary vote approaching, Stewart handed over the reigns to Chisholm. The latter then offered an unprecedented deal to the Scottish parties - a broad coalition of their interests in exchange for a sizeable stake in the North Sea oil fields and their support to abolish the deterrent. (In effect, the creation of the alliance in Westminster created a super-coalition in the Scottish Assembly, leaving the position of Opposition to the Albans under McQuarrie). With nuclear weapons voted out, the fortunes of the coalition were drastically improved and keen to capitalize upon his success Chisholm embraced the Scottish alliance going into an election for 1984. Whilst Labour lost seats in Scotland to the other parties, it was reinforced by the terminal decline of the Conservatives and the ascension of Heseltine to the first non-Conservative/Labour Opposition since the days of Lloyd George. Concerns that the government had become a Scottish cartel rang strongly in Wales and England, and the Plaid Cymru/ENVIRONMENT joint-party performed well. As the war in Eastern Europe came to an end, NATO had been badly shaken by the actions in Britain and now widespread calls for dissolution sprang up from every corner of the continent. Britain would also embrace an unprecedented rapprochement with the French, rallying around the joint cause of opposition to German unification, and Chisholm secretly re-opened negotiations for British membership to the EC.
[17] With news of a potential British entry to the EC sometime in the mid-1990s leaked in 1987, the public mood was mixed. Some were disconcerted that the alliance of Scottish parties had cut other regions out of negotiations, whilst more were alarmed at the recovering strength of the fundamentally pro-independence SNP. However, a major constituency re-arranging coupled with serious reform to the Electoral Commission now required all parties to identify with a certain 'parliamentary bloc' that would be used on ballot papers to indicate supra-party loyalties and coalition intention. Hoping that his government had been progressive enough in Scotland to cover for the troubles he faced back south, Chisholm called an election in 1988 was but only rewarded with a minority coalition. Despite accusatory comments from the Opposition benches, Chisholm reformed the coalition with the new Scottish Socialist Bloc but as negotiations in Europe continued (without the need for a public vote) the government was addled by vote after failed vote. However, when Michael Mates requested an audience with the Queen to appoint a grand coalition there was outrage, and Chisholm called a snap election.
[18] The gamble failed; as the Liberal-Democrats snaffled up more Conservatives and the English National Party made sizeable gains (combined with a tiny degree of worrying representation from Take Action!), Chisholm was returned with an even smaller minority government. He reformed the Scottish Socialist coalition, but with Susan Deacon under pressure from the radical wing of her party things were about to get rather interesting.
[19] The SNP internal coup in 1991 would bring the wider Scottish coalition to an end, as the new leader Alexander Salmond refused to support the government unless Chisholm granted a Scottish independence referendum. Chisholm did not. Instead, he continued to govern as a significantly minority administration until 1993. It looked possible that the Labour government would collapse and Hague would take over in 1992, but as the Conservative Party fractured no major political force wanted an election before the spoils had been divided. Indeed, Chisholm did well to survive as long as he did but ultimately it would prove his own party that would undo all his efforts.
[20] The Labour Left, irritated at the dependence their party had on Scotland, challenged Chisholm to a leadership contest in 1993. Instead, faced with criticism, the Prime Minister chose not to stand (essentially forfeiting Downing Street). Such a shock sent ripples through Labour, and many applicants longing to be the next Prime Minister threw in the lots. Ultimately, it was a contest for the soul of the nation and Bernard Grant emerged victorious thanks to the support of the Corbyn wing. Hague screamed bloody murder from Opposition, but Labour began to restore the party fortunes. Continuing to govern for two years, Grant eventually called an election in 1995. The result was sensational - a Labour majority, as Scotland split right down the middle and England turned nationalist. Grant, pleasantly surprised, set in motion one of the most radical agendas in recent times. Further devolution was enacted for Southern England and Cornwall, as well as for the Shetlands and Orkney. British entry into the EC finally came in 1996, to much expectation, and using his status as the first black Prime Minister there came major liberalizations in domestic policy. The death penalty was easily abolished, and the role of workers' councils in industry were substantially increased. Britain seemed to never have had it so good.
[21] Grant was determined to improve upon his standing, and after the Welsh Assembly election in 1998 (in which Labour retook majority control for the first time in a decade) and the deadlock in the Scottish Assembly he went to the polls in 1998. Returned with a reduced majority, Grant initially approached the Celtic League leader Charles Blair to try and resolve the LAB/CL/SNP stand-off at Holyrood. He would fail, and a second Assembly election was held in 1999 in which the SNP narrowly scratched through with a majority. Salmond, using the fiery rhetoric with which he had revived the SNP fortunes, announced that his government would immediately begin plans for secession from the United Kingdom. In London, panic ensued as Labour suddenly realized it had empowered secessionism all over the country and threatened the UK with dissolution. As Goodwin and Dafis endorsed the Salmond Proposal, Mandelson (the enigmatic leader of the Liberal-Democrats) gained much ground. For the first time since the Second World War, polls projected that Labour would not survive an election as the largest party. As riots broke out in Edinburgh and strikes crippled Welsh industry, Mandelson began plans for an emergency government. Combining with Major and rebellious centrist Labour members, he orchestrated the end of the Labour hegemony that he governed for 54 years straight. Her Majesty obliged, and Grant was hounded from office as the saltire was raised over St. Arthur's Seat and the war for Scotland began.
- Premier Taylerov
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