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Part Three: Kennedy (2/2)
So, the continuation.
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In August of the same year Kennedy's daughter, Mary, was born. At the Party Conference, the tired Father and Leader would receive a standing ovation. He praised the party for the campaign and their success, and pledged to take them further and beyond into the next election, whenever it would come. But for now, he promised he would get some rest. It was here, during the dwindling months of 2006, that behind the back of the exhausted Kennedy the groundwork of what would be called 'the Glorious Revolution' was laid.
With no less than six elections in 2007, the year would be a trying one. The first came in Scotland, where the Labour-Liberal Democrats Coalition that had led the country since the establishment of the Devolved Parliament was pushed to the limit, with the Green Party of Scotland joining Government ranks in an effort to deny the SNP their time in the sun. Local Elections, held the same day, saw the Liberal Democrats make gains against Labour, but were dwarfed by the Conservatives under the modernising Collins. The Government would also pursue a second round of Devolution in June, this time holding Referendums on Welsh, North East, North West, and Yorkshire Assemblies. Kennedy would throw himself into the campaigns for each. The Conservatives would push back against the Assemblies, and framed the vote as a vote against the Government- this would be successful in the North East and North West, however failed in Wales and Yorkshire, who voted in favour of an Assembly. The Government and the Liberal Democrats would claim victory, however the pressure of the campaign would have its effect on Kennedy; away from his family and spending weeks in the battle bus, the Leader would begin to drink again, pouring himself glass after glass of whisky as it reminded him of home. Initially, he believed he could keep himself moderated and his drinking under control. However, it was quickly clear that he could not.
The year also saw a reshuffle on the Frontbench. It was felt that the Frontbench was long overdue for a shakeup, and as many of the new Liberal Democrats in Parliament were seasoned MEPs, there was a clear opportunity to exploit the new talent. Campbell and Bruce would both leave Foreign and Home- Campbell retired happily to the backbenches, whilst Bruce went and took the Whip. Their replacements were Nick Clegg and David Heath, respectively- Clegg was a young Policy Guru from the East Midlands who had previously served as the ALDE Trade spokesman in the European Parliament. Heath was a longtime MP who succeeded Ashdown in Yeovil and who had served in several Frontbench positions under Campbell and Kennedy, most prominently as the Parties Leader of the House. Other positions would be filled, such as Health, Transport, Justice, Agriculture, and Works and Pensions, to name a few, by the Orange Bookers. More prominent of these would be David Laws, who received the Justice Spokesmanship. Soon after the reshuffle Bruce resigned from the Deputy Leadership, Cable replacing him. Commentators would call the reshuffle a sign that the Liberal Democrats were "getting serious about entering Government".
As the year came to an end, the bottom fell out the economy. Caused broadly by the bursting of the mortgage bubble in the United States, for Britain the crisis was economic whiplash. Inflation increased sharply as economic growth slowed to a snails crawl, the value of housing fell and a credit crunch ensued. The Sterling saw its value shaved, and runs on the bank became common happenstance. For their part (as explained in detail in Part II, Chapter 5, 'Brown'), the Government was able to stop the worst of it and prevent a full scale meltdown. However, an unhelping burden during this time would be the Iranian Crisis- following a series of tense standoffs in the Persian Gulf and along the border with occupied Iraq, tensions between America and Iran began to reach boiling point, and, if they did not simmer down soon, were at risk of escalating into a full scale conflict. As President McCain began beating drums for military action in Washington, Brown met with Collins and Kennedy in Whitehall to keep them informed of the situation and that, whilst he was dedicated to their American allies and a friend of Israel, he was personally against military action. However, he couldn't rule it out if a diplomatic solution was unreachable, which was cause for concern- the Iranian question would dominate Kennedy and his relationship with the Government.
As the financial crisis deepened into the next year, the 2008 Local Elections reflected the tides of public opinion turning against the Government, particularly against Alistair Darling's belt tightening 'Crisis Budget'. The Conservatives rocketed ahead of Labour in council seats, whilst Labour withered, the Liberal Democrats making more modest gains. In the London Mayoral Election, the Liberal Democrats candidate Fiyaz Mughal falling third behind the incumbent Ken Livingstone and the new mayor, former Prime Minister John Major. The Government would decide against assisting America in Iran in a blow to McCain's planned Freedom Coalition, Brown receiving praise from Kennedy and Clegg for "avoiding the mistakes of his predecessor and putting the country first", however the threat of war in Iran remained until McCain's ousting in the election for that year. Consequently, during this period oil prices would steadily rise. The sudden passing of the Speaker of the House Gwyneth Dunwoody would take everyone by surprise, as would the Conservatives Parties victory in her Constituency of Crewe and Nantwich, their first by-election gain since 1982. This spelled trouble for the Liberal Democrats, as would their defeat in Glenrothes & Cardenden later in the year, where the SNP picked up the seat neighboring Menzies Campbell's and the Liberal Democrats lost their deposit. However, they would have success in the Speakership Election, with Alan Beith succeding Dunwoody- some had expected Campbell to run, however he ruled himself out, instead announcing his intention to resign at the next election.
As the belt was tightened further, 2009 proved to be the end of Gordon Brown, and the near end of Charles Kennedy. Local Elections went south for Labour, who fell dramatically further behind the Conservatives whilst UKIP emerged on the map in Labour heartlands. Kilroy-Silk's Party, obstinately isolationist in their objection to EU membership, would prove itself an interesting contrast to the internationalist Liberal Democrats, especially as the European debt crisis intensified. The assembly in Wales and Yorkshire would be surprising- in Wales, Welsh Nationalists Plaid Cymru would form a Coalition with Labour, whilst in Yorkshire the Conservative Party narrowed out Labour in a bitter campaign, forming a governing Coalition with UKIP and United Yorkshire. The Liberal Democrats fared well in both, but were accused of splitting Labour's vote by the media. The European Elections a few short months later would see the Liberal Democrats seat number fall to eight, whilst Labour sunk back further to twelve. UKIP shot into second place behind Collins and the Conservatives, who themselves saw no net gains or losses. A week later and following a stormy and tense period in Whitehall, Gordon Brown stepped down as Prime Minister, passing the torch to Blairite David Miliband. Alistair Darling would later be replaced within a year with Ed Balls, a Brownite acolyte. Kennedy's own position became increasingly unstable- his drinking became progressively more heavy, with Cable beginning to take his place at certain public events. Behind closed doors, his marriage was falling apart, with his Wife walking out on him due to his failure to be at home and his drinking issues- this was done privately as to avoid embarrassment in the press, though it would become Public knowledge by mid-2011. Kennedy's issues only became worse, and realising that Kennedy would become a liability in the next election, the Orange Bookers began to plan to remove him from Leadership. Whilst on reflection many would believe that it was because of a deep ideological divisions between the party and leadership, the truth of the matter was that Kennedy wasn't out of step with the Orange Bookers. The issue itself was the perceived weakness in Kennedy's leadership.
However, the plan was scuttled in February 2010 when Andrew George, the Parties Social Security Spokesperson, publicly challenging Kennedy for the leadership. George's plan was separate from that of the Orange Bookers, however his challenge exposed their plan. As a result, in an effort to save face Cable launched to Kennedy's defence. Most the party willing to stick it out with Kennedy, unaware of the extent of his issues, but for the public it only exposed divisions within the Party. The press would, at the time, reference the challenge as the 'Glorious Revolution', a nickname deriving from the narrative of the Orange Bookers seizing the Party from a weak Catholic Leader. In time the term would refer to the leadership of Kennedy's successor. As a result of the plot, Kennedy became paranoid of his Frontbench, and would reshuffle, removing Nick Clegg from Home Affairs and David Laws from Justice, and throwing them back to the backbenches in favour of Ed Davey and Chris Huhne, respectively.
Beyond this, 2010 was uneventful. Miliband was unable to gain any momentum in the polls, constantly flying beneath Collins, though high above the Liberal Democrats, whose polling seem to fluctuate depending on whichever way the wind blew. The Local Election reflected this- Labour fell, the Conservative climbed, and the Liberal Democrats plateaued. At a private meeting with Kennedy shortly before the August Convention, Cable revealed the true extent of the Orange Book plot, urging him to reconsider his position. Hesitantly, Kennedy informed Cable that he would resign in favour of him at the next election if he was unable to get the Party in Government. Cable accepted this, and would later note that this was the last time the two talked outside of Frontbench meetings.
2011 would be remembered like 1974 as the year of two elections. The first came in April- the Liberal Democrats pursued the same national campaign as before, but it was clear that Kennedy was no longer in the drivers seat. The campaign from all parties were ferocious, with Labour fighting for what seemed like its very existence in the face of an encroaching Conservative party seeking to carve deep into its marginals. Collins and his Shadow Chancellor, David Cameron, promised austerity and a strict financial regime that, in their minds, would bring the country to recovery. The Liberal Democrats positioned themselves as a sensible in-between, between the blood stained wielding butcher and hopeless lemmings, with Cable's economic plan receiving praise. Kennedy stood-by the parties manifesto, but it was an open secret that he had no hand in its authorship. An important event during the campaign would be when Miliband challenged Collins and Kennedy to debate- both agreed. Cable and his team frantically worked to ensure that Kennedy was ready for the debates, and, to their credit, were successful. However, when travelling to the BBC Studio, Kennedy would come across a piece of Labour Party campaign literature which accused him of being a drunk unfit for high office. Although it remains unclear if the literature was ever officially Labour Party (many have concluded that Kennedy simply mistook unofficial literature for the real thing), taking the slight personally, during the debate the enraged Kennedy would launch into an outright attack on Miliband, accusing him of being "an uncaring and petty man who lets his people play the dirtiest of politics" during what would have been a brief note of Healthcare Policies. This was something out of left field, and images of a speechless Miliband stumbling over his own words spread like wildfire in the press. But it also drew attention to Kennedy's drinking, and later his separation from his wife, and led to questions over his health and stability.
The result were shocking- Labour came back with 29.7% of the popular vote, but 303 seats- many on minuscule majorities- whilst the Conservatives pulled ahead to 31.2%, but fell extremely short by 262 seats. The Liberal Democrats achieved 19.9%, and fell 50 seats. Other parties, such as UKIP, broke through with 5 seats, having adopted the Liberal Democrats policy of sinking resources into specific targets. It was a hung parliament, and the Liberal Democrats found themselves the kingmakers; immediately, Coalition talks were be launched. However, they fell apart as soon as they began when Miliband and Balls refused to give the Liberal Democrats 'anything important', likely due to the bad blood caused by Kennedy's debate antics. On the advice of his Frontbench team, Kennedy declined to form Government with Miliband, instead offering supply and confidence in favour for a Parliamentary Vote on STV. Kennedy and Miliband reached an understanding when it was negotiated to AV. Labour would remain in power with the Liberal Democrats propping them up, but no one knew how long such an agreement would last- and it would turn out, it would only last until September.
Calls for Kennedy to resign increased as year wore on, emerging first in the Scottish Elections in May, where the Liberal Democrats lost two thirds of their representation as the SNP surged and displaced Labour, forming a minority Government with Green support. Kennedy accepted the resignation of a humiliated Ross Finnie, who's Party had fallen fourth behind the Scottish Conservative Party, who themselves came within a few seats of second. In the summer a wave of strikes in the public and private sector hit the nation, paralysing key industries and public services that were feeling the pinch in the budget. At the August Conference, in response to demands he step down as Leader, Kennedy announced his intention to step down once the Electoral Reform Act passed and no election was forthcoming. It was over. At least, it seemed that it was over.
The Government would fall in November following a motion of no confidence, the Liberal Democrats supporting the motion after Kennedy withdrew supply and confidence following the failure of the Government to pass the Electoral Reform Act (largely due to a backbench rebellion). The December election was one of the most dramatic in living memory, comparable to the 1979 and 1997 elections, and in the words of Treasury Secretary Ed Miliband, the "last rights of New Labour". The Liberal Democrats campaign was largely seen as a reheat of their May campaign, though tarred by their propping up of Labour. Despite this, they would campaign energetically, with Kennedy having made it clear that the party would not go quietly into election night. He knew that many in his Party could not survive if he simply let the big blue machine roll over, and fought vigorously in what was seen as the political equivalent of the Light Brigade charge.
But this likely saved the party, which saw a net loss of seven seats, bringing their total down to 43 seats with 18.1% of the vote. They would far better than Labour, who dropped to 246 with 27.3%, and UKIP, which only held two of their seats thanks to having depleted their war chest in May. In Scotland, the SNP surged, but were unable to significantly break though, largely due to the strange revival of the Scottish Conservatives. The Conservatives themselves won an outright majority- narrow, but with 330 seats and 37.7% of the popular vote, they were back in power.
Immediately Kennedy stood down, and in the New Year his successor- one of the young Orange Bookers- was elected. Kennedy would remain an MP, but he was a rare appearance on the backbenches, instead electing to spend most of his time recuperating alone at his home in Fort William. He would reconcile his relationship with Alistair Campbell following his successors resignation, and left Parliament in 2014 in order to receive treatment for alcoholism. In dissolution honours was made Lord Kennedy of Glenfinnan, and is among the 63 Scottish Peers invited and expected to take a seat in the Scottish Senate.
Kennedy's Leadership is often defined by his failure- the failure to maintain the momentum the Party experienced, the failure to reverse the decline, the failure of his sobriety, and the failure of his reaction to the Orange Book. Whilst Ashdown and Campbell are regarded well, even by the general public, Kennedy is oft forgotten and for good reason. Whilst Ashdown may have high hopes for the young man, had he lived to see what would become of him and his leadership it is doubtful he may have been impressed. Whilst he may not have led the Party into disrepute, Kennedy none the less failed, and the amber future he envisioned dissipated into nothing.
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In August of the same year Kennedy's daughter, Mary, was born. At the Party Conference, the tired Father and Leader would receive a standing ovation. He praised the party for the campaign and their success, and pledged to take them further and beyond into the next election, whenever it would come. But for now, he promised he would get some rest. It was here, during the dwindling months of 2006, that behind the back of the exhausted Kennedy the groundwork of what would be called 'the Glorious Revolution' was laid.
With no less than six elections in 2007, the year would be a trying one. The first came in Scotland, where the Labour-Liberal Democrats Coalition that had led the country since the establishment of the Devolved Parliament was pushed to the limit, with the Green Party of Scotland joining Government ranks in an effort to deny the SNP their time in the sun. Local Elections, held the same day, saw the Liberal Democrats make gains against Labour, but were dwarfed by the Conservatives under the modernising Collins. The Government would also pursue a second round of Devolution in June, this time holding Referendums on Welsh, North East, North West, and Yorkshire Assemblies. Kennedy would throw himself into the campaigns for each. The Conservatives would push back against the Assemblies, and framed the vote as a vote against the Government- this would be successful in the North East and North West, however failed in Wales and Yorkshire, who voted in favour of an Assembly. The Government and the Liberal Democrats would claim victory, however the pressure of the campaign would have its effect on Kennedy; away from his family and spending weeks in the battle bus, the Leader would begin to drink again, pouring himself glass after glass of whisky as it reminded him of home. Initially, he believed he could keep himself moderated and his drinking under control. However, it was quickly clear that he could not.
The year also saw a reshuffle on the Frontbench. It was felt that the Frontbench was long overdue for a shakeup, and as many of the new Liberal Democrats in Parliament were seasoned MEPs, there was a clear opportunity to exploit the new talent. Campbell and Bruce would both leave Foreign and Home- Campbell retired happily to the backbenches, whilst Bruce went and took the Whip. Their replacements were Nick Clegg and David Heath, respectively- Clegg was a young Policy Guru from the East Midlands who had previously served as the ALDE Trade spokesman in the European Parliament. Heath was a longtime MP who succeeded Ashdown in Yeovil and who had served in several Frontbench positions under Campbell and Kennedy, most prominently as the Parties Leader of the House. Other positions would be filled, such as Health, Transport, Justice, Agriculture, and Works and Pensions, to name a few, by the Orange Bookers. More prominent of these would be David Laws, who received the Justice Spokesmanship. Soon after the reshuffle Bruce resigned from the Deputy Leadership, Cable replacing him. Commentators would call the reshuffle a sign that the Liberal Democrats were "getting serious about entering Government".
As the year came to an end, the bottom fell out the economy. Caused broadly by the bursting of the mortgage bubble in the United States, for Britain the crisis was economic whiplash. Inflation increased sharply as economic growth slowed to a snails crawl, the value of housing fell and a credit crunch ensued. The Sterling saw its value shaved, and runs on the bank became common happenstance. For their part (as explained in detail in Part II, Chapter 5, 'Brown'), the Government was able to stop the worst of it and prevent a full scale meltdown. However, an unhelping burden during this time would be the Iranian Crisis- following a series of tense standoffs in the Persian Gulf and along the border with occupied Iraq, tensions between America and Iran began to reach boiling point, and, if they did not simmer down soon, were at risk of escalating into a full scale conflict. As President McCain began beating drums for military action in Washington, Brown met with Collins and Kennedy in Whitehall to keep them informed of the situation and that, whilst he was dedicated to their American allies and a friend of Israel, he was personally against military action. However, he couldn't rule it out if a diplomatic solution was unreachable, which was cause for concern- the Iranian question would dominate Kennedy and his relationship with the Government.
As the financial crisis deepened into the next year, the 2008 Local Elections reflected the tides of public opinion turning against the Government, particularly against Alistair Darling's belt tightening 'Crisis Budget'. The Conservatives rocketed ahead of Labour in council seats, whilst Labour withered, the Liberal Democrats making more modest gains. In the London Mayoral Election, the Liberal Democrats candidate Fiyaz Mughal falling third behind the incumbent Ken Livingstone and the new mayor, former Prime Minister John Major. The Government would decide against assisting America in Iran in a blow to McCain's planned Freedom Coalition, Brown receiving praise from Kennedy and Clegg for "avoiding the mistakes of his predecessor and putting the country first", however the threat of war in Iran remained until McCain's ousting in the election for that year. Consequently, during this period oil prices would steadily rise. The sudden passing of the Speaker of the House Gwyneth Dunwoody would take everyone by surprise, as would the Conservatives Parties victory in her Constituency of Crewe and Nantwich, their first by-election gain since 1982. This spelled trouble for the Liberal Democrats, as would their defeat in Glenrothes & Cardenden later in the year, where the SNP picked up the seat neighboring Menzies Campbell's and the Liberal Democrats lost their deposit. However, they would have success in the Speakership Election, with Alan Beith succeding Dunwoody- some had expected Campbell to run, however he ruled himself out, instead announcing his intention to resign at the next election.
As the belt was tightened further, 2009 proved to be the end of Gordon Brown, and the near end of Charles Kennedy. Local Elections went south for Labour, who fell dramatically further behind the Conservatives whilst UKIP emerged on the map in Labour heartlands. Kilroy-Silk's Party, obstinately isolationist in their objection to EU membership, would prove itself an interesting contrast to the internationalist Liberal Democrats, especially as the European debt crisis intensified. The assembly in Wales and Yorkshire would be surprising- in Wales, Welsh Nationalists Plaid Cymru would form a Coalition with Labour, whilst in Yorkshire the Conservative Party narrowed out Labour in a bitter campaign, forming a governing Coalition with UKIP and United Yorkshire. The Liberal Democrats fared well in both, but were accused of splitting Labour's vote by the media. The European Elections a few short months later would see the Liberal Democrats seat number fall to eight, whilst Labour sunk back further to twelve. UKIP shot into second place behind Collins and the Conservatives, who themselves saw no net gains or losses. A week later and following a stormy and tense period in Whitehall, Gordon Brown stepped down as Prime Minister, passing the torch to Blairite David Miliband. Alistair Darling would later be replaced within a year with Ed Balls, a Brownite acolyte. Kennedy's own position became increasingly unstable- his drinking became progressively more heavy, with Cable beginning to take his place at certain public events. Behind closed doors, his marriage was falling apart, with his Wife walking out on him due to his failure to be at home and his drinking issues- this was done privately as to avoid embarrassment in the press, though it would become Public knowledge by mid-2011. Kennedy's issues only became worse, and realising that Kennedy would become a liability in the next election, the Orange Bookers began to plan to remove him from Leadership. Whilst on reflection many would believe that it was because of a deep ideological divisions between the party and leadership, the truth of the matter was that Kennedy wasn't out of step with the Orange Bookers. The issue itself was the perceived weakness in Kennedy's leadership.
However, the plan was scuttled in February 2010 when Andrew George, the Parties Social Security Spokesperson, publicly challenging Kennedy for the leadership. George's plan was separate from that of the Orange Bookers, however his challenge exposed their plan. As a result, in an effort to save face Cable launched to Kennedy's defence. Most the party willing to stick it out with Kennedy, unaware of the extent of his issues, but for the public it only exposed divisions within the Party. The press would, at the time, reference the challenge as the 'Glorious Revolution', a nickname deriving from the narrative of the Orange Bookers seizing the Party from a weak Catholic Leader. In time the term would refer to the leadership of Kennedy's successor. As a result of the plot, Kennedy became paranoid of his Frontbench, and would reshuffle, removing Nick Clegg from Home Affairs and David Laws from Justice, and throwing them back to the backbenches in favour of Ed Davey and Chris Huhne, respectively.
Beyond this, 2010 was uneventful. Miliband was unable to gain any momentum in the polls, constantly flying beneath Collins, though high above the Liberal Democrats, whose polling seem to fluctuate depending on whichever way the wind blew. The Local Election reflected this- Labour fell, the Conservative climbed, and the Liberal Democrats plateaued. At a private meeting with Kennedy shortly before the August Convention, Cable revealed the true extent of the Orange Book plot, urging him to reconsider his position. Hesitantly, Kennedy informed Cable that he would resign in favour of him at the next election if he was unable to get the Party in Government. Cable accepted this, and would later note that this was the last time the two talked outside of Frontbench meetings.
2011 would be remembered like 1974 as the year of two elections. The first came in April- the Liberal Democrats pursued the same national campaign as before, but it was clear that Kennedy was no longer in the drivers seat. The campaign from all parties were ferocious, with Labour fighting for what seemed like its very existence in the face of an encroaching Conservative party seeking to carve deep into its marginals. Collins and his Shadow Chancellor, David Cameron, promised austerity and a strict financial regime that, in their minds, would bring the country to recovery. The Liberal Democrats positioned themselves as a sensible in-between, between the blood stained wielding butcher and hopeless lemmings, with Cable's economic plan receiving praise. Kennedy stood-by the parties manifesto, but it was an open secret that he had no hand in its authorship. An important event during the campaign would be when Miliband challenged Collins and Kennedy to debate- both agreed. Cable and his team frantically worked to ensure that Kennedy was ready for the debates, and, to their credit, were successful. However, when travelling to the BBC Studio, Kennedy would come across a piece of Labour Party campaign literature which accused him of being a drunk unfit for high office. Although it remains unclear if the literature was ever officially Labour Party (many have concluded that Kennedy simply mistook unofficial literature for the real thing), taking the slight personally, during the debate the enraged Kennedy would launch into an outright attack on Miliband, accusing him of being "an uncaring and petty man who lets his people play the dirtiest of politics" during what would have been a brief note of Healthcare Policies. This was something out of left field, and images of a speechless Miliband stumbling over his own words spread like wildfire in the press. But it also drew attention to Kennedy's drinking, and later his separation from his wife, and led to questions over his health and stability.
The result were shocking- Labour came back with 29.7% of the popular vote, but 303 seats- many on minuscule majorities- whilst the Conservatives pulled ahead to 31.2%, but fell extremely short by 262 seats. The Liberal Democrats achieved 19.9%, and fell 50 seats. Other parties, such as UKIP, broke through with 5 seats, having adopted the Liberal Democrats policy of sinking resources into specific targets. It was a hung parliament, and the Liberal Democrats found themselves the kingmakers; immediately, Coalition talks were be launched. However, they fell apart as soon as they began when Miliband and Balls refused to give the Liberal Democrats 'anything important', likely due to the bad blood caused by Kennedy's debate antics. On the advice of his Frontbench team, Kennedy declined to form Government with Miliband, instead offering supply and confidence in favour for a Parliamentary Vote on STV. Kennedy and Miliband reached an understanding when it was negotiated to AV. Labour would remain in power with the Liberal Democrats propping them up, but no one knew how long such an agreement would last- and it would turn out, it would only last until September.
Calls for Kennedy to resign increased as year wore on, emerging first in the Scottish Elections in May, where the Liberal Democrats lost two thirds of their representation as the SNP surged and displaced Labour, forming a minority Government with Green support. Kennedy accepted the resignation of a humiliated Ross Finnie, who's Party had fallen fourth behind the Scottish Conservative Party, who themselves came within a few seats of second. In the summer a wave of strikes in the public and private sector hit the nation, paralysing key industries and public services that were feeling the pinch in the budget. At the August Conference, in response to demands he step down as Leader, Kennedy announced his intention to step down once the Electoral Reform Act passed and no election was forthcoming. It was over. At least, it seemed that it was over.
The Government would fall in November following a motion of no confidence, the Liberal Democrats supporting the motion after Kennedy withdrew supply and confidence following the failure of the Government to pass the Electoral Reform Act (largely due to a backbench rebellion). The December election was one of the most dramatic in living memory, comparable to the 1979 and 1997 elections, and in the words of Treasury Secretary Ed Miliband, the "last rights of New Labour". The Liberal Democrats campaign was largely seen as a reheat of their May campaign, though tarred by their propping up of Labour. Despite this, they would campaign energetically, with Kennedy having made it clear that the party would not go quietly into election night. He knew that many in his Party could not survive if he simply let the big blue machine roll over, and fought vigorously in what was seen as the political equivalent of the Light Brigade charge.
But this likely saved the party, which saw a net loss of seven seats, bringing their total down to 43 seats with 18.1% of the vote. They would far better than Labour, who dropped to 246 with 27.3%, and UKIP, which only held two of their seats thanks to having depleted their war chest in May. In Scotland, the SNP surged, but were unable to significantly break though, largely due to the strange revival of the Scottish Conservatives. The Conservatives themselves won an outright majority- narrow, but with 330 seats and 37.7% of the popular vote, they were back in power.
Immediately Kennedy stood down, and in the New Year his successor- one of the young Orange Bookers- was elected. Kennedy would remain an MP, but he was a rare appearance on the backbenches, instead electing to spend most of his time recuperating alone at his home in Fort William. He would reconcile his relationship with Alistair Campbell following his successors resignation, and left Parliament in 2014 in order to receive treatment for alcoholism. In dissolution honours was made Lord Kennedy of Glenfinnan, and is among the 63 Scottish Peers invited and expected to take a seat in the Scottish Senate.
Kennedy's Leadership is often defined by his failure- the failure to maintain the momentum the Party experienced, the failure to reverse the decline, the failure of his sobriety, and the failure of his reaction to the Orange Book. Whilst Ashdown and Campbell are regarded well, even by the general public, Kennedy is oft forgotten and for good reason. Whilst Ashdown may have high hopes for the young man, had he lived to see what would become of him and his leadership it is doubtful he may have been impressed. Whilst he may not have led the Party into disrepute, Kennedy none the less failed, and the amber future he envisioned dissipated into nothing.
- shiftygiant
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