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Event: Second Yalta Conference, 2004
Qilai! Qilai!
A history of Modern China
Event: Yalta Conference - February 21, 2004
"History is always repeating itself..."
A history of Modern China
Event: Yalta Conference - February 21, 2004
"History is always repeating itself..."
On February 21st, 2004, the "Three Powers" of the Islamic War met in the city of Yalta, in the Crimean ASSR, a constituent state of the Ukrainian SSR. The location's decision was drawn to parallel the struggle of the 21st century's Allied Powers and the 20th century's Allied Powers against the forces of fascism, and now Islamism.
The attendants were President Herbert Bush, newly-inaugurated Chairman Yu, and General Secretary Nikolai Ryzhkov. The three men discussed the need to set goals for the future of the war, and how the Middle East would be drawn up upon the achievement of peace and the final victory against the Islamic Caliphate and their nefarious and out-right genocidal plans of global domination.
The first point of discussion between the Three Powers involved a talk on the matter of the emergent negotiations between Israel and the various Arab nations around her. Chairman Yu was largely detached from this discussion, but reiterated the Chinese support for self-determination of the peoples of the Middle East, and stated that China would fully support the Levantine Confederation.
The Soviets and Americans sparred for a brief moment over the matters of the state -- General Abdul Mukarat of Egypt, Bashar al-Assad and the Lebanese People's Front were collectively under Soviet influence, compared to Jordan's National Democratic party, and Israel's liberal-leftist coalition, which were under American influence.
However, the three powers soon came to a determination -- they would back the formation of this secular confederation, conditioned on the neutrality of this state between the three superpowers, and that lengthy discussions be undertaken on how to deal with the religious differences -- all of which took place between the February 8th conference in Tel-Aviv, and the proclamation of the state from the capital in Jerusalem on January 1, 2005.
Beyond the spectrum of the Levantine Confederation, the three powers discussed the fate of the Arab Peninsula. In the agreement, they decided to turn over the Hedjaz region, which included the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, to the Levantine Confederation; whom they felt they could entrust to govern the region with ample democratic process, and a complete and total focus on secular defense and liberal practice.
Even though China was the dominant occupier of Yemen in the war, they agreed to turn Yemen back over to the Soviet-backed exile government. However, in recompense, despite America being the dominant occupier in Oman, America agreed to hand over occupation of Oman after the war to the Chinese.
After agreeing to form an enlarged and secular version of the United Arab Emirates, under the leadership of a secular Emir -- they also called for a general "status quo" across the African states whom had all either been overthrown by the Islamic Caliphate's various feeder-band ideological partners, or had been invaded by the Islamic Caliphate's allies -- Sudan was the only exception to this rule. China made clear her intention to partition Sudan into three countries -- with the independence of Darfur from the genocidal Sudanese government expressly and pointedly acknowledged by the three powers.
The balance of power in the Hindustani region was also discussed -- with the need for self-determination and free elections in the Indian remnants raised by General Secretary Ryzhkov -- he admitted lapses in the democratic practices in the Soviet Union's occupation of the Democratic Republic of Pakistan, but acknowledged that it was a necessity to return to democracy and allow for the reconstruction of the sub-continent to occur without the spectre of imperialism over the head of those afflicted. China concurred, and stated that they would begin the process of normalizing relations with their various allies in the Indo-Pakistani region, and transition from military occupation in certain areas, to local rule.
The United States was rather stoic on the whole idea -- they insisted that after the horrendous nuclear attacks, some realm of control be exerted over the former Pakistani regimes to ensure their compliance with total and complete denuclearization. The other two powers capitulated on this idea, and allowed the United States to maintain military presence in the Republic of Sindh and the Republic of Balochistan.
After adjourning their meeting at the Yalta Conference, the three leaders of the three nations returned home to spread the triumph of the coming peace -- Herbert Bush used his role as a power-player at Yalta to drum up support for re-election in 2004; Ryzhkov used his position to further entrench his ideological faction of the CPSU, and weaken the lurking shadows of neo-Stalinists and revisionists to the ideology of the USSR, and Yu returned home to show that his party, which had been merely a footnote of Taiwanese discontent, into one of the forth coming Progressive parties of Asia, was a tool for Pan-China to prosper, not to stagnate.
The attendants were President Herbert Bush, newly-inaugurated Chairman Yu, and General Secretary Nikolai Ryzhkov. The three men discussed the need to set goals for the future of the war, and how the Middle East would be drawn up upon the achievement of peace and the final victory against the Islamic Caliphate and their nefarious and out-right genocidal plans of global domination.
The first point of discussion between the Three Powers involved a talk on the matter of the emergent negotiations between Israel and the various Arab nations around her. Chairman Yu was largely detached from this discussion, but reiterated the Chinese support for self-determination of the peoples of the Middle East, and stated that China would fully support the Levantine Confederation.
The Soviets and Americans sparred for a brief moment over the matters of the state -- General Abdul Mukarat of Egypt, Bashar al-Assad and the Lebanese People's Front were collectively under Soviet influence, compared to Jordan's National Democratic party, and Israel's liberal-leftist coalition, which were under American influence.
However, the three powers soon came to a determination -- they would back the formation of this secular confederation, conditioned on the neutrality of this state between the three superpowers, and that lengthy discussions be undertaken on how to deal with the religious differences -- all of which took place between the February 8th conference in Tel-Aviv, and the proclamation of the state from the capital in Jerusalem on January 1, 2005.
Beyond the spectrum of the Levantine Confederation, the three powers discussed the fate of the Arab Peninsula. In the agreement, they decided to turn over the Hedjaz region, which included the holy cities of Mecca and Medina, to the Levantine Confederation; whom they felt they could entrust to govern the region with ample democratic process, and a complete and total focus on secular defense and liberal practice.
Even though China was the dominant occupier of Yemen in the war, they agreed to turn Yemen back over to the Soviet-backed exile government. However, in recompense, despite America being the dominant occupier in Oman, America agreed to hand over occupation of Oman after the war to the Chinese.
After agreeing to form an enlarged and secular version of the United Arab Emirates, under the leadership of a secular Emir -- they also called for a general "status quo" across the African states whom had all either been overthrown by the Islamic Caliphate's various feeder-band ideological partners, or had been invaded by the Islamic Caliphate's allies -- Sudan was the only exception to this rule. China made clear her intention to partition Sudan into three countries -- with the independence of Darfur from the genocidal Sudanese government expressly and pointedly acknowledged by the three powers.
The balance of power in the Hindustani region was also discussed -- with the need for self-determination and free elections in the Indian remnants raised by General Secretary Ryzhkov -- he admitted lapses in the democratic practices in the Soviet Union's occupation of the Democratic Republic of Pakistan, but acknowledged that it was a necessity to return to democracy and allow for the reconstruction of the sub-continent to occur without the spectre of imperialism over the head of those afflicted. China concurred, and stated that they would begin the process of normalizing relations with their various allies in the Indo-Pakistani region, and transition from military occupation in certain areas, to local rule.
The United States was rather stoic on the whole idea -- they insisted that after the horrendous nuclear attacks, some realm of control be exerted over the former Pakistani regimes to ensure their compliance with total and complete denuclearization. The other two powers capitulated on this idea, and allowed the United States to maintain military presence in the Republic of Sindh and the Republic of Balochistan.
After adjourning their meeting at the Yalta Conference, the three leaders of the three nations returned home to spread the triumph of the coming peace -- Herbert Bush used his role as a power-player at Yalta to drum up support for re-election in 2004; Ryzhkov used his position to further entrench his ideological faction of the CPSU, and weaken the lurking shadows of neo-Stalinists and revisionists to the ideology of the USSR, and Yu returned home to show that his party, which had been merely a footnote of Taiwanese discontent, into one of the forth coming Progressive parties of Asia, was a tool for Pan-China to prosper, not to stagnate.
- Asami
- Word Count: 820