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Persian beliefs on Kingship
EXTRACT FROM COMMENTARY ON ARISTONIKOS’ XERXOU ANABASIS
AFFAIRS IN MAKEDONIA
The departure of Xerxes from the European side of the Aigaion Sea is also what signalled the beginning of the Makedonian phase of the war. This aspect of the conflict between Persians and Hellenes has, to my mind, been neglected considerably by previous accounts of this history, but here too we find Hellenes and Persians in conflict with one another. However, this was not in support of the defeated Hellenic League, and though related to the Thermopylaian phase by proximate cause and opportunity it was in essence an entirely distinct conflict between a certain number of Hellenes and the Persians. It was also caused by older rivalries between several peoples and the Makedones. What transpired is the following- Alexandros of Makedon, the first to make his kingdom of any importance(1), had angered many of the other ethnoi in that part of the world, for he had made war against them and taken their lands, at times sending the inhabitants away and instead sending Makedones to settle these territories. Thus, once Xerxes had departed, these peoples considered that this was an especially good time to make war upon Makedonia, and gathered in coalition. All gathered together were the Hellenic ethnoi of Almopes, Elmiotai, Lynkestai, Orestai, and Pelagones(2). They wished to settle their disputes with Alexandros and recover the lands which had been taken by the Temenidai, whilst also feeling threatened by the continual growth of Persian influence and control in the area. Once they had decided upon this course of action, and once Xerxes had returned to Asia with that segment of the Persian army, they assaulted Makedonia, besieging settlements, raiding the countryside, and attempting to cut off the roads that lead southwards into Thessalia. Upon the invasion beginning the Paiones, Thrakes, Eordoi, Pieres, and Bottiaioi all remained on the side of the Persians(3). These were the initial combatants of the war.
As soon as Mardonios heard the news of the invasion, he began assembling his satrapal armies to march north and repel the invaders. Some have taken his initial tardiness as being an enmity with Alexandros of Makedonia, whereby he wished to see the latter killed or humiliated, whereas others have suggested incompetence(4). I am not personally convinced that the delay was due to either option, for the assembled army attacking Makedonia was sizeable- 100,000 fighting men. To assemble sufficient strength to repel these numbers would have taken time and attention, and so to my mind this is the likeliest reason why the satrap Mardonios would have delayed his departure to Makedonia. Meanwhile, whilst this was ongoing, Alexandros of Makedonia was thrust into command of the pro-Persian forces in his territory and surrounding areas, by virtue of the proper satrap being away, by being an acknowledged authority by the Persians, and by being the target of this armed invasion(5). Given that Alexandros was of a pro-Hellenic disposition this was an awkward scenario for him, whereby he was forced to further align himself alongside the Persians by virtue of the situation that he was confronted with, despite the fact that he had been anxious to expel the Persians from his kingdom when the right time arose(6). In addition, many of those that he commanded were not particularly fond of Makedones in their own right, having their own ancient disputes of various kinds with the men led by the line of Temenos. Nonetheless, need drove them to co-operating.
Battle was joined between Alexandros and the anti-Makedonia coalition near to the place called Mieza, where the Makedones maintain a temple to the Nymphs(7). The battle was extremely confused, as it is agreed that a large part of the Hellenic army ambushed a segment of Alexandros’ troops in a place set aside from the main place of battle. Where exactly that place was is nearly impossible to fathom, for talking to Makedones is extremely unhelpful in trying to establish where the location was- some will say it was on this hillside overlooking the road, some will say it was by these woods overshadowing this little dip, and more besides. Regardless of this, this induced the main battle to be extremely closely fought, but in the end Alexandros and his men were able to get the better of their enemies. Alexandros then led his victorious men to the aid of his beleaguered allies, where success was once again achieved. However, this second battle was at the cost of Alexandros’ life, though his body was successfully recovered unspoiled of his panoply. This, more than anything of the rest of this war between Hellenes and Makedones, is what is chiefly remembered by the Hellenes- among the western Hellenes he was remembered as an ally who provided much needed assistance, even though the conflict had been ultimately unsuccessful for those Hellenes, and among the eastern Hellenes he was considered a philhellenos(8). The battle, although it had been won, had come at a heavy cost. It was in the aftermath of this that Mardonios entered into Makedonia. He launched punitive expeditions into the territory of those who had attacked Makedonia, and strengthened the garrisons of Persian troops in the kingdom. Being of crafty policy, he also took this opportunity to reassert that the satrap of Hellas was also the satrap over Makedonia(9). He did not abolish the kingdom of Makedonia, nor displace the Temenidai as rulers of Makedon. But Philippos, the son of Alexandros, was very young, and thus was swiftly brought under the control of Mardonios. He was not harmed or coerced, but neither was he free to do as he wished, and it would be partially at the whims of Persians that he would be educated so as to be more friendly than his father- though Xerxes had been given no direct cause to distrust Alexandros, and though the extent of his assistance to the Hellenes opposed to Persia had remained undiscovered, still was Mardonios aware of where Alexandros’ sympathies had been(10). However, whilst his decisions were of benefit to the Persians and to Mardonios, this was the beginning of troubles for the satrap, for it was at this point that some began to suggest that he was overstepping the boundaries of the authority bestowed upon him by Xerxes.
Notes
1- Perhaps dubious, given that Alexandros’ father Amyntas is often credited with this distinction as well, but it is perhaps notable that it is only later sources which credit Amyntas more greatly, despite Herodotos’ clear reference to him being the first king of the Makedones to engage in foreign relations.
2- As ever, Aristonikos is uninterested in explaining ethnography where he is not required to do so. All of these peoples are, by Herodotos and others, clearly considered to be Hellenic by this stage in antique history, and all lived in various mountainous regions surrounding the plain of Makedonia proper. They are most oft said to be of a kin with the Molossoi.
3- These peoples, by contrast to the earlier list, are usually consistently considered to be of an entirely different kind to the Hellenes, though some of them less so than others- the Bryges were oft linked to the Phrygioi, who were said to be distantly consanguineous to the Hellenes. Nonetheless, all were barbarians, living themselves in the regions surrounding Makedonia proper. Many of them feature in the much antique histories of the Hellenes, including the Homerik epics.
4- Though no surviving source predating Aristonikos’ explicitly makes such claims, this may be evidenced by Herodotos’ claim that “all mourned the passing of the respected and valorous king of the Makedones, except those who had resented him and secretly sought his demise”.
5- Other chronicles make abundant the notion that petit kings of the Persian state were capable of, and expected to, lead armed forces in times of dire need. The emphasis here seems to be instead to show why it was that Alexandros, so noted a philhellenos, would be placed in this position of command against other Hellenes.
6- Again, the secret wishes of Alexandros to aid in the removal of the Hellenes is emphasised because of the contrast with his leading a campaign against a part of the Hellenes.
7- This be the same temple that Amavadatos is said to have attended when seeking counsel as to whether to rebel against his Akhaimenid sovereign king.
8- The distinction here is that even those Hellenes who were unopposed, neutral, or supportive regarding the Persians regarded Alexandros as being philhellenos, whereas those who had fought against Persia also valued his specific attempts to aid them.
9- Herodotos too refers to a confusion as to whether or not Makedon was included within the satrapy of Hellas, and this action from Mardonios did not fully settle the issue. Though Makedon was now forever joined with the affairs of the Hellenes, the two sometimes danced together and sometimes apart in the ages that followed.
10- This is once again an expression of the assertion by this lineage of antique sources that Mardonios was almost excessively wise, by contrast to Xerxes.
It is beyond doubt, to all that study the history of mankind, that the eponymous Haxamanish was the man for whom the dynasty was named. This fact was preserved by Hellene and Persian alike. King Haxamanish was the father of King Cishpish, who was the father of King Kurush of Anshan, who was the father of King Kambujiya, who was the father of King Kurush the Great King who united Asia for the first time. Haxamanish was also the father of King Ariyaramna, who was the father of King Arshama, who was the father of King Vishtaspa, who was the father of King Darayavaush the Great King. Who was Haxamanish, whose progeny would come to create a kingdom on the Earth? The Hellenes said that he was the son of Perses, the son of Perseus, with the Hellenes being the sons of Herakles. The men of Babylon and Asshur said that he was of the line of Gilgamesh. The Hujiyans, those whom the Hellenes call the Susianes, thought that he was the son of an eagle who rescued Gilgamesh from death as a boy. And the Persians? The Persians said nothing of his origins, a matter which has aroused much curiosity by those seeking to understand the founding dynasty of Asia. However, my attitude towards his origins is thus; the Persians were notoriously honest, even to the Hellenes that was their most defining trait as a people. I suspect that, in truth, not ever having known the full origins of Haxamanish, they declined to supply the gap with knowingly false tales, or at least tales that they themselves could not test the truth of.
The line of Haxamanish were, for a time, the rulers of twin kingdoms- the line of Cishpish were the rulers of Anshan, and the line of Ariyaramna were the rulers of Parsa. Both were under the rulership of the kings of Mada, whom the Hellenes call the Medoi. The barbarism of the Hellenes at the time of King Darayavaush was so high that they could not distinguish between men of Mada and men of Parsa, referring to King Darayavaush and King Xshayarsha as Medoi and to the Persians as Medoi. Nonetheless, the Medoi were of an entirely different land and culture, having come to prominence upon the collapse of the mighty Kingdom of Assur. Unlike Persians the Mada were in lifestyle more akin to the Saka of the steppes than a civilized, civic lifestyle, maintaining their capital at Hamgmatana, that which the Hellenes call Ecbatana. The last of the line of Mada kings, Arshtivaiga, by cause of subterfuge and ugly excess of luxury caused the rebellion of both lines of Haxamanishiya royalty, of whom the greater in vigour and valour was King Kurush, who became Great King. His cousin King Arshama recognised this, and without scorn or jealousy Arshama abdicated any claim to the throne of Asia, leaving King Kurush as the sole holder of the office. It was with noble King Darayavaush that the line of Ariyaramna took up the diadem, so that the mighty Empire which Kurush had built would be preserved.
How was it that King Kurush, at first only king of Anshan, became the Great King of Asia? As the histories say, first he conquered Mada, when he found he could no longer stomach the rule of Arshtivaiga. Then he conquered Sparda, that which the Hellenes call Lydia, when its king Kroisos attacked the lawful possessions of King Kurush. Then he conquered Babylon, when its people cried out for a saviour from their mad king. This was the very act by which Asia was first brought together in its chief parts, for though kings had in times past become dominant within Asia, or had stretched their dominion far beyond their original kingdom, never had they brought these three districts together into unity and peace. Without understanding the Haxamanishiya, without understanding Kurush, one cannot understand Amavadata and his progeny, nor Agnimitra and his progeny, nor Inaros and his progeny, and bit by bit one cannot understand anything about the world in which we dwell.
What of Anshan and Parsa, wherefore did these kingdoms arise from that they would become the nursing grounds for the Haxamanishiya? And what of the Persians, from where did they come? In answering these questions one treads carefully, for the stories told about the origins of the Persians are as numerous as the stars. The Hellenes believe themselves and the Persians to be akin to one another, with the Persians the sons of Perses and the Hellenes the son of Herakles. Some Persians believe themselves and those who are most akin to them to come from the land of the Good River, that is the river Vakshu, and to be descended from the guardians of the Tree of All Seeds, and that it is from this that the Persians acquired their love of growing things and gardens. Then the Ariya spread themselves across the lands that Ahura Mazda had raised, and the Persians came to the land of the Hujiya, where all that had been glorious had been made barren and grey, and where they nurtured the lands back to life. Other Persians believe that they grew from seeds from the Tree of All Seeds dropped into the land of Hujiya, and by this account are therefore accounted the greatest of all the Ariya. Other Persians believe that their first king was Gayo Maretan, whose tears were gems and gold from which sprang the human race, and it was he who forged the land of Parsa to make it suitable for the Persians. As for myself, I am generally moved to the world where human beings are the cause of will in events, and where divine presences appear it is by incidental rather than deliberate means. It is well known that the Saka speak a tongue of the Ariya, and that they are the most primitive of peoples. The Ariyans are famed for their horses, and no people are more famous for their horses than those born to the saddle, the Saka. Given their primitiveness, it is my belief that this is the ancient lifestyle of all Ariyans, that Persians, Saka, the people of Mada, Suguda, Baxtrish, and all the other Ariyan countries were all were born from the saddle, and lived in the manner of the primitive Saka.
Amavadatos was born in the 68th year after King Xerxes conquered the Hellenes, to two Persians of noble birth; his father was one Akhaimenes, not the aforementioned Akhaimenes the progenitor of the selfsame dynasty of Persian kings, and also not Akhaimenes the brother of Xerxes, but he was a distant member of the Akhaimenidai. He was born to two Persians but he was born on Hellenic soil, in the capital at Thebai. By his relation to the royal dynasty he gained attention from King Ariabignes, and from his deeds he received favour from Daieobazanes, who was the satrap of Hellas during this time. He was a general in the campaign against the men of Epeiros that occurred in the fourth year of Ariabignes’ kingship. But in addition to his qualities as a soldier and a commander, he was also learned- he spoke Hellenic fluently as well as his native tongue- and charismatic, being equally popular with Hellenes as he was with other Persians. However, a dispute over a girl caused a rift with Kyros the son of Ariabignes. Kyros was uninterested in the Hellenes, seeing them as soldiers for hire and not even the best of those, and when he came to power he appointed Amavadatos to Hellas as satrap, assuming that this post on the frontiers of the Akhaimenid domains would be a way to keep Amavadatos out of any influence at court wthout necessitating violence.
However, Amavadatos had absorbed the lessons that Daeiobazanes had taught him about how to treat the Hellenes and other peoples under his command, and the Hellenes were increasingly disposed to trust to their satraps above their sovereign king. This came to a head by an unlikely series of events- a group of Keltoi, led by one calling himself Perseus, claimed ancestral rights over the city of Rome, because he claimed that Rome had originally been founded by Hellenes, the current occupants being Hesperai and Tyrsenoi bastards with no legitimate claim to the rulership of the city. Rome, in need, called for aid, and Amavadatos answered. The Tarantinotes were by this period extremely cordial towards the satrap of Hellas, and they also agreed to aid in the rescue of the Rome and more besides- other peoples besides the Romaioi had been attacked and savaged by the horde of Perseus. The assembled army then marched at breakneck speed across Italia to reach the city of Rome, where they found the city already partially sacked and occupied by Perseus’ army. But there Amavadatos and the Tarantinotes fell upon the Keltoi, and drove them out of Rome with great slaughter. There the Romaioi were said to have sworn fealty to Amavadatos in gratitude, and this is where King Ariabignes grew fearful of his relative for he instinctively believed the reports, and thought that this signalled the beginning of a revolt. He made orders to remove Amavadatos and arrest him, but they were not carried out- the entire part of the Persian army stationed in Hellas was loyal to Amavadatos who they saw as nobler and more fit for rulership. Upon their rejection of the terms, they declared him to be the rightful king, and he made for war with Ariabignes.
The two armies clashed at Sardis, whereupon Amavadatos was victorious. King Ariobignes was forced to give up control over the Hellenic districts of Anatolia, which were conquered or surrendered to Amavadatos one by one, and also the entire region of Karia. However, whilst Ariobignes was unable to throw out Amavadatos from these territories, neither was Amavadatos able to gain further progress into Anatolia for the time being. Whilst the two men remained hostile to one another, conflict between the two swiftly became impossible, and an undeclared peace existed for some time. Upon Ariobignes’ death, he was due to be succeeded by one Artabana, who was acknowledged by all in the Empire to be noble and fair-minded, and Amavadatos was going to willingly cede control to him. But upon the beginning of his journey, in advanced years, Artabana was assassinated by the treacherous Dareios, who was the brother of Ariobignes. Amavadatos then once again led his armies forth, and this time there was no force that could stop the force of his approach. The news of this conquest reached the ears of one Agnemithra, a king among the Indoi. Seeking both riches and to emulate Amavadatos, he distracted the attention of Dareios whilst the conquest of Anatolia was underway at the hands of Amavadatos. However, the conquest was brought to a halt by the death of Amavadatos in his seventy-second year, and there was a dispute among the sons of Amavadatos as to who should inherit his title.
Amavadatos was the founder of a mighty kingdom, uniting Hellenes, Persians, and others in common purpose. His instinct for fairness was as sharp as his ear for language, his love was for peace but he fought injustice with a mighty arm. He brought the Hellenes to the forefront of Asia for the first time, whilst continuing the noble lineage of Persia in a far away country. His weaknesses were that of women, and egotism, and an inability to preserve his life when it might well have been preserved. But when balanced against the sum of his achievements, Amavadatos was pious as few men are, and righteous in the tumult of countries and kings.
Μηδίζω! THE WORLD OF ACHAEMENID HELLAS
CHAPTER 3:XSHAHYAM or BASILEIA
EXTRACT FROM COMMENTARY ON ARISTONIKOS’ XERXOU ANABASIS
AFFAIRS IN MAKEDONIA
The departure of Xerxes from the European side of the Aigaion Sea is also what signalled the beginning of the Makedonian phase of the war. This aspect of the conflict between Persians and Hellenes has, to my mind, been neglected considerably by previous accounts of this history, but here too we find Hellenes and Persians in conflict with one another. However, this was not in support of the defeated Hellenic League, and though related to the Thermopylaian phase by proximate cause and opportunity it was in essence an entirely distinct conflict between a certain number of Hellenes and the Persians. It was also caused by older rivalries between several peoples and the Makedones. What transpired is the following- Alexandros of Makedon, the first to make his kingdom of any importance(1), had angered many of the other ethnoi in that part of the world, for he had made war against them and taken their lands, at times sending the inhabitants away and instead sending Makedones to settle these territories. Thus, once Xerxes had departed, these peoples considered that this was an especially good time to make war upon Makedonia, and gathered in coalition. All gathered together were the Hellenic ethnoi of Almopes, Elmiotai, Lynkestai, Orestai, and Pelagones(2). They wished to settle their disputes with Alexandros and recover the lands which had been taken by the Temenidai, whilst also feeling threatened by the continual growth of Persian influence and control in the area. Once they had decided upon this course of action, and once Xerxes had returned to Asia with that segment of the Persian army, they assaulted Makedonia, besieging settlements, raiding the countryside, and attempting to cut off the roads that lead southwards into Thessalia. Upon the invasion beginning the Paiones, Thrakes, Eordoi, Pieres, and Bottiaioi all remained on the side of the Persians(3). These were the initial combatants of the war.
As soon as Mardonios heard the news of the invasion, he began assembling his satrapal armies to march north and repel the invaders. Some have taken his initial tardiness as being an enmity with Alexandros of Makedonia, whereby he wished to see the latter killed or humiliated, whereas others have suggested incompetence(4). I am not personally convinced that the delay was due to either option, for the assembled army attacking Makedonia was sizeable- 100,000 fighting men. To assemble sufficient strength to repel these numbers would have taken time and attention, and so to my mind this is the likeliest reason why the satrap Mardonios would have delayed his departure to Makedonia. Meanwhile, whilst this was ongoing, Alexandros of Makedonia was thrust into command of the pro-Persian forces in his territory and surrounding areas, by virtue of the proper satrap being away, by being an acknowledged authority by the Persians, and by being the target of this armed invasion(5). Given that Alexandros was of a pro-Hellenic disposition this was an awkward scenario for him, whereby he was forced to further align himself alongside the Persians by virtue of the situation that he was confronted with, despite the fact that he had been anxious to expel the Persians from his kingdom when the right time arose(6). In addition, many of those that he commanded were not particularly fond of Makedones in their own right, having their own ancient disputes of various kinds with the men led by the line of Temenos. Nonetheless, need drove them to co-operating.
Battle was joined between Alexandros and the anti-Makedonia coalition near to the place called Mieza, where the Makedones maintain a temple to the Nymphs(7). The battle was extremely confused, as it is agreed that a large part of the Hellenic army ambushed a segment of Alexandros’ troops in a place set aside from the main place of battle. Where exactly that place was is nearly impossible to fathom, for talking to Makedones is extremely unhelpful in trying to establish where the location was- some will say it was on this hillside overlooking the road, some will say it was by these woods overshadowing this little dip, and more besides. Regardless of this, this induced the main battle to be extremely closely fought, but in the end Alexandros and his men were able to get the better of their enemies. Alexandros then led his victorious men to the aid of his beleaguered allies, where success was once again achieved. However, this second battle was at the cost of Alexandros’ life, though his body was successfully recovered unspoiled of his panoply. This, more than anything of the rest of this war between Hellenes and Makedones, is what is chiefly remembered by the Hellenes- among the western Hellenes he was remembered as an ally who provided much needed assistance, even though the conflict had been ultimately unsuccessful for those Hellenes, and among the eastern Hellenes he was considered a philhellenos(8). The battle, although it had been won, had come at a heavy cost. It was in the aftermath of this that Mardonios entered into Makedonia. He launched punitive expeditions into the territory of those who had attacked Makedonia, and strengthened the garrisons of Persian troops in the kingdom. Being of crafty policy, he also took this opportunity to reassert that the satrap of Hellas was also the satrap over Makedonia(9). He did not abolish the kingdom of Makedonia, nor displace the Temenidai as rulers of Makedon. But Philippos, the son of Alexandros, was very young, and thus was swiftly brought under the control of Mardonios. He was not harmed or coerced, but neither was he free to do as he wished, and it would be partially at the whims of Persians that he would be educated so as to be more friendly than his father- though Xerxes had been given no direct cause to distrust Alexandros, and though the extent of his assistance to the Hellenes opposed to Persia had remained undiscovered, still was Mardonios aware of where Alexandros’ sympathies had been(10). However, whilst his decisions were of benefit to the Persians and to Mardonios, this was the beginning of troubles for the satrap, for it was at this point that some began to suggest that he was overstepping the boundaries of the authority bestowed upon him by Xerxes.
Notes
1- Perhaps dubious, given that Alexandros’ father Amyntas is often credited with this distinction as well, but it is perhaps notable that it is only later sources which credit Amyntas more greatly, despite Herodotos’ clear reference to him being the first king of the Makedones to engage in foreign relations.
2- As ever, Aristonikos is uninterested in explaining ethnography where he is not required to do so. All of these peoples are, by Herodotos and others, clearly considered to be Hellenic by this stage in antique history, and all lived in various mountainous regions surrounding the plain of Makedonia proper. They are most oft said to be of a kin with the Molossoi.
3- These peoples, by contrast to the earlier list, are usually consistently considered to be of an entirely different kind to the Hellenes, though some of them less so than others- the Bryges were oft linked to the Phrygioi, who were said to be distantly consanguineous to the Hellenes. Nonetheless, all were barbarians, living themselves in the regions surrounding Makedonia proper. Many of them feature in the much antique histories of the Hellenes, including the Homerik epics.
4- Though no surviving source predating Aristonikos’ explicitly makes such claims, this may be evidenced by Herodotos’ claim that “all mourned the passing of the respected and valorous king of the Makedones, except those who had resented him and secretly sought his demise”.
5- Other chronicles make abundant the notion that petit kings of the Persian state were capable of, and expected to, lead armed forces in times of dire need. The emphasis here seems to be instead to show why it was that Alexandros, so noted a philhellenos, would be placed in this position of command against other Hellenes.
6- Again, the secret wishes of Alexandros to aid in the removal of the Hellenes is emphasised because of the contrast with his leading a campaign against a part of the Hellenes.
7- This be the same temple that Amavadatos is said to have attended when seeking counsel as to whether to rebel against his Akhaimenid sovereign king.
8- The distinction here is that even those Hellenes who were unopposed, neutral, or supportive regarding the Persians regarded Alexandros as being philhellenos, whereas those who had fought against Persia also valued his specific attempts to aid them.
9- Herodotos too refers to a confusion as to whether or not Makedon was included within the satrapy of Hellas, and this action from Mardonios did not fully settle the issue. Though Makedon was now forever joined with the affairs of the Hellenes, the two sometimes danced together and sometimes apart in the ages that followed.
10- This is once again an expression of the assertion by this lineage of antique sources that Mardonios was almost excessively wise, by contrast to Xerxes.
EXTRACT FROM DATIS OF SINOPE’S HISTORIA
ON THE ORIGIN OF THE HAXAMANISHIYA
ON THE ORIGIN OF THE HAXAMANISHIYA
It is beyond doubt, to all that study the history of mankind, that the eponymous Haxamanish was the man for whom the dynasty was named. This fact was preserved by Hellene and Persian alike. King Haxamanish was the father of King Cishpish, who was the father of King Kurush of Anshan, who was the father of King Kambujiya, who was the father of King Kurush the Great King who united Asia for the first time. Haxamanish was also the father of King Ariyaramna, who was the father of King Arshama, who was the father of King Vishtaspa, who was the father of King Darayavaush the Great King. Who was Haxamanish, whose progeny would come to create a kingdom on the Earth? The Hellenes said that he was the son of Perses, the son of Perseus, with the Hellenes being the sons of Herakles. The men of Babylon and Asshur said that he was of the line of Gilgamesh. The Hujiyans, those whom the Hellenes call the Susianes, thought that he was the son of an eagle who rescued Gilgamesh from death as a boy. And the Persians? The Persians said nothing of his origins, a matter which has aroused much curiosity by those seeking to understand the founding dynasty of Asia. However, my attitude towards his origins is thus; the Persians were notoriously honest, even to the Hellenes that was their most defining trait as a people. I suspect that, in truth, not ever having known the full origins of Haxamanish, they declined to supply the gap with knowingly false tales, or at least tales that they themselves could not test the truth of.
The line of Haxamanish were, for a time, the rulers of twin kingdoms- the line of Cishpish were the rulers of Anshan, and the line of Ariyaramna were the rulers of Parsa. Both were under the rulership of the kings of Mada, whom the Hellenes call the Medoi. The barbarism of the Hellenes at the time of King Darayavaush was so high that they could not distinguish between men of Mada and men of Parsa, referring to King Darayavaush and King Xshayarsha as Medoi and to the Persians as Medoi. Nonetheless, the Medoi were of an entirely different land and culture, having come to prominence upon the collapse of the mighty Kingdom of Assur. Unlike Persians the Mada were in lifestyle more akin to the Saka of the steppes than a civilized, civic lifestyle, maintaining their capital at Hamgmatana, that which the Hellenes call Ecbatana. The last of the line of Mada kings, Arshtivaiga, by cause of subterfuge and ugly excess of luxury caused the rebellion of both lines of Haxamanishiya royalty, of whom the greater in vigour and valour was King Kurush, who became Great King. His cousin King Arshama recognised this, and without scorn or jealousy Arshama abdicated any claim to the throne of Asia, leaving King Kurush as the sole holder of the office. It was with noble King Darayavaush that the line of Ariyaramna took up the diadem, so that the mighty Empire which Kurush had built would be preserved.
How was it that King Kurush, at first only king of Anshan, became the Great King of Asia? As the histories say, first he conquered Mada, when he found he could no longer stomach the rule of Arshtivaiga. Then he conquered Sparda, that which the Hellenes call Lydia, when its king Kroisos attacked the lawful possessions of King Kurush. Then he conquered Babylon, when its people cried out for a saviour from their mad king. This was the very act by which Asia was first brought together in its chief parts, for though kings had in times past become dominant within Asia, or had stretched their dominion far beyond their original kingdom, never had they brought these three districts together into unity and peace. Without understanding the Haxamanishiya, without understanding Kurush, one cannot understand Amavadata and his progeny, nor Agnimitra and his progeny, nor Inaros and his progeny, and bit by bit one cannot understand anything about the world in which we dwell.
What of Anshan and Parsa, wherefore did these kingdoms arise from that they would become the nursing grounds for the Haxamanishiya? And what of the Persians, from where did they come? In answering these questions one treads carefully, for the stories told about the origins of the Persians are as numerous as the stars. The Hellenes believe themselves and the Persians to be akin to one another, with the Persians the sons of Perses and the Hellenes the son of Herakles. Some Persians believe themselves and those who are most akin to them to come from the land of the Good River, that is the river Vakshu, and to be descended from the guardians of the Tree of All Seeds, and that it is from this that the Persians acquired their love of growing things and gardens. Then the Ariya spread themselves across the lands that Ahura Mazda had raised, and the Persians came to the land of the Hujiya, where all that had been glorious had been made barren and grey, and where they nurtured the lands back to life. Other Persians believe that they grew from seeds from the Tree of All Seeds dropped into the land of Hujiya, and by this account are therefore accounted the greatest of all the Ariya. Other Persians believe that their first king was Gayo Maretan, whose tears were gems and gold from which sprang the human race, and it was he who forged the land of Parsa to make it suitable for the Persians. As for myself, I am generally moved to the world where human beings are the cause of will in events, and where divine presences appear it is by incidental rather than deliberate means. It is well known that the Saka speak a tongue of the Ariya, and that they are the most primitive of peoples. The Ariyans are famed for their horses, and no people are more famous for their horses than those born to the saddle, the Saka. Given their primitiveness, it is my belief that this is the ancient lifestyle of all Ariyans, that Persians, Saka, the people of Mada, Suguda, Baxtrish, and all the other Ariyan countries were all were born from the saddle, and lived in the manner of the primitive Saka.
BIBLIOTEKHE HISTORIKE BY MOHANE
ON AMAVADATOS
ON AMAVADATOS
Amavadatos was born in the 68th year after King Xerxes conquered the Hellenes, to two Persians of noble birth; his father was one Akhaimenes, not the aforementioned Akhaimenes the progenitor of the selfsame dynasty of Persian kings, and also not Akhaimenes the brother of Xerxes, but he was a distant member of the Akhaimenidai. He was born to two Persians but he was born on Hellenic soil, in the capital at Thebai. By his relation to the royal dynasty he gained attention from King Ariabignes, and from his deeds he received favour from Daieobazanes, who was the satrap of Hellas during this time. He was a general in the campaign against the men of Epeiros that occurred in the fourth year of Ariabignes’ kingship. But in addition to his qualities as a soldier and a commander, he was also learned- he spoke Hellenic fluently as well as his native tongue- and charismatic, being equally popular with Hellenes as he was with other Persians. However, a dispute over a girl caused a rift with Kyros the son of Ariabignes. Kyros was uninterested in the Hellenes, seeing them as soldiers for hire and not even the best of those, and when he came to power he appointed Amavadatos to Hellas as satrap, assuming that this post on the frontiers of the Akhaimenid domains would be a way to keep Amavadatos out of any influence at court wthout necessitating violence.
However, Amavadatos had absorbed the lessons that Daeiobazanes had taught him about how to treat the Hellenes and other peoples under his command, and the Hellenes were increasingly disposed to trust to their satraps above their sovereign king. This came to a head by an unlikely series of events- a group of Keltoi, led by one calling himself Perseus, claimed ancestral rights over the city of Rome, because he claimed that Rome had originally been founded by Hellenes, the current occupants being Hesperai and Tyrsenoi bastards with no legitimate claim to the rulership of the city. Rome, in need, called for aid, and Amavadatos answered. The Tarantinotes were by this period extremely cordial towards the satrap of Hellas, and they also agreed to aid in the rescue of the Rome and more besides- other peoples besides the Romaioi had been attacked and savaged by the horde of Perseus. The assembled army then marched at breakneck speed across Italia to reach the city of Rome, where they found the city already partially sacked and occupied by Perseus’ army. But there Amavadatos and the Tarantinotes fell upon the Keltoi, and drove them out of Rome with great slaughter. There the Romaioi were said to have sworn fealty to Amavadatos in gratitude, and this is where King Ariabignes grew fearful of his relative for he instinctively believed the reports, and thought that this signalled the beginning of a revolt. He made orders to remove Amavadatos and arrest him, but they were not carried out- the entire part of the Persian army stationed in Hellas was loyal to Amavadatos who they saw as nobler and more fit for rulership. Upon their rejection of the terms, they declared him to be the rightful king, and he made for war with Ariabignes.
The two armies clashed at Sardis, whereupon Amavadatos was victorious. King Ariobignes was forced to give up control over the Hellenic districts of Anatolia, which were conquered or surrendered to Amavadatos one by one, and also the entire region of Karia. However, whilst Ariobignes was unable to throw out Amavadatos from these territories, neither was Amavadatos able to gain further progress into Anatolia for the time being. Whilst the two men remained hostile to one another, conflict between the two swiftly became impossible, and an undeclared peace existed for some time. Upon Ariobignes’ death, he was due to be succeeded by one Artabana, who was acknowledged by all in the Empire to be noble and fair-minded, and Amavadatos was going to willingly cede control to him. But upon the beginning of his journey, in advanced years, Artabana was assassinated by the treacherous Dareios, who was the brother of Ariobignes. Amavadatos then once again led his armies forth, and this time there was no force that could stop the force of his approach. The news of this conquest reached the ears of one Agnemithra, a king among the Indoi. Seeking both riches and to emulate Amavadatos, he distracted the attention of Dareios whilst the conquest of Anatolia was underway at the hands of Amavadatos. However, the conquest was brought to a halt by the death of Amavadatos in his seventy-second year, and there was a dispute among the sons of Amavadatos as to who should inherit his title.
Amavadatos was the founder of a mighty kingdom, uniting Hellenes, Persians, and others in common purpose. His instinct for fairness was as sharp as his ear for language, his love was for peace but he fought injustice with a mighty arm. He brought the Hellenes to the forefront of Asia for the first time, whilst continuing the noble lineage of Persia in a far away country. His weaknesses were that of women, and egotism, and an inability to preserve his life when it might well have been preserved. But when balanced against the sum of his achievements, Amavadatos was pious as few men are, and righteous in the tumult of countries and kings.
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