It was dead, but its creator reappeared, opened a vein, and fed the dead thread the essence of life.
Spooky, but we'll allow it.
¡Por la Patria, Viva México Fuerte! A Mexican TL Mk. II
- Thread starter Arkhangelsk
- Start date
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- Tags
- strong mexico
Spooky, but we'll allow it.
Thank you so much for those kind words
The main difference I think I already let slip was that I'll be starting TTL's Mexico off as an empire as opposed to the republic in mk. 1. Vaguely speaking I'm thinking TTL Mexico here will have an imperial period similar to OTL Brazil, but one of the other major differences I think with mk. 2 is my attempt to fix what I failed to do with mk. 1, namely my unintended omission of various players in Mexican independence.The next update (which I didn't get to finish this weekend, sorry y'all
we had a Covid scare with my mom. Good news is it wasn't Covid but she was still sick real bad the last few days) will deal with some of these new actors, who without spoiling too much will be focused on securing support for Mexico (and the rest of Spanish America) from Europe and/or the United States.Haha thank you CalBear!It was dead, but its creator reappeared, opened a vein, and fed the dead thread the essence of life.
Spooky, but we'll allow it.
After another horrendous wait I'm finally in the home stretch finishing up this update. The last few weeks have been a wild fuckin' ride, and to summarize it in few words, I think it might have been the worst Christmas I've ever had. Well I suppose it wasn't all terrible, I was with family and we made the best of it. Christmas Day was...shall we say ruined by a certain non-immediate family member who showed up at the last minute, made a total ass of himself and ruined the cozy vibe we had, among other things. Then our gas was cut the day before New Year's Eve which is another thing altogether. We have to wait a week before the issue is resolved, so that's made life all sorts of interesting.
It's been crazy I'll tell ya, but somehow I've finally managed to write through to the end of this update these last few days. Admittedly I probably won't have it up tonight as it's really late but I SHOULD have it up by tomorrow. Huzzah!
It's been crazy I'll tell ya, but somehow I've finally managed to write through to the end of this update these last few days. Admittedly I probably won't have it up tonight as it's really late but I SHOULD have it up by tomorrow. Huzzah!
Damn, I hope things get better for you from now on.After another horrendous wait I'm finally in the home stretch finishing up this update. The last few weeks have been a wild fuckin' ride, and to summarize it in few words, I think it might have been the worst Christmas I've ever had. Well I suppose it wasn't all terrible, I was with family and we made the best of it. Christmas Day was...shall we say ruined by a certain non-immediate family member who showed up at the last minute, made a total ass of himself and ruined the cozy vibe we had, among other things. Then our gas was cut the day before New Year's Eve which is another thing altogether. We have to wait a week before the issue is resolved, so that's made life all sorts of interesting.
It's been crazy I'll tell ya, but somehow I've finally managed to write through to the end of this update these last few days. Admittedly I probably won't have it up tonight as it's really late but I SHOULD have it up by tomorrow. Huzzah!
Im glad to hear about you again, and I hope everything gets better. 😌👌Saludos!
After another horrendous wait I'm finally in the home stretch finishing up this update. The last few weeks have been a wild fuckin' ride, and to summarize it in few words, I think it might have been the worst Christmas I've ever had. Well I suppose it wasn't all terrible, I was with family and we made the best of it. Christmas Day was...shall we say ruined by a certain non-immediate family member who showed up at the last minute, made a total ass of himself and ruined the cozy vibe we had, among other things. Then our gas was cut the day before New Year's Eve which is another thing altogether. We have to wait a week before the issue is resolved, so that's made life all sorts of interesting.
It's been crazy I'll tell ya, but somehow I've finally managed to write through to the end of this update these last few days. Admittedly I probably won't have it up tonight as it's really late but I SHOULD have it up by tomorrow. Huzzah!
El Ejercito de la Unión y la Empreza Imperial: 1817-1819
Thank you everyone for the kind words and well wishes. It means a lot!
Also thank you again for you patience! I know it's been way too long. I'm happy to say the update is here. Hope y'all enjoy it
The London conspiracy has its origin in the aftermath of Fernando VII's purges against the constitutionalist Spanish Liberals. Fray Mier had served as a delegate within the Constituent Cortes alongside other Mexican representatives such as Miguel Ramos Arizpe and Lucas Alamán, where they all distinguished themselves as brilliant orators and negotiators. The dissolution of the Cortes and the subsequent purges of both Liberals and other "foreign agents" were a deep moral blow for all three men who, despite their varied political leanings (Mier and Arizpe were Liberals while Alamán was a Conservative) believed México's true potential could only be realized as a free and independent state. Beginning in the summer of 1815 the men began to congregate at the residence of Joseph Blanco White, an Anglo-Spanish émigrés who edited a pro-independence journal called El Español, who clandestinely offered his home in London as the conspiracy's headquarters. These three men (at first, more would join at later dates) worked tirelessly to plan and coordinate the eventual invasion of New Spain in order to aid the Insurgent armies and liberate México from Spain once and for all. [1]
Colonel Francisco Javier Mina
Despite the proliferation of veteran soldiers across large parts of Europe, the recruitment of potential volunteers to fight in México proved to be difficult at first, but over the course of 1816 Arizpe and Mier managed to assemble a regiment of roughly 900 soldiers willing to fight in México, predominantly comprised of Spanish, British and Italian volunteers who would be joined by another 500 men from the United States and Haiti upon their arrival to North America in the spring of 1817. Fray Mier chose colonel Francisco Javier Mina, himself a veteran from Spain's struggle against Napoleon, to lead the expeditionary force. Famous for his exploits in guerrilla warfare throughout France's occupation of his home in northern Spain, Mina was also disillusioned by Fernando VII's betrayal of the Liberals and had in fact fled from Spain when he became involved in an abortive coup d'état against the king during the autumn of 1814.[2] As the militaristic elements of the conspiracy finally began to take form, several conservative conspirators advocated for the guarantee that the post-war government of Mexico be a monarchy led ideally by a Bourbon prince, or barring that any European lord of noble stock, as a necessary guarantor of their ancient rights and privileges. Alamán would eventually head his very own diplomatic venture through Europe in order to find the appropriate prince to sit the Mexican throne.
After departing from Great Britain in late February, Mina's regiment arrived first in Norfolk, then Baltimore where they were immediately joined by approximately 400 volunteers, before sailing down the east coast of the United States and through the Bahamas in order to evade Spanish patrols of the Cuban coast. With the aid of a French privateer, Mina undertook a harrowing crossing of the Windward Passage on Easter Sunday 1817 and after a brief respite in Port-au-Prince, where they took on roughly 100 more fighting men, they made their way into the western Caribbean Sea before crossing the Yucatan Straits into the Gulf of México. The flotilla made one penultimate stop in New Orleans before finally sailing down the Texas coast and disembarking near Galveston in late May. To their north in Béxar General López Rayón initially viewed the arrival of the flotilla with caution, but tensions were quickly diffused as soon as Mina swore publicly his allegiance to the Insurgent cause. The Spanish had become well aware of the newest threat to their power and acted to neutralize it in the cradle. The onset of summer saw a new offensive spearheaded by the recently liberated General Arredondo north into the Rio Bravo Valley, occupying the villages of Refugio and Reynosa before moving north along the river toward Laredo. It was there that the Insurgents chose to stand their ground, and despite being outnumbered 2 to 1 López Rayón held off the Royalists long enough for Arredondo's forces to be caught in a sweeping double-envelopment by Mina from the southeast and lieutenant colonel Indalecio Allende from the northwest, in the process obliterating what remained of the Army of the Center. Arredondo and a skeleton force attempted a defensive retreat southward while the Insurgents focused on consolidating their gains, but within a matter of weeks the Insurgents managed to regain much of the territories in Nuevo Santander and Nuevo León they had lost at the start of the year.
The Viceroy was indignant at the sudden turn of events in the north, no less due to the limited number of reinforcements he could send without compromising other vital fronts. Field marshal Liñán had already given orders to march north with a force of approximately 5,000 when Arredondo was routed at the Battle of Laredo, ultimately the former resolved to rendezvous with the latter's diminished force in San Luis Potosí. It was from there that the Royalists attempted to recapture Nuevo León in August with a hard push toward Monterrey, but Mina and López Rayón routed the Royalists at the Battle of Linares on August 30, at which point the Insurgents gained the initiative and began to apply pressure on San Luis Potosí from the north and the west. In early autumn the Insurgents made various breakthroughs, first by Mina in the Sierra Madre Oriental followed by Allende coming from the west into the Altiplano. The combined Insurgent armies descending from the north laid siege to the city of San Luis Potosí for roughly six weeks, before the Royalists finally capitulated on November 25. The Insurgent victory over the final Royalist stronghold in the north was soon regarded as a harbinger of good fortune for the Insurgents, no less due to events in Veracruz. General Morelos' spring campaign involved a more methodical approach toward the capture of Veracruz by occupying the lowlands surrounding the port as opposed to leading with a direct attack, which ultimately bore some fruit. The Royalists endeavored to deny Morelos any chance of taking New Spain's principal port even if it meant weakening other fronts, and after several weeks of siege the Insurgents took Jalapa on July 23. Control of Jalapa cut México City's direct link with Spain, and it gave Morelos the needed leverage to occupy most of the Veracruz Lowlands save for the port city itself, which was soon put under siege in early August. Attempts throughout the autumn to lure or force Morelos away proved total failures, and by the end of the year the Insurgents had undoubtedly surrounded Viceroy Ruiz de Apodaca and the remaining Royalists forces garrisoned within the Valley of México and Puebla.
Morelos' forces at the Battle of Jalapa, July 23, 1817
Dread permeated throughout the Royalist camp as it became clear their primary connection to the sea and to Spain was severed. Their only hope it seemed was to hold the Insurgents back long enough for reinforcements from Spain to arrive and pray their intervention prove decisive enough to change the tide of the war. As it happened, King Fernando VII had been preparing another flotilla to send directly to México, though it would not be sail worthy until the following summer. In the meantime Viceroy Ruiz de Apodaca hastily reorganized the Royalist army and in a sweep intended to mobilize more men, ordered Agustín de Iturbide out of retirement. Despite his initial recalcitrance Iturbide acquiesced and was readmitted with his old rank of colonel and charged with command of the Royalist southern flank, a front which remained relatively frozen throughout the winter of 1818. To the north Field marshal Liñan initially managed to pin the Insurgents west of Querétaro at Celaya, but as the various Insurgent armies in the north all converged under Allende's command the Royalists were eventually forced out of all of Guanajuato in February and most of Querétaro in early March.
Back in Spain King Fernando VII proved in his ineptitude to bring the Spanish economy, already in total disarray in the aftermath of the French invasion, into a state of bankruptcy. Resentment began to simmer amongst the Spanish bourgeoisie and intelligentsia as the king more often than not awarded titles of state and other important government positions to sycophants and other allies in an arbitrary spoils system which had a deleterious effect on the kingdom's ability to function properly. Fernando's solution to the government's insolvency was to reconquer the American colonies no matter the cost both in money and in blood. The result was the oftentimes unfair taxes levied upon the common people coupled with renewed efforts to mobilize more fighting men to send to America, a combination which served only to further antagonize large swaths of the populace. That antagonism exploded outward in early April following a failed assassination attempt (the fourth in as many years) in the city of Barcelona, which was accompanied by a series of riots that persisted long after the King had fled to the relative safety of Aranjuez. The unrest in Catalonia did not deter Fernando from his fervent desire to reclaim América, conducting the final preparations for the armada destined for México from the relative safety of the Royal Palace. Whether by design or by sheer luck, the former Viceroy of New Spain Felix Maria Calleja was charged with command of the assembled expeditionary force, which was ready to embark for Cuba in early June.[3]
Site of the Battle of Puente del Rey, located between the cities of Veracruz and Jalapa
In anticipation of the latest Spanish expeditionary force, General Morelos spearheaded the creation of a naval force capable of defending against Spanish naval power. With the aid of Louis-Michel Aury, the French corsair who helped Colonel Mina on his journey to México the year before, Morelos managed to organize an ad-hoc fleet of warships at Alvarado, which until 1815 had reserved their conduct primarily to raiding Spanish military and commercial traffic throughout the Gulf of México.[4] Reports of the Armada's arrival to Habana in July confirmed the Insurgent's worst fears, as attempts to envelope and deny the Spanish utility of Veracruz were impeded by the presence of Spanish forces garrisoned on the island Fort San Juan de Ulúa. Despite attempts to harass the initial wave of Spanish warships as they neared the coast, contact was successfully established with San Juan de Ulúa on July 30. The Spanish then attempted landings in and around the port a couple of days later but were hampered by the significantly smaller Mexican force, the latter effectively utilizing fire ships to sow panic and confusion among the Spanish warship formations, which the Mexicans managed to successfully exploit. Spanish reinforcements soon tipped further engagements in their favor, and despite the delay Calleja managed to disembark with roughly 3,500 troops, from where they began to march northwest toward Jalapa. Morelos anticipated Calleja's advance and in the preceding weeks had fortified the heights north of Puente del Rey, as well as the adjoining Fort Atalaya de la Concepción. After a series of attritious battles on August 24 and 25, Morelos emerged victorious and a mortally wounded Calleja ordered his men to retreat to Veracruz to await reinforcements.[5]
The Mexicans for their part had also received an influx of naval reinforcements, in the form of Spanish exiles under the leadership of Lieutenant Pedro Moctezuma, a veteran naval officer and brother to the Count of Moctezuma de Tultengo Don Alfonso.[6] The Spanish tried to trap the Mexican Navy at their base inside the Alvarado Lagoon but found the base nearly deserted. The Mexicans had sailed out into the Bay of Campeche in force in early September in order to intercept the second wave of the Spanish invasion force sailing from Cuba. The Battle of Campeche Sound not only went down as one of the few naval Mexican victories of the War for Independence, but it proved decisive as it crippled the desperately needed reinforcements the Royalists needed in order to press the Insurgents back. The Battle raged for nearly three days between September 8-10, before rough waters forced a halt to hostilities. The nascent Mexican Navy had nearly been swallowed by what turned out to be a powerful hurricane making its way through Yucatán and the Bay of Campeche, but Commander Moctezuma managed to direct most of his forces back to the relative safety of Espíritu Santo. The Spanish were not as fortunate, as they were unable to avoid the path of the hurricane in their attempt to return to Habana. A small number of warships made it back to Cuba, while the floating wreckage of the lost boats littered the Gulf Coast from Veracruz as far north as Galveston where the hurricane eventually made its final landfall on September 12.[7]
Battle of Campeche Sound, September 10, 1818
The destruction of much of the expeditionary force was a serious blow to Spanish morale, so much so that it forced many Royalists (including peninsulares) to reconsider continued reliance on the Spanish Crown and by extension the will to prolong the conflict. The Royalists in Veracruz remained under siege by Morelos while the Insurgents under Allende continued to grind slowly through the mountain valleys which separated the Bajío from the capital, but momentum had clearly swung back in the Insurgent's favor. South of Valladolid in the Tierra Caliente, colonel Iturbide had been supposedly on military campaign when in fact he had been secretly negotiating with Morelos' forces beginning in October 1818. After several weeks of strenuous negotiations Iturbide and Morelos both met in person to finalize the terms of their new alliance, soon joined by General Allende in early December. The three men chose Iguala as the location of their summit, where they discussed their common goals, chief among them the belief that México by rights ought to be a free and independent state, though what form that state should take was still up for debate. What was intended to be a fortnight of deliberations resulted in a formal declaration on December 26 of the Plan de Independencia de América Septentrional (Act of Independence of Northern America) by the assembled leaders after nearly a month's work in writing and signing the document which served as the instrument of independence for the united Mexican forces. The Act of Independence not only affirmed the sovereignty of México as an independent constitutional monarchy, but it also established equality amongst all people who lived within the nation's borders, as well as guarantee the primacy of the Roman Catholic Church and imperial continuity by offering the Mexican throne to Fernando VII (or any of his brothers if they were so willing). In the event that no member of the House of Bourbon made the choice to sit on the Mexican throne it was stipulated that any prince of European nobility would be sufficient.[8] The alliance of the various Insurgent and Royalists armies was styled the Ejercito de la Unión, or Army of the Union, to commemorate the various different peoples and ideas that made up the whole of Mexico. In early January 1819 three copies of the Act of Independence were drafted and sent in all directions, one to the Insurgent Congress in Guadalajara, one to Viceroy Ruiz de Apodaca in México City and one to King Fernando VII in Madrid.
The Insurgent Congress initially viewed Iturbide with heavy suspicion but were persuaded by Allende to duly consider and eventually ratify the Act of Independence on February 12, with the republican camp tempered by the affirmations to social equality and the parliamentary nature of the new state. The other parties to the Act were much less enthused upon their procurement of the document throughout the late winter and into the spring of 1819. Viceroy Ruiz de Apodaca rejected the terms presented to him outright and vowed to continue the fight, though public overtures did little to hide the reality that Spain was losing. Back in Madrid, it was rumored that Fernando VII had descended into an apoplectic rage upon being read the Act and vowed to exact holy vengeance "down to the last rebel." Even before the arrival of the document to Spain the King had begun preparations to assemble yet another expeditionary force intended for the New World. The target for this latest armada was originally planned to be the Rio de la Plata, where a precarious independence had taken hold, but news of the previous armada's destruction changed everything. Fernando VII demanded more men and ships to send once more to México, an action which further incensed the military officers and personnel tasked with organizing the invasion. Furthermore, several warships that Spain had acquired from Russia the previous year were all in varying states of rot and disrepair and ultimately deemed unnavigable. Reports of non-payment to both soldiers and military officers contributed greatly to the great mutiny organized by the multitudes of soldiers garrisoned in the port of Cádiz on the first day of May. The Cádiz Mutiny coincided with another military rising orchestrated by General Luis de Lacy in La Coruña on May 4 which not only denounced Fernando VII and his absolutism, it also called for the reestablishment of the Liberal Constitution. Almost immediately all of Galicia burst into a frenzy of insurrection, as word of Lacy's pronunciamiento made its way across northern Spain. In neighboring Asturias the regiment raised for service in América was soon directed by an officer in the Second Battalion, Lieutenant colonel Rafael de Riego, to march on Madrid instead and in June several Liberal exiles traveled from London to lend their aid to the new revolution. The exiles, led by General Francisco Espoz y Mina, landed off the Vizcayan coast near Bilbao, from where they proliferated and ignited more risings from Pamplona through to Barcelona within a matter of weeks.[9]
Signing of the Act of Independence in Iguala, December 1818
The collapse of the absolutist regime in Spain served as a death knell for the Royalists still allied to Fernando VII. After Iturbide's defection to the Insurgents, much of his Southern Command followed and over the course of the spring Spanish power in the west and south crumbled. Toluca and Cuernavaca were both taken in early June, which was then followed by the culmination of Morelos' siege of Veracruz. After 299 days Veracruz was finally taken by the Insurgents on June 3, save for San Juan de Ulúa where General Enrile and his remaining Spanish forces continued to resist. Rumors of Fernando VII's capture or capitulation to the Constitutionalists served to sap the Royalists of their support, and as each day passed and more land was lost to the Insurgents, the Viceroy had more than enough reason to fear the thought of being forcibly removed from power. That fear was well founded as a plan to depose him was set into action on the evening of July 5, when several military officers took over command of two regiments stationed in the capital and encircled the Viceregal Palace, upon which they stormed Ruiz de Apodaca's quarters and forced him to step down. Pascual de Liñán was first chosen to replace Ruiz de Apodaca, but the former's refusal prompted the insurrectionists to compromise on colonel Francisco Ignacio de Elizondo.[10] The irony of this endeavor was that Elizondo's imposition was deemed illegitimate by both Fernando VII and the Spanish Liberals, and it ultimately did nothing to alter the tide of the war. By August Puebla had fallen to the Insurgents, which allowed them to completely encircle the Valley of México and apply pressure from all directions. The Insurgent ranks had swelled in the previous months to roughly 18,000, which gave them numerical superiority in the various battles that were fought around the capital. Allende and Iturbide approached México City from Azcapotzalco and Tacubaya respectively on August 23 and 25, while Morelos entered from the north through Villa de Guadalupe two days later, in decisive battles that effectively brought the war to its conclusion. Several days later, on September 1, the victorious Insurgent Army marched into México City without firing a shot. Nine years after the horrific battle which saw the capital nearly destroyed by the Insurgents' and Royalists' fierce fighting, México City was now the scene of joyous celebration as men who had fought on different sides for nearly a decade reveled in victory and reconciliation with parades, public speeches, banquets and even a te deum from the cathedral.
The Spanish King refused to concede defeat against the Mexicans but was hardly in any position to alter the outcome. Even as he struggled to contain the uprisings against him Fernando VII vehemently warned the other European powers against aiding Mexico or any other Spanish colony deemed by him to be in open rebellion. Spain's former ally the United Kingdom was not shaken by these warnings and only further increased its support for the revolutionaries in Mexico and South America. Neither were the great houses of Europe greatly bothered by Fernando VII's vague threats should any of their scions decide to claim the Mexican throne. The Infante Carlos and Infante Francisco de Paula both joined their elder brother in rejecting the terms of the Act of Independence, despite the best efforts of Lucas Alamán and others to convince them of ruling Mexico independently or in personal union with Spain. The French Bourbons were also ruled out as they were primarily occupied with returning to power in Paris instead.[11] The House of Habsburg proved slightly more promising as the younger brother of the Austrian Emperor, the Archduke Karl, Duke of Teschen, expressed interest in the venture but required adequate time to decide. Surprisingly the Duke of Teschen was not the only one to express interest in ruling México, as the London conspirators were also approached by the Count of Moctezuma de Tultengo, who claimed his descent from one of the last Mexica Emperors gave him a clear advantage over any other candidate. Ultimately the decision of who should be made king or emperor came down to the new Congress which was to be elected into power the following year.[12]
The Army of the Union receiving a heroes welcome to the capital
In the meantime a provisional government was to be established in México City between the Insurgent Congress (in the process of relocation from Guadalajara) and an executive triumvirate made up of the Generals' Allende, Morelos and Iturbide, a body which also served as a regency council until such a time that a monarch is properly chosen. The consummation of independence did not necessarily entail a complete cessation to the fighting, as the Spanish still held onto San Juan de Ulúa and in private discussions the Mexican leadership expressed their fear that Spain would not quit until it had reconquered Mexico and all other territories it felt entitled to. To that end it seemed prudent to launch an invasion of Cuba, as the island was viewed as a natural stepping stone for both past and future Spanish attacks. Despite the inherent challenges of invading such a large island, the Mexican leadership came to understand the importance of securing control of the sea lanes which connected the Gulf of México with the Atlantic Ocean, as well as the right they felt México had to assert its claim to the whole of Cuba as the legal successor to the Viceroyalty of New Spain. In that regard it seemed the war had not quite ended , but instead changed theaters of operation, to say nothing of the ongoing struggles in Nueva Grenada and Rio de la Plata. Despite it all for a brief moment euphoria seemed to permeate the young Mexican nation, as the dream of so many, the dream of independence, had finally been achieved.
[1] A similar conspiracy did exist in OTL but it wasn't as powerful or influential. Again knock on effects from the Mexican rebels being more successful.
[2] This part is mostly from OTL, Mina's life doesn't deviate much until after he's in Mexico.
[3] I have to go back and double check but I recall that Calleja was going to be sent to Mexico by Fernando but Riego's Revolt changed all that. I have to remember where I saw that though.
[4] Morelos had tentative plans for a navy but he was captured and killed in OTL before he could carry any of those plans out. Here of course he lives with the rest of the Insurgent leadership and I figure TTL a navy would be something the Insurgents would all agree is beneficial.
[5] I know it might feel like I killed him off kinda quick but I felt some form of poetic justice having Calleja lose a battle at a famous bridge (call back to Calderon Bridge).
[6] Enter the House of Moctezuma!
[7] OTL an estimated category 2-3 hurricane was observed to have passed through this same area. Say hello to Mexico's divine wind y'all!
[8] Yes this is pretty much exactly the Plan de Iguala, though TTL the official name (Act of Independence) might become just as popular in use.
[9] Basically the various attempts to overthrow or assassinate Fernando VII go down differently between 1814 and 1819, with some like Luis de Lacy living and coordinating with others such as Riego and Espoz y Mina (yes that's Javier Mina's uncle). This alternate "Riego's Revolt" will be going down very differently.
[10] Elizondo was the asshole who turned in Hidalgo and Allende's forces over to the Spanish in OTL which led to their eventual deaths in 1811. Don't let his appointment to Viceroy fool you though, he's more of a puppet than anything else, and all things considered he wasn't 'viceroy" for very long. He just happened to be at the right place at the right time...or wrong place at the wrong time, whatever your fancy.
[11] Oh yeah the Bourbon's aren't in charge of France. I've been very coy with events outside Mexico but now that I've wrapped up this update we'll be seeing more of the world moving forward.
[12] Alfonso Moctezuma may want the Mexican throne pretty bad, but it's not gonna be easy peezy lemon squeezy.
Also thank you again for you patience! I know it's been way too long. I'm happy to say the update is here. Hope y'all enjoy it
El Ejercito de la Unión y la Empreza Imperial
1817-1819
The Ejercito de la Unión marching triumphantly into México City, September 1, 1819
Despite amassing a string of noteworthy victories throughout the previous year, by the start of 1817 the Mexican Insurgents had lost their momentum and after several attempts by both Allende and Morelos to break into the Altiplano resulted in failure, the Insurgent commanders retreated to Guadalajara and Alvarado respectively to rest and regroup. The Royalists were all too eager to exploit this moment of perceived Insurgent weakness, and after a series of attritious battles they managed to expel the Insurgents from much of Nuevo Santander and Nuevo León in early February. The news of Spanish victories in the north proved to delight Viceroy Ruiz de Apodaca, as his hold on power up until that point seemed tenuous and susceptible to the whims of the Audiencia and other ambitious actors amongst the capital's peninsular elite. A handful of victorious engagements however ultimately proved to be of little value as long as resistance to Spanish authority persisted, which forced the new Viceroy (much like the old) to plead with the crown for more reinforcements. In the end 6,200 troops under the command of Field marshal Pascual de Liñán were assembled to assist in the defense of the entire colony, with the vague promise of further levees in the future. For the Insurgents the situation was perhaps more dire, as there was very little they could do in the way of replenishing their exhausted reserves. The general amnesty issued the year prior had started to become a notable hinderance for Insurgent recruitment, though the number of reformed Insurgents did not translate to potential Royalist recruits either. Even through the Insurgent leadership had allies both in Europe and the United States willing to scout potential fighters to join the fight for American independence, the task of convincing any man to join proved to be the more difficult labor. In spite of these challenges a conspiracy based in London had secretly been assembling a force meant to finally break Spanish power in America. Much like the conspiracy which ignited the war for independence, the one based in the United Kingdom was also spearheaded by another famous, albeit eccentric Mexican priest--the Fray Servando Teresa de Mier.1817-1819
The Ejercito de la Unión marching triumphantly into México City, September 1, 1819
The London conspiracy has its origin in the aftermath of Fernando VII's purges against the constitutionalist Spanish Liberals. Fray Mier had served as a delegate within the Constituent Cortes alongside other Mexican representatives such as Miguel Ramos Arizpe and Lucas Alamán, where they all distinguished themselves as brilliant orators and negotiators. The dissolution of the Cortes and the subsequent purges of both Liberals and other "foreign agents" were a deep moral blow for all three men who, despite their varied political leanings (Mier and Arizpe were Liberals while Alamán was a Conservative) believed México's true potential could only be realized as a free and independent state. Beginning in the summer of 1815 the men began to congregate at the residence of Joseph Blanco White, an Anglo-Spanish émigrés who edited a pro-independence journal called El Español, who clandestinely offered his home in London as the conspiracy's headquarters. These three men (at first, more would join at later dates) worked tirelessly to plan and coordinate the eventual invasion of New Spain in order to aid the Insurgent armies and liberate México from Spain once and for all. [1]
Colonel Francisco Javier Mina
Despite the proliferation of veteran soldiers across large parts of Europe, the recruitment of potential volunteers to fight in México proved to be difficult at first, but over the course of 1816 Arizpe and Mier managed to assemble a regiment of roughly 900 soldiers willing to fight in México, predominantly comprised of Spanish, British and Italian volunteers who would be joined by another 500 men from the United States and Haiti upon their arrival to North America in the spring of 1817. Fray Mier chose colonel Francisco Javier Mina, himself a veteran from Spain's struggle against Napoleon, to lead the expeditionary force. Famous for his exploits in guerrilla warfare throughout France's occupation of his home in northern Spain, Mina was also disillusioned by Fernando VII's betrayal of the Liberals and had in fact fled from Spain when he became involved in an abortive coup d'état against the king during the autumn of 1814.[2] As the militaristic elements of the conspiracy finally began to take form, several conservative conspirators advocated for the guarantee that the post-war government of Mexico be a monarchy led ideally by a Bourbon prince, or barring that any European lord of noble stock, as a necessary guarantor of their ancient rights and privileges. Alamán would eventually head his very own diplomatic venture through Europe in order to find the appropriate prince to sit the Mexican throne.
After departing from Great Britain in late February, Mina's regiment arrived first in Norfolk, then Baltimore where they were immediately joined by approximately 400 volunteers, before sailing down the east coast of the United States and through the Bahamas in order to evade Spanish patrols of the Cuban coast. With the aid of a French privateer, Mina undertook a harrowing crossing of the Windward Passage on Easter Sunday 1817 and after a brief respite in Port-au-Prince, where they took on roughly 100 more fighting men, they made their way into the western Caribbean Sea before crossing the Yucatan Straits into the Gulf of México. The flotilla made one penultimate stop in New Orleans before finally sailing down the Texas coast and disembarking near Galveston in late May. To their north in Béxar General López Rayón initially viewed the arrival of the flotilla with caution, but tensions were quickly diffused as soon as Mina swore publicly his allegiance to the Insurgent cause. The Spanish had become well aware of the newest threat to their power and acted to neutralize it in the cradle. The onset of summer saw a new offensive spearheaded by the recently liberated General Arredondo north into the Rio Bravo Valley, occupying the villages of Refugio and Reynosa before moving north along the river toward Laredo. It was there that the Insurgents chose to stand their ground, and despite being outnumbered 2 to 1 López Rayón held off the Royalists long enough for Arredondo's forces to be caught in a sweeping double-envelopment by Mina from the southeast and lieutenant colonel Indalecio Allende from the northwest, in the process obliterating what remained of the Army of the Center. Arredondo and a skeleton force attempted a defensive retreat southward while the Insurgents focused on consolidating their gains, but within a matter of weeks the Insurgents managed to regain much of the territories in Nuevo Santander and Nuevo León they had lost at the start of the year.
The Viceroy was indignant at the sudden turn of events in the north, no less due to the limited number of reinforcements he could send without compromising other vital fronts. Field marshal Liñán had already given orders to march north with a force of approximately 5,000 when Arredondo was routed at the Battle of Laredo, ultimately the former resolved to rendezvous with the latter's diminished force in San Luis Potosí. It was from there that the Royalists attempted to recapture Nuevo León in August with a hard push toward Monterrey, but Mina and López Rayón routed the Royalists at the Battle of Linares on August 30, at which point the Insurgents gained the initiative and began to apply pressure on San Luis Potosí from the north and the west. In early autumn the Insurgents made various breakthroughs, first by Mina in the Sierra Madre Oriental followed by Allende coming from the west into the Altiplano. The combined Insurgent armies descending from the north laid siege to the city of San Luis Potosí for roughly six weeks, before the Royalists finally capitulated on November 25. The Insurgent victory over the final Royalist stronghold in the north was soon regarded as a harbinger of good fortune for the Insurgents, no less due to events in Veracruz. General Morelos' spring campaign involved a more methodical approach toward the capture of Veracruz by occupying the lowlands surrounding the port as opposed to leading with a direct attack, which ultimately bore some fruit. The Royalists endeavored to deny Morelos any chance of taking New Spain's principal port even if it meant weakening other fronts, and after several weeks of siege the Insurgents took Jalapa on July 23. Control of Jalapa cut México City's direct link with Spain, and it gave Morelos the needed leverage to occupy most of the Veracruz Lowlands save for the port city itself, which was soon put under siege in early August. Attempts throughout the autumn to lure or force Morelos away proved total failures, and by the end of the year the Insurgents had undoubtedly surrounded Viceroy Ruiz de Apodaca and the remaining Royalists forces garrisoned within the Valley of México and Puebla.
Morelos' forces at the Battle of Jalapa, July 23, 1817
Dread permeated throughout the Royalist camp as it became clear their primary connection to the sea and to Spain was severed. Their only hope it seemed was to hold the Insurgents back long enough for reinforcements from Spain to arrive and pray their intervention prove decisive enough to change the tide of the war. As it happened, King Fernando VII had been preparing another flotilla to send directly to México, though it would not be sail worthy until the following summer. In the meantime Viceroy Ruiz de Apodaca hastily reorganized the Royalist army and in a sweep intended to mobilize more men, ordered Agustín de Iturbide out of retirement. Despite his initial recalcitrance Iturbide acquiesced and was readmitted with his old rank of colonel and charged with command of the Royalist southern flank, a front which remained relatively frozen throughout the winter of 1818. To the north Field marshal Liñan initially managed to pin the Insurgents west of Querétaro at Celaya, but as the various Insurgent armies in the north all converged under Allende's command the Royalists were eventually forced out of all of Guanajuato in February and most of Querétaro in early March.
Back in Spain King Fernando VII proved in his ineptitude to bring the Spanish economy, already in total disarray in the aftermath of the French invasion, into a state of bankruptcy. Resentment began to simmer amongst the Spanish bourgeoisie and intelligentsia as the king more often than not awarded titles of state and other important government positions to sycophants and other allies in an arbitrary spoils system which had a deleterious effect on the kingdom's ability to function properly. Fernando's solution to the government's insolvency was to reconquer the American colonies no matter the cost both in money and in blood. The result was the oftentimes unfair taxes levied upon the common people coupled with renewed efforts to mobilize more fighting men to send to America, a combination which served only to further antagonize large swaths of the populace. That antagonism exploded outward in early April following a failed assassination attempt (the fourth in as many years) in the city of Barcelona, which was accompanied by a series of riots that persisted long after the King had fled to the relative safety of Aranjuez. The unrest in Catalonia did not deter Fernando from his fervent desire to reclaim América, conducting the final preparations for the armada destined for México from the relative safety of the Royal Palace. Whether by design or by sheer luck, the former Viceroy of New Spain Felix Maria Calleja was charged with command of the assembled expeditionary force, which was ready to embark for Cuba in early June.[3]
Site of the Battle of Puente del Rey, located between the cities of Veracruz and Jalapa
In anticipation of the latest Spanish expeditionary force, General Morelos spearheaded the creation of a naval force capable of defending against Spanish naval power. With the aid of Louis-Michel Aury, the French corsair who helped Colonel Mina on his journey to México the year before, Morelos managed to organize an ad-hoc fleet of warships at Alvarado, which until 1815 had reserved their conduct primarily to raiding Spanish military and commercial traffic throughout the Gulf of México.[4] Reports of the Armada's arrival to Habana in July confirmed the Insurgent's worst fears, as attempts to envelope and deny the Spanish utility of Veracruz were impeded by the presence of Spanish forces garrisoned on the island Fort San Juan de Ulúa. Despite attempts to harass the initial wave of Spanish warships as they neared the coast, contact was successfully established with San Juan de Ulúa on July 30. The Spanish then attempted landings in and around the port a couple of days later but were hampered by the significantly smaller Mexican force, the latter effectively utilizing fire ships to sow panic and confusion among the Spanish warship formations, which the Mexicans managed to successfully exploit. Spanish reinforcements soon tipped further engagements in their favor, and despite the delay Calleja managed to disembark with roughly 3,500 troops, from where they began to march northwest toward Jalapa. Morelos anticipated Calleja's advance and in the preceding weeks had fortified the heights north of Puente del Rey, as well as the adjoining Fort Atalaya de la Concepción. After a series of attritious battles on August 24 and 25, Morelos emerged victorious and a mortally wounded Calleja ordered his men to retreat to Veracruz to await reinforcements.[5]
The Mexicans for their part had also received an influx of naval reinforcements, in the form of Spanish exiles under the leadership of Lieutenant Pedro Moctezuma, a veteran naval officer and brother to the Count of Moctezuma de Tultengo Don Alfonso.[6] The Spanish tried to trap the Mexican Navy at their base inside the Alvarado Lagoon but found the base nearly deserted. The Mexicans had sailed out into the Bay of Campeche in force in early September in order to intercept the second wave of the Spanish invasion force sailing from Cuba. The Battle of Campeche Sound not only went down as one of the few naval Mexican victories of the War for Independence, but it proved decisive as it crippled the desperately needed reinforcements the Royalists needed in order to press the Insurgents back. The Battle raged for nearly three days between September 8-10, before rough waters forced a halt to hostilities. The nascent Mexican Navy had nearly been swallowed by what turned out to be a powerful hurricane making its way through Yucatán and the Bay of Campeche, but Commander Moctezuma managed to direct most of his forces back to the relative safety of Espíritu Santo. The Spanish were not as fortunate, as they were unable to avoid the path of the hurricane in their attempt to return to Habana. A small number of warships made it back to Cuba, while the floating wreckage of the lost boats littered the Gulf Coast from Veracruz as far north as Galveston where the hurricane eventually made its final landfall on September 12.[7]
Battle of Campeche Sound, September 10, 1818
The destruction of much of the expeditionary force was a serious blow to Spanish morale, so much so that it forced many Royalists (including peninsulares) to reconsider continued reliance on the Spanish Crown and by extension the will to prolong the conflict. The Royalists in Veracruz remained under siege by Morelos while the Insurgents under Allende continued to grind slowly through the mountain valleys which separated the Bajío from the capital, but momentum had clearly swung back in the Insurgent's favor. South of Valladolid in the Tierra Caliente, colonel Iturbide had been supposedly on military campaign when in fact he had been secretly negotiating with Morelos' forces beginning in October 1818. After several weeks of strenuous negotiations Iturbide and Morelos both met in person to finalize the terms of their new alliance, soon joined by General Allende in early December. The three men chose Iguala as the location of their summit, where they discussed their common goals, chief among them the belief that México by rights ought to be a free and independent state, though what form that state should take was still up for debate. What was intended to be a fortnight of deliberations resulted in a formal declaration on December 26 of the Plan de Independencia de América Septentrional (Act of Independence of Northern America) by the assembled leaders after nearly a month's work in writing and signing the document which served as the instrument of independence for the united Mexican forces. The Act of Independence not only affirmed the sovereignty of México as an independent constitutional monarchy, but it also established equality amongst all people who lived within the nation's borders, as well as guarantee the primacy of the Roman Catholic Church and imperial continuity by offering the Mexican throne to Fernando VII (or any of his brothers if they were so willing). In the event that no member of the House of Bourbon made the choice to sit on the Mexican throne it was stipulated that any prince of European nobility would be sufficient.[8] The alliance of the various Insurgent and Royalists armies was styled the Ejercito de la Unión, or Army of the Union, to commemorate the various different peoples and ideas that made up the whole of Mexico. In early January 1819 three copies of the Act of Independence were drafted and sent in all directions, one to the Insurgent Congress in Guadalajara, one to Viceroy Ruiz de Apodaca in México City and one to King Fernando VII in Madrid.
The Insurgent Congress initially viewed Iturbide with heavy suspicion but were persuaded by Allende to duly consider and eventually ratify the Act of Independence on February 12, with the republican camp tempered by the affirmations to social equality and the parliamentary nature of the new state. The other parties to the Act were much less enthused upon their procurement of the document throughout the late winter and into the spring of 1819. Viceroy Ruiz de Apodaca rejected the terms presented to him outright and vowed to continue the fight, though public overtures did little to hide the reality that Spain was losing. Back in Madrid, it was rumored that Fernando VII had descended into an apoplectic rage upon being read the Act and vowed to exact holy vengeance "down to the last rebel." Even before the arrival of the document to Spain the King had begun preparations to assemble yet another expeditionary force intended for the New World. The target for this latest armada was originally planned to be the Rio de la Plata, where a precarious independence had taken hold, but news of the previous armada's destruction changed everything. Fernando VII demanded more men and ships to send once more to México, an action which further incensed the military officers and personnel tasked with organizing the invasion. Furthermore, several warships that Spain had acquired from Russia the previous year were all in varying states of rot and disrepair and ultimately deemed unnavigable. Reports of non-payment to both soldiers and military officers contributed greatly to the great mutiny organized by the multitudes of soldiers garrisoned in the port of Cádiz on the first day of May. The Cádiz Mutiny coincided with another military rising orchestrated by General Luis de Lacy in La Coruña on May 4 which not only denounced Fernando VII and his absolutism, it also called for the reestablishment of the Liberal Constitution. Almost immediately all of Galicia burst into a frenzy of insurrection, as word of Lacy's pronunciamiento made its way across northern Spain. In neighboring Asturias the regiment raised for service in América was soon directed by an officer in the Second Battalion, Lieutenant colonel Rafael de Riego, to march on Madrid instead and in June several Liberal exiles traveled from London to lend their aid to the new revolution. The exiles, led by General Francisco Espoz y Mina, landed off the Vizcayan coast near Bilbao, from where they proliferated and ignited more risings from Pamplona through to Barcelona within a matter of weeks.[9]
Signing of the Act of Independence in Iguala, December 1818
The collapse of the absolutist regime in Spain served as a death knell for the Royalists still allied to Fernando VII. After Iturbide's defection to the Insurgents, much of his Southern Command followed and over the course of the spring Spanish power in the west and south crumbled. Toluca and Cuernavaca were both taken in early June, which was then followed by the culmination of Morelos' siege of Veracruz. After 299 days Veracruz was finally taken by the Insurgents on June 3, save for San Juan de Ulúa where General Enrile and his remaining Spanish forces continued to resist. Rumors of Fernando VII's capture or capitulation to the Constitutionalists served to sap the Royalists of their support, and as each day passed and more land was lost to the Insurgents, the Viceroy had more than enough reason to fear the thought of being forcibly removed from power. That fear was well founded as a plan to depose him was set into action on the evening of July 5, when several military officers took over command of two regiments stationed in the capital and encircled the Viceregal Palace, upon which they stormed Ruiz de Apodaca's quarters and forced him to step down. Pascual de Liñán was first chosen to replace Ruiz de Apodaca, but the former's refusal prompted the insurrectionists to compromise on colonel Francisco Ignacio de Elizondo.[10] The irony of this endeavor was that Elizondo's imposition was deemed illegitimate by both Fernando VII and the Spanish Liberals, and it ultimately did nothing to alter the tide of the war. By August Puebla had fallen to the Insurgents, which allowed them to completely encircle the Valley of México and apply pressure from all directions. The Insurgent ranks had swelled in the previous months to roughly 18,000, which gave them numerical superiority in the various battles that were fought around the capital. Allende and Iturbide approached México City from Azcapotzalco and Tacubaya respectively on August 23 and 25, while Morelos entered from the north through Villa de Guadalupe two days later, in decisive battles that effectively brought the war to its conclusion. Several days later, on September 1, the victorious Insurgent Army marched into México City without firing a shot. Nine years after the horrific battle which saw the capital nearly destroyed by the Insurgents' and Royalists' fierce fighting, México City was now the scene of joyous celebration as men who had fought on different sides for nearly a decade reveled in victory and reconciliation with parades, public speeches, banquets and even a te deum from the cathedral.
The Spanish King refused to concede defeat against the Mexicans but was hardly in any position to alter the outcome. Even as he struggled to contain the uprisings against him Fernando VII vehemently warned the other European powers against aiding Mexico or any other Spanish colony deemed by him to be in open rebellion. Spain's former ally the United Kingdom was not shaken by these warnings and only further increased its support for the revolutionaries in Mexico and South America. Neither were the great houses of Europe greatly bothered by Fernando VII's vague threats should any of their scions decide to claim the Mexican throne. The Infante Carlos and Infante Francisco de Paula both joined their elder brother in rejecting the terms of the Act of Independence, despite the best efforts of Lucas Alamán and others to convince them of ruling Mexico independently or in personal union with Spain. The French Bourbons were also ruled out as they were primarily occupied with returning to power in Paris instead.[11] The House of Habsburg proved slightly more promising as the younger brother of the Austrian Emperor, the Archduke Karl, Duke of Teschen, expressed interest in the venture but required adequate time to decide. Surprisingly the Duke of Teschen was not the only one to express interest in ruling México, as the London conspirators were also approached by the Count of Moctezuma de Tultengo, who claimed his descent from one of the last Mexica Emperors gave him a clear advantage over any other candidate. Ultimately the decision of who should be made king or emperor came down to the new Congress which was to be elected into power the following year.[12]
The Army of the Union receiving a heroes welcome to the capital
In the meantime a provisional government was to be established in México City between the Insurgent Congress (in the process of relocation from Guadalajara) and an executive triumvirate made up of the Generals' Allende, Morelos and Iturbide, a body which also served as a regency council until such a time that a monarch is properly chosen. The consummation of independence did not necessarily entail a complete cessation to the fighting, as the Spanish still held onto San Juan de Ulúa and in private discussions the Mexican leadership expressed their fear that Spain would not quit until it had reconquered Mexico and all other territories it felt entitled to. To that end it seemed prudent to launch an invasion of Cuba, as the island was viewed as a natural stepping stone for both past and future Spanish attacks. Despite the inherent challenges of invading such a large island, the Mexican leadership came to understand the importance of securing control of the sea lanes which connected the Gulf of México with the Atlantic Ocean, as well as the right they felt México had to assert its claim to the whole of Cuba as the legal successor to the Viceroyalty of New Spain. In that regard it seemed the war had not quite ended , but instead changed theaters of operation, to say nothing of the ongoing struggles in Nueva Grenada and Rio de la Plata. Despite it all for a brief moment euphoria seemed to permeate the young Mexican nation, as the dream of so many, the dream of independence, had finally been achieved.
[1] A similar conspiracy did exist in OTL but it wasn't as powerful or influential. Again knock on effects from the Mexican rebels being more successful.
[2] This part is mostly from OTL, Mina's life doesn't deviate much until after he's in Mexico.
[3] I have to go back and double check but I recall that Calleja was going to be sent to Mexico by Fernando but Riego's Revolt changed all that. I have to remember where I saw that though.
[4] Morelos had tentative plans for a navy but he was captured and killed in OTL before he could carry any of those plans out. Here of course he lives with the rest of the Insurgent leadership and I figure TTL a navy would be something the Insurgents would all agree is beneficial.
[5] I know it might feel like I killed him off kinda quick but I felt some form of poetic justice having Calleja lose a battle at a famous bridge (call back to Calderon Bridge).
[6] Enter the House of Moctezuma!
[7] OTL an estimated category 2-3 hurricane was observed to have passed through this same area. Say hello to Mexico's divine wind y'all!
[8] Yes this is pretty much exactly the Plan de Iguala, though TTL the official name (Act of Independence) might become just as popular in use.
[9] Basically the various attempts to overthrow or assassinate Fernando VII go down differently between 1814 and 1819, with some like Luis de Lacy living and coordinating with others such as Riego and Espoz y Mina (yes that's Javier Mina's uncle). This alternate "Riego's Revolt" will be going down very differently.
[10] Elizondo was the asshole who turned in Hidalgo and Allende's forces over to the Spanish in OTL which led to their eventual deaths in 1811. Don't let his appointment to Viceroy fool you though, he's more of a puppet than anything else, and all things considered he wasn't 'viceroy" for very long. He just happened to be at the right place at the right time...or wrong place at the wrong time, whatever your fancy.
[11] Oh yeah the Bourbon's aren't in charge of France. I've been very coy with events outside Mexico but now that I've wrapped up this update we'll be seeing more of the world moving forward.
[12] Alfonso Moctezuma may want the Mexican throne pretty bad, but it's not gonna be easy peezy lemon squeezy.
End of Part I
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A question Arkhangelsk: I know it's far into future, but what do you think about population of Mexico in say early 21st Century? Population explosion as in OTL or?
Also, what about economical development, how developed would Mexico be?
Also, what about economical development, how developed would Mexico be?
In terms of population Mexico will be up there as one of the most populous nations, roughly around 250 million people. The growth spurt will probably occur in the late 19th century and continue on into the 20th, with it being slightly more gradual than the explosion that occurred in OTL.
In terms of economic development, it's hard to peg down exactly but I figure Mexico would rank among the top 5 or so economies hands down.
Even in OTL Mexico+US states that were part of Mexico(half Texas)+Central America= 240 mil. population
Oh wow you are correct! I figured TTL Mexico would have a population size similar to that of Brazil. Actually doing the math with OTL numbers, I got a population of about 256 million within TTL Mexico's borders.
Economics was never my strong suit, but if I had to guess TTL Mexico's ranking, I'd figure it's somewhere in between OTL China and India, if that makes any sense.
Yeah, 240 mil. was the number out of my head.
Now, if this Mexico will be more developed, then population explosion should be smaller. But, on the other hand, they would have more immigrants (trough maybe less than US California or Texas), so maybe overall numbers could be somewhat less than in OTL.
About economics, maybe Mexico can be the most developed Latin American country, like Chile or Uruguay in OTL, so with GDP pc of say 15-20000 USD? Just having no cartel war and anarchy would be big improvement.
I guess it depends on some factors:
1. Religious freedom: Even if the US was not particularly as a friendly country towards other religions (WASP), they recognized freedom of religion which in turn allowed people to escape from religious oppression from Europe and Asia. Mexico didn't have that OTL until 1857. Maybe this Mexico can achieve the same goal earlier.
2. Industrialization: I think it's obvious to say that people migrated to the US for a better life as a result of the development of capitalism. A stronger industrialized Mexico can achieve the same thing as long as the conditions allow Mexico to industrialize properly.
3. Medicine and fertilization rates, which are also conditioned on the first 2 factors.
The lack of freedom of religion with the Empire was definitely a stumbling block to Mexico's ability to attract immigrants. I figure some sort of influence from whenever the UK finally recognizes Mexico and the other independent Latin American states to induce some sort of organic liberalization maybe sometime in the 1830's.
On points 2 and 3 I agree as well, it's certainly not impossible for Mexico to achieve all the above. Obviously in OTL circumstances prevented Mexico from stabilizing and proper state-building until the second half of the 19th century, with TTL time is of the utmost essence.
As it stands I intend for the first decade of independence to be a bit touch and go, with things clearly stabilizing after 1830 or so. Spain still needs to be dealt with once and for all (in Cuba and elsewhere) and the country literally needs to rebuild after nearly 9 years of fighting.
On the other hand, considering how good Protestant (Anglo-American) migration turned for Mexico...
One thing: in the far future, considering that Mexico is on a trade route for South American drugs that go into US and Canada, i'm afraid that lots of cartel issues are a given? What do you think?
Same thing with illegal border migration- the US will allways be at least 2-3x more developed.
Same thing with illegal border migration- the US will allways be at least 2-3x more developed.
The main reasons Mexico had to deal with the Texanos was because three main things:
1. Lack of freedom of religion
2. Lack of federalization
3. Prohibition of slavery
The third one is basically unavoidable unless you want to create a cursed Mexico. The 1 and 2nd ones can be avoidable if the Mexican government liberalizes and avoid Santa Anna to be a thing.Although either way the US will be look for Northern Mexico.
I'm interested in how this goes. I'm going to word vomit here.
The First Republic was unstable because of three main events. Iturbide's abdication, The Coup launched by Guerrero's supporters and the coup launched against Guerrero. Take out those three factors and you take out the bulk of OTL's uprisings and pronunciamentos. You'll still have to deal with the masonic lodges which also caused their own fighting. Those three factors pretty much set the tone for the 1820s and 1830s. If those first 20 years can be more stable, the government's budget might be in a better position to deal with the Native Americans in the north and the Texan situation. So the lodges and the French (they'll find an excuse for the pastry war) would be the major issues to poison the country.
I don't think Mexico is ready for freedom of religion in those two decades though. But with more money, the government can do more than form just one colony in Texas of Mexicans and without Santa Ana getting captured in San Jacinto, you have a much higher chance of crushing Sam Huston's rebellion. Jackson was opposed to taking Texas by force and would have reacted negatively if US forces crossed the Sabine. Just let Sam Huston escape, round up the stragglers, and then deal with the eventual filibuster that would likely happen not too long after Huston's escape.
If the Adams Onis treaty doesn't get negotiated cause Mexico is able to claim Florida as its own (a challenge for the diplomats of the insurgency to say the least) then maybe Mexico can even leverage something out of US desires for the territory. Eventually border disputes will happen and someone in the US will want to manifest destiny the north. But TTL's army could avoid some of the issues caused by Santa Ana's administrative neglect of the army. Even a small navy would help. Just one ship of the line with some supports would help slow down any naval assault. A more united Mexico would actually put up a fight that Scott didn't face in the OTL. OTL's Battle of Monterey could have easily gone in another direction. Just give Mexico better gunpowder and weapons and you can beat Taylor's forces. Basically put Mexico in a much more favorable position for TTL's Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.
Just some random thoughts.
Mmmm, I don't think so. Actually is unlikely to happen considering that this TL already eliminated one important factor; the anarchy of the first 50 years of the independent Mexico. Why this is important to consider in the Narco history? I will explain this broadly. The first narcos that start operating in Sinaloa were, at the begining, the armed wing of the Sinaloan hacendados who fought against the land reforms promoted by the revolutionary goverments, especially durign the government of Lázaro Cárdenas. Those governments were a direct consecuence of the Mexican Revolution that fought against the dictatorship of General Porfirio Diaz and the wealthy landowners who hoard up the land of the peasants all around Mexico, and this happen as a consecuence of La Reforma and especially the Lerdo Law that targeted not only property owned by the Catholic Church, but also properties held in common by indigenous communities and transfer them to private hands, this create especulation with the new burgoise of Mexico who became later the powerful landlords of el Porfiriato, one example of this is Luis Terrazas, governor of Chihuahua and old supporter of Benito Juarez durign the War of three Years and the Second French intervention.
La Reforma was a result of the Ayutla Revolution that begun because of the dictatorship of Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna and the bad state in wich Mexico was at the time because of the defeat in the Mexican-American War. If Mexico succedes in this first 50 years in his consolidation as an independent and strong nation there will not be first of all an constant state of chaos caused by the revolts of centralists or federalists factions, this creates security for the consolidation of bussiness, the reforms will be more gradual that what it was on OTL avoinding a violent civil war that saw the political raising of people like Porfirio Diaz and the creation of wealth that ends for eliminating, or at least minimizing poverty in the long term, that is the second reason why there was and still there's a lot of people who wants to join to the cartels and makes them stronger, because they want money to survive. Now, if this Mexico becomes an important power in the 20 century is more than plausible that there's more of a welfare state that discourages the generalized corruption of OTL Mexico that born thanks to the lack of opportunities, the low salarys of the law forces, politicians who get their possition because they were the friends of one important revolutionary leader, even if they were incompetent, and as I said before the poverty that prevailed in what is now know as the "Golden triangle" between Chihuahua, Sonora and Sinaloa and became with all this together the perfect spot for the Italian Mafia and the US government for the growth and traffic of Opium to the Union, that created later the conditions for the raise of criminals who later get power to found the first drug cartels in Mexico.
If this Mexico is stronger, another thing in its favor will be that they would be able of dealing with the US with the leaglization of drugs with the Reglamento Federal de Toxicomanías of 1940 by wich the mexican goverment monopolized the sale of drugs and declares the drug addiction as a health problem and not only a crime to punish. The reason why this program was cancelled in OTL was because the US protested about it and cancell the shipment of the chemicals necessary to the creation of this drugs and the allegation that if this law continued, a big wave of drugs coming from the South would flood the US , If Mexico is able to produce those chemicals and resist the preassure of the United States by 1940, the program could be succesful and one of the most important steps in the fight against drug traffic and not only becomes "the outpourings of a fucking educated nigger" as a customs officer of el Paso, John Bucley declared about the program formulated by Leopoldo Salazar Viniegra.
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