Bougnas,

Is there any chance you can elaborate of French culture of the time? Specifically, the citizenry's view about its own government and military? In my limited reading I always got the impression that they viewed their both with skepticism. That in turn impacted not only an individual's interest in serving in the military, but also contributed to how French labour reacted to rearmament industrialization efforts. Thank you again so much.
 
Even if more realistic assessments happened, the plan was only to mobilize, then either occupy Luxemburg with the approval of the local govt and SDN or take some territory in the Saarland as safety. The latter option was judged fairly useless for the effort. Of course either of those reactions could spice things up before a 1938 or 1939 war in a TL.
I could see the occupation of the Saarland possibly ticking Hitler off, since this would undo one of his 1935 foreign policy successes. He almost certainly won't be trying to intentionally start a war with France immediately, but I could see him potentially stating that, unlike the "weak" Weimar Republic in 1923, he will not try to stop "patriotic" Germans (people that are like for example the WWI veteran and Freikorps member Albert Leo Schlageter who was executed by the French in 1923 after he committed acts of sabotage against their occupation of the Ruhr and was subsequently turned into a martyr by the Nazis) from resisting the French occupation.
 
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Bougnas,

Is there any chance you can elaborate of French culture of the time? Specifically, the citizenry's view about its own government and military? In my limited reading I always got the impression that they viewed their both with skepticism. That in turn impacted not only an individual's interest in serving in the military, but also contributed to how French labour reacted to rearmament industrialization efforts. Thank you again so much.
I'm part way through a book called European Journey by Philip Gibbs 'being the narrative of a journey in France Switzerland, Italy Austria Hungary Germany and the Saar in the Spring and Summer of 1934 with an authentic record of the ideas, hopes and fears moving in the minds of common folk and expressed in wayside conversations'.
It's just what it says on the label, well written and full of things I hadn't known about (and some I thought happened much later on).
It sounds like the kind of thing you're after.
 
Addendum VI – Britain’s Best General?

Garrison

Donor
VI – Britain’s Best General?

In the inevitable discussions of who was the best British General, especially in the period between 1939 and 1942, certain figures tend to be ignored, Gort or Alanbrooke’s contributions are usually overlooked in favour of those Generals who achieved major victories in the field, which means the discussions tend to centre around William Slim, Bernard Law Montgomery, and of course Richard O’Connor. Those argue in favour of Slim as they ‘greatest ‘ tend to centre on his achieving so much in South East Asia with relatively limited resources compared to his counterparts elsewhere. His successful counteroffensive that drove into Thailand during Operation Buttermere was carried out with forces that were far thinner on manpower and heavy weapons than those commanded by Montgomery and still achieved impressive gains against the Japanese. The inevitable counterpoint to this is that it was Montgomery’s forces in Malaya that did the ‘heavy lifting’ and that Slim’s successes were simply in a supporting role while Montgomery faced the primary axis of the Japanese advance. The fact that the Burma front might have been secondary to both the Japanese and the British does not diminish the skill Slim showed in taking troops, including troops only recently raised in Burma and distinctly lacking in experience and morale, and turning them into an effective fighting force that drew the Japanese into a trap that destroyed them when they attacked into Burma. This opened the way for the drive into Thailand during Operation Buttermere and substantially weakened the Japanese position, leaving them vulnerable to the British offensives in 1943.

In Malaya it is arguable that Montgomery faced even more of an uphill task than Slim, taking a command that was poorly organized and fractured by disputes between the British, the Australians, and the local civilian administration, and pulling it together in to a force that held off the initial Japanese assaults and before reclaiming the initiative and beginning the series of campaigns that drove them out of South East Asia. Montgomery’s energy and meticulous planning can hardly be denied, though some of the credit for the early planning and strategy undoubtedly belongs to General Percival, and the major complaints about Montgomery centre on the size of his ego rather than his strategic skills. Certainly, Montgomery did engage with the press in a way that some of his counterparts didn’t and he wasn’t afraid to draw attention to himself, this however has to be placed in the context of the forces in Malaya being treated as the poor relations when he arrived and the need to extract more support from Britain to prepare the defence of the country, and indeed to continue operations in the face of the constant demands of operations in the Mediterranean and the Northwest Europe. However egotistical Montgomery might have been it was put to good use in securing the victories that prevented the British being thrown out of Malaya and Burma, with potentially disastrous consequences for the conduct of the Pacific War.

Richard O’Connor may not have sought out publicity in the way that Montgomery did, but his victories in North Africa inevitably brought him into the public eye as they offered the first successes the nation had enjoyed since the dark days of 1940. He further enhanced his reputation in Sicily, where he had overall command of the British Corps involved as one of Harold Alexander’s deputies, a success which put him line for an even more important role in 1943. That O’Connor had to contend with the Wehrmacht and the SS is often seen as a distinct plus for his credentials as the best British Generals, since after all Slim and Montgomery ‘only’ had to face the Japanese. O’Connor himself rejected such ideas, correctly asserting that the Japanese were a dangerous and determined opponent who had to be respected for their determination and fighting spirit.

None of the above provides a clear answer to the question of who was the best British General? That is because it is a meaningless question in the context of Slim, Montgomery, and O’Connor. The fact is that each of them made a substantial contribution to advancing the British cause of defeating the Axis and if anyone of them had been rendered unavailable it would have been a huge blow to the British and might have seen the war in the Middle East and South East Asia become far more protracted and costly, with inevitable consequences for China, India, and the liberation of Europe. In short Britain was eminently fortunate to have the right men in the right place at the right time.
 

Garrison

Donor
So new adddendum and an update to say I have about 5-6 more articles to finish to complete 1943, so yes the sequel will start soon.
 

Garrison

Donor
Great to see Slim has more of a profile here, seems to me quite a few TLs overlook him entirely.
It seems appropriate to forget the general of the Forgotten Army.

I agree that it's good to see him put in an appearance.
Well it helps that here Burma and Malaya aren't unmitigated disasters and after the North Africa campaign was settled South East Asia was the main area for British offensives for a few months.
 
Addendum VII – Italy – MS vs OTL

Garrison

Donor
VII – Italy – MS vs OTL

It’s hard to imagine that OTL Italy was in anyway lucky given the military catastrophes they suffered IOTL but as we’ve seen in the MS universe things could have gone a lot worse. Their good fortune was that the British thought the job was all but done in 1941 and that sending troops to Greece was not going to create any problems, since the Afrika Korps couldn’t possibly take to the field before the summer. That decision meant that Italy would stay in the fight in North Africa for the next two years, drawing off British manpower that could have been put to use elsewhere and at least allowing Mussolini to maintain the illusion that there might be a victory to be had for Italy. In the MS universe the Italian hesitation over attacking Egypt robbed them of that, though it could be argued that it saved a lot if Italian lives that would have been wasted over the next two years, though events after 1942 may offset that somewhat.

In the MS universe the weaknesses of the Italian military and political leadership were exposed even more rapidly than in OTL, and it almost certainly came as something of a shock in both realities to realise just how poor the Italian Army was. Back in the mid-1930s it was Italy that was seen as the leading Fascist nation and one whose support Germany had to court. Mussolini played a major role in bringing about the Munich conference, and they had displayed their ruthlessness in Ethiopia. Hardly surprising then that for a little while that Hitler’s Germany was seen as the ‘reasonable’ dictatorship. In Munich Shuffle the post war view of Italy circa 1942 is basically going to be even greater derision than OTL, the industrial and political factors that wrecked any possibility of Italian success are in full force and with the British avoiding a couple of serious mistakes they’ve essentially brought Italy to a state of collapse in less than two years of war and the only reason they aren’t advancing on Rome is that they decided their forces were better deployed elsewhere.

The German intervention in Italy is even more fraught than OTL and with the Allies notably failing to invade many in Italy are questioning who is actually the bigger threat, their enemies or their allies? Italy is becoming ever more restless as the Germans extend their influence and impose their rules, and it won’t take much to turn that into open conflict.
 

Garrison

Donor
Okay so I have about 73,000 words written, there are a couple of updates still to be drafted, but Millennium Shuffle will be launching next week. Given I don't have quite the amount of material already written that I did with Munich Shuffle the updates will be Wednesday and Saturday. So the opening will be 31st of August. Expect more action in SEA and the Pacific, alt D-Day, alt-Citadel and 'events' happening in Germany and Italy.

ETA: and I misread my calendar because I forgot about the bank holiday in the UK, so yes Wednesday the 31st.
 
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Garrison

Donor
@Garrison Good to hear part 2 is coming. BTW, why are you calling part 2 the Millennium Shuffle? I think you may have already explained that but I'm afraid I missed it.
Its named after the alternative name for Overlord. IOTL they wanted to call the plan Millennium but Bomber Command had the name and wouldn't give it up.
 
Its named after the alternative name for Overlord. IOTL they wanted to call the plan Millennium but Bomber Command had the name and wouldn't give it up.

At which point the Allies dug in for the REALLY decisive battle of WWII, the Battle for the Name begins! :)

Randy
 
Millennium Shuffle 1943-1945 - 1st January 1943 – The Turning of the Tide – Part I – Japan & Italy

Garrison

Donor
Millennium Shuffle 1943-1945


1st January 1943 – The Turning of the Tide – Part I – Japan & Italy

By the start of 1943 whatever the propaganda emanating from Tokyo and Berlin might claim about how victory would still be theirs so long as the people were willing to give their all to the war effort it was obvious to many that recent events were no mere temporary setbacks, the war had firmly turned against the Axis partners. Japanese forces were being slowly pushed back in the Pacific and South East Asia and the powerful carrier force which had struck the shocking blow at Pearl Harbor that opened the Pacific war was gone and could not be replaced by Japanese shipyards, indeed Japanese industry as a whole was struggling in the face of shortages of fuel and raw materials. Their Germans allies could offer little in the way of aid. A trickle of critical raw materials was transported between the two nations courtesy of submarines making the long hazardous journey from Europe to Japan and back and the missions also carried technical blueprints and samples of the latest equipment being put into service. The Germans were largely dismissive of Japanese technology, but the Japanese did take inspiration from some of the information provided, especially jet and rocket technology. Despite what some have claimed the number of instances where the Japanese simply copied a German design outright were rare [1].

Few details of the battles being fought by the Imperial Japanese Army and Navy reached the Japanese public, or at least few accurate ones. With Japan’s defeats happening in far flung corners of Asia and the Pacific and no access to alternative accounts of the progress of the war the Imperial authorities retained a much tighter grip on the flow of information than even their counterparts in Berlin. And yet the many citizens involved in war industries, especially the naval shipyards of the Home Islands, and those who received the notices that their sons or husbands had fallen in battle could hardly help but see the increasingly grim situation Japan faced {2].

The official propaganda focused on sending the message that the sacrifices of the Japanese soldiers across the Pacific were guaranteeing Japanese victory, so long as their sacrifices were matched by those made on the home front. This meant yet more deprivations for the Japanese citizenry, already struggling with inadequate supplies of basic necessities as the military got first priority for what was available and expedients such as using rice to make alcohol that could be used to supplement their dwindling fuel stocks were also put into practice, meaning even less food for the civilian population. The great lie at the heart of this propaganda was that even if such sacrifices could have replenished the ranks of the Japanese Army and Navy and gotten Japanese war factories running at full capacity it would have made little difference to Japan’s situation. Raw recruits were no substitute for the experienced sailors, pilots, and soldiers lost during the first year of the war in the Pacific, with the effects on the quality of Japanese naval aviation being especially acute. Likewise putting out a few more tanks, aircraft, and warships would do little in the face of the tidal wave of US production that threatened to drown Japan, even worse new equipment coming out of US factories was addressing the deficiencies that had been identified during the battles of 1942 [3].

The much vaunted Zero fighter was no longer a mystery to the Allies after crashed examples had been repaired and tested. They knew its weaknesses, particularly the fact that so much of its vaunted agility came from being extraordinarily light, lacking the armour and self-sealing tanks that the Allied air forces regarded as a basic requirement for their fighter. An entire new class of Fleet Carrier, the Essex was due to come into service in 1943 as well as new classes of Escort Carrier. In the same time frame the Japanese could expect to commission a single carrier to replenish their losses, and replacing their lost air groups was an even bigger challenge. Ways of compensating for this degradation in the quality of their air and naval power were being discussed, and it wouldn’t take long before individual acts of sacrifice committed in the name of honour would be converted into a doctrine that wholeheartedly embraced suicide tactics [4].

The closest thing to a realistic strategy being discussed in Tokyo was to fight a series of battles that cost the lives of so many enemy soldiers that the Allies would grow weary of the war and seek to end it on terms that, even if the fell short of Japan’s ambitions at the start of the war, would at least preserve the integrity of the Japanese Home Islands and retaining the position of the emperor. How many Japanese lives would be lost to achieve even this limited goal was barely even considered, likewise the probability that the USA in particular would accept anything less than the complete crushing of Japan, given their powerful desire to avenge the ‘sneak attack’ at Pearl Harbor, was not a topic for discussion among the Japanese leadership [5]. Such was the atmosphere in Tokyo that even these conservative war aims were fiercely opposed, as there were still prominent figures clinging to the idea that one decisive battle could still turn the tide and see Japan being the one to set the terms of peace. For the likes of Tojo and Yamamoto it was not a matter of realism versus delusions, simply a matter of differing degrees of self-deception.

The only way that Italy could claim to be in a better position than Japan was that no one still entertained any illusions that Italy could win the war, and many doubted the nation could even survive. Italy was still a member of the Axis and it was still a combatant, though at this point it would be hard to find anyone bar a few diehard Fascists who were happy about that. Italian troops remained in the Balkans, fighting against the various partisan groups that had sprung up and guarding the coasts against Allied commando raids, with Crete acting as staging ground for all sorts of Allied ‘mischief’. The army was also deeply involved in preparing for the defence of Italy, continuing the plans originally laid out by the Ciano government to create a series of fortified positions covering the ports and beaches that might be used by the Allies as landing zones, which was now being supplemented by further defensive lines further inland, though work on any such defences facing north had naturally ceased. The Regia Aeronautica was still occasionally bombing Crete and attacking shipping in the waters around the island, with intermittent support from the Luftwaffe and They were likewise tasked with intercepting Allied bombing raids on targets in Italy itself as well as Greece and elsewhere in the Balkans, with the Germans being particularly eager to stop any raids that might be directed against the Ploesti oilfields. A casual inspection of the situation might then lead one to imagine than nothing much had changed after the German intervention. While this was certainly the public position of the Ciano government it was far from the truth, and no amount of propaganda could keep the Italian people from realizing that they were now to all intents and purposes an occupied nation, with the added burden of being expected to keep their armed forces in the field [6].

One of the most tangible signs that Italy was no longer being treated as an ally was the logistical support that Italy was required to provide to the German forces in the country. The Wehrmacht forces stood at around ten divisions by 1943, backed up by Luftwaffe bomber and fighter squadrons, all of whom the Italians were expected to provide them with food, fuel, and other supplies, and to do so even at the expense of their own armed forces. The issue was made far worse by the fact that the demands made by the Germans could have generously supplied thirty or forty divisions, and it was no secret that most of the supplies made their way to Wehrmacht forces in France or on the Eastern Front. Providing these supplies was a significant burden to the Italians, especially as industry and agriculture were being significantly impacted by the demands for labour and construction materials imposed by the construction of the defensive positions. The Germans magnanimously agreed slave labour from Eastern Europe, though the Italian government was expected to pay for such labour in the same way that German companies were, and at a considerably higher price than that charged by the SS to German industry for access to concentration camp labour. The Germans made it clear they would be happy to offset Italy’s new debts by taking a controlling interest in some of the most notable Italian companies, with FIAT being top of their shopping list. Ciano deployed his best diplomatic efforts to fend off these suggestions, but it could only a matter of time before Italian industry was reduced to mere subsidiaries of the most prominent German conglomerates [7].

If the Army and the Air Force had survived the German intervention had been a deathblow for the remaining surface fleet of the Regia Marina. They had been largely confined to port even before Operation Alaric and now even the idea of maintaining a fleet in being had been abandoned. The resources needed to keep the fleet running, especially fuel, could be put to better use elsewhere, and this was not simply the opinion of the Germans, the Italian Army and the Ciano government largely agreed with this decision and the guns of the remaining warships of the Regia Marina would be demounted and used in shore emplacements. The remaining Italian submarine forces would remain in action, for as long as they survived in hostile waters, but even this would be hampered by fuel supply issues [8].

As stated, the Italian Army remained in the field, this did not mean though that it had not suffered after the intervention. Logistical support for the Italian forces had always been poor and in the winter of 1942-43 it nearly broke down altogether. Troops were in some cases reduced to begging for food, if they happened to be stationed in Italy. In Greece and Yugoslavia, they simply seized whatever they could at gun point, not that there was all that much to take after eighteen months of Italian occupation. Desertion was an increasing problem in Italy and while most soldiers who fled ditched their uniforms many kept their weapons and joined one of the nascent partisan groups, with many making a sudden conversion from Fascism to Communism [9].

Whatever deprivations might have been faced by Italian soldiers and even the luckless slave labourers it was nothing compared to the fate of those Italian Jews who couldn’t flee or hide. They were now subjected to being rounded up and deported to the Nazis death camps and much of this round up was carried out by the Italian authorities, not the SS or the Wehrmacht as some Italians claimed later and attempts to pretend that anyone believed that the Jews were being detained or resettled are flatly contradicted by those records and reports that survived the attempts to burn them when the war ended. Ciano and many of the senior military leaders were perfectly aware of the Holocaust, whether they colluded because they agreed with the goal of destroying the Jews or simply from fear of the consequences of opposition varied from person to person [10].

The situation in Italy was clearly miserable and yet the Ciano government knew it could be worse, certainly for them personally. There was ongoing anxiety about an Allied invasion and a strong belief that as burdensome as the Wehrmacht presence might be it was at least acting as a deterrent to the Allies who would hopefully turn their attention elsewhere. By 1943 then the ambitions of the Italian government had been reduced to simply avoiding Italy becoming a battleground, and even this was dependent on forces beyond their control [11].

[1] The Kikka jet fighter of OTL was certainly inspired by the ME 262 but the visual similarities were just a product of the limitations of designing a twin engine jet fighter with the technology available. And their version of a flying bomb was a very different beast, mainly of course because it was manned.

[2] However hard the Japanese government clamps down on information it’s kind of difficult to hide the fact that some very large warships never come into port anymore, or how your loved one serving on the frontline never sends letters home anymore.

[3] So for those in Washington calling for a higher priority for the Pacific it’s a good news bad news situation. The stronger Allied performance in the Pacific and SEA makes it easier for them to lobby for a bigger share of US military output, but the plans for full invasion of Europe in 1943 creates pressure in the other direction. Overall, there will be more men and equipment for the Pacific than IOTL, but still less than they want.

[4] The Japanese are going down that road much faster than OTL because of course things are getting worse for them faster.

[5] The sort of people who tried to stage a coup to stop the surrender in our 1945 are still prevalent in Tokyo.

[6] With friends like these…

[7] The Nazis behaved very oddly when it came to taking over control of companies in the west, taking what be generously seen as a legal approach, and being rebuffed on multiple occasions.

[8] The surface fleet didn’t dare take to sea and of course the Germans aren’t convinced that some warship at sea might not just sail to an Allied port and raise the white flag.

[9] These are the sort of men who are drawn to the extremes, so not surprising that when one fails them they turn to another.

[10] The Allies staying out of Italy might end the war sooner by focusing on North-western Europe but there is a price for that plan.

[11] It could be worse, and it will be in due course…
 
So Italian Fascists will join their Nazi counterparts at the Trials.

How is Ethiopia doing? Rapid defeat of Italian Africa must have impacted them a great deal.
 

Garrison

Donor
So Italian Fascists will join their Nazi counterparts at the Trials.

How is Ethiopia doing? Rapid defeat of Italian Africa must have impacted them a great deal.
The British kicked the Italians out a while back and the British decided to make a point of helping the liberated country.
 
1st January 1943 – The Turning of the Tide – Part II – Germany

Garrison

Donor
1st January 1943 – The Turning of the Tide – Part II – Germany

In Germany Hitler’s loudly stated view was that Germany’s destiny was still in its own hands and victory could still be won if the country dedicated itself to ‘total war’. If few in the Wehrmacht shared this bombastic view, there was still a general feeling that Germany could emerge from the war if not wholly victorious then at least with its borders intact and perhaps even retaining some of its territorial gains and most importantly perhaps without those had served the Reich facing any consequences for the brutality with which they had conducted themselves before and during the war. Achieving this would almost certainly mean splitting their enemies apart, persuading either the Western Allies or the USSR to make a separate peace with Germany and leaving the other side with little choice but to follow suit or face continuing what was now an unwinnable war. This did not seem such a farfetched idea in January of 1943, certainly 6th army was trapped in Stalingrad and seemed doomed to destruction, but the USSR had already paid a terrible price for its few victories and to date not one British or American solider had set foot in mainland Europe. It was no great secret that Stalin was deeply unhappy about this fact, and it did not seem impossible that the two sides could be prised apart. On the other hand, it was a source of ongoing bafflement to Adolf Hitler that the British Empire in particular had chosen to align itself with the USSR. Communism was antipathetic to the existence of the British Empire, and he was correct in his belief that many in the British establishment detested Communism and might have been sympathetic to a crusade against the USSR under certain circumstances. Hitler blamed this seemingly contradictory situation on his favourite scapegoats, the Jews. He could not accept that his own actions were responsible for the grim determination of the British to destroy Nazi Germany [1].

While Hitler would have preferred to make peace in the west and give Germany a free hand against the USSR this did not mean that he was completely unwilling to consider resurrecting some version of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, at various times the Nazi government did indeed consider this option, though it seems unlikely that they would ever have seriously committed to such a course of action when it came to the crunch, or that such a peace would have amounted to anything more than a temporary ceasefire. The problem with either of these options was that they all but demanded inflicting some sort of major defeat in either the east or the west. Whether this took the form of repulsing a major amphibious assault by Anglo-American forces somewhere on the continent of Europe or crushing a Soviet counteroffensive no peace could be obtained some sort of success on the battlefield [2].

Finding the means to achieve such a victory was another matter since by this stage of the war the Allies and the USSR could equip and deploy far larger forces than Germany could ever hope to regardless of how far they extended the draft and how hard they worked the slaves the German war industries were increasingly dependent on. It was still taken as a matter of fact among the Wehrmacht that German soldiers were individually superior to those of their enemies, and it seemed to many in Berlin that the key was to provide their superior soldiers with superior weapons that would act as a force multiplier and make victory inevitable, or at least create the breathing space needed for a negotiated peace. The most obvious expression of the philosophy of superior weapons was the recently introduced Panzer VI Tiger tank, and the still in development Panzer V Panther. These tanks certainly offered a qualitative leap over previous models, but both came with a high price tag and were plagued with technical issues on their introduction. They were also complicated to manufacture and in terms of streamlining production to maximize output both were at the very start of the learning some in the Wehrmacht, with support from Fritz Todt before his forced retirement, were keen to see more squeezed out of existing weapons [3].

Vehicles such as the StuH 38(t) and the recently introduced StuG 38(t) Hetzer had proven that allegedly obsolete vehicles could be given a new lease of life, creating effective weapons while reusing components already being manufactured and taking maximum advantage of existing production lines without completely retooling them. Creating an assault gun/tank destroyer version of the Panzer IV akin to the StuG III fitted with the version of the 75mm anti-tank gun intended for the Panther was an obvious development, though the resulting Jagdpanzer IV was something of a disappointment in service and regardless assault guns weren’t enough, the Wehrmacht was adamant that what it needed was more tanks, not just allegedly better ones. It was to this end that Todt chose to support the Panzer III/IV project. This design finally recognized the folly of having two semi-identical tanks in production with the inevitable division of labour and complication of the supply chain, and by 1943 the arbitrary dividing line between their intended roles had ceased to exist. The Panzer III/IV would merge elements of the two tanks into a single vehicle, enabling the use of proven components and minimizing disruption to production. As a bonus the merged design could incorporate some modifications to the chassis and turret that incorporate a greater use of sloped armour while still keeping the major mechanical components identical to the tank’s predecessors. This would in theory allow a full merging of the production lines and increase overall owing to efficiency gains. This fitted in with the narrative that became the obsession of those directing Germany industry in the latter half of the war and was fully embraced by Albert Speer when he replaced Todt, or at least it was embraced as a propaganda tool. The endless infighting and desire for the next wonder weapon continually undermined efforts to rationalize war production and while the Pz III/IV did enter service it never fully replaced the Panzer III or IV as originally intended, though it did produce some modest gains in production and proved useful in combat, refuting the naysayers who were demanding ever bigger tanks with thicker armour and bigger guns. Those who might have been tempted to say ‘I told you so’ kept silent because of course Hitler was the leading proponent of the bigger is better philosophy. A later revision carrying a larger turret and the Panther gun was simply a step to far for the beleaguered German arms industry, though arguably it would have easier to build and more mechanically reliable than the early Panthers [4].

One area where rationality and efficiency were utterly ignored was in the prosecution of the Holocaust. Not only was the mass murder being carried out at Auschwitz and other places an atrocity, but it was also an absurdity. A nation where the propaganda spoke of ‘total war’ had constructed vast a vast mechanized system of murder that consumed huge amounts of material resources and vitally needed transportation. Trains that might have might have moved coal or iron, or supplies for the Ostheer, were instead carrying helpless men women and children to a brutal death. Many of those people so gleefully murdered by the Nazi state might have laboured in German factories instead, though given the treatment of slave labour in German industry this would just have been a slow death for most of the Jewish population selected for work rather than immediate murder. With so many involved in some capacity in carrying out the Holocaust the notion that the ordinary German people were oblivious about what was going was clearly nonsense, and if some did manage to be wilfully ignorant of what was going on with the Jews, they could hardly ignore the slave workers that made up an increasing part of the workforce, or the brutal treatment handed out to them [5].

The slave labour system did operate its own macabre logic and could be seen as meeting the desire of the Nazis for the efficient use of resources, so long as one was a Nazi and unconcerned about whether these labourers lived, so long as useful work could be wrung out of them before their demise. The labourers were treated in the manner of components rather than workers, something to be used until it was worn out and then replaced with another essentially identical part. Slave workers who exceeded their targets would have their rations increased, those who fell short had their rations cut, putting them into a downward spiral that could only end with them dying in place or being discarded and returned to the concentration camps many of them had been extracted from. This system of distributing rations was known as ‘performance feeding’ and was soon codified as best practice for German industry. Much like parts or raw material this slave labour did not come for free, Germany industry was expected to pay the SS for each ‘unit’ obtained from the concentration camps, which were progressively expanded to ensure a steady supply of labour to the factories and mines [6].

Not everyone was content to stay silent about the fact that Hitler was leading Germany to ruin, but dissent or resistance to the Nazi state came with huge risk as the Gestapo wormed its way into every area of German life and the court system was simply a rubber stamp where accusation equalled guilt. Groups like the White Rose who tried to tell the truth and force people to confront reality paid the ultimate price for their actions, convicted in show trials designed to dissuade anyone from following their example. As noble, and even heroic, acts of resistances by ordinary citizens might be the only hope of any significant change of direction for Germany lay with those who held real power, the very same political cronies and military officers who had willingly colluded with Hitler for so many years. Expecting principled opposition to Hitler from these quarters would be asking too much, though there were those who had never been convinced by Hitler’s grandiose plans and had come to despise him personally, so it came down to a matter of what they felt would guarantee their personal survival and that of Germany. A few were toying with the idea that the country would better off without the Fuhrer, however as discussed previously many of them still retained hopes that there might still be a way out of the war for Germany if things turned their way on the battlefield. It would only be when it became clear that there was nothing facing Germany except abject defeat that they would finally take action [7].

[1] The fundamental problem for Germany is that at any point where Hitler would consider peace the Allies are in the ascendancy and have no motivation to negotiate, not to mention he’s completely untrustworthy.

[2] In practical terms that is going to mean repelling the D-Day landings, crushing the not-going-to-happen invasion of Italy or victory in what will be Operation Citadel, so its quite the longshot at this point.

[3] Todt’s plane crash didn’t happen, and he remains in office essentially until Speer’s greater enthusiasm for Hitler’s flights of fancy seems him ousted.

[4] So this all emerged from previous discussions and designs provided by Cortz#9. The Germans are a little bit better off armour wise given the earlier arrival of the Hetzer, which is not the OTL version, the Pz III/IV and the fact that this Tiger has sloped armour. I’ll put the images Cortz#9 created up again in the next post.

{5] They will not stop the mass murder until someone puts boots on the ground and makes them stop, that will happen sooner rather than later ITTL.

[6] A brief encapsulation of the horrors of the slave labour system, I would again recommend Tooze’s ‘The Wages of Destruction’ for a full accounting.

[7] So there will be an alt-Valkyrie, with some alt consequences.
 
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