Oh, what days! - or - A surviving House of Estridsen

Oh, what days!
Oh, what days!
or
A surviving House of Estridsen

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Three blue lions on a yellow field with hearts were originally the arms of the Estridsen dynasty, but as the ruling House of Denmark they became the arms of the Kingdom itself.



The waters of the Øresund were full of ships, men, and the sounds of battle. Swords clanged against each other, men screamed as they were wounded and died, and waves crashed against the mighty vessels on which the carnage took place. All these noises were however drowned out by a sound never heard before this far north, the thunderous crash of black powder cannons, firing for the first time in a Scandinavian naval battle. Primitive and difficult to aim, these newly invented weapons were unreliable, but the flash and noise they make could shatter the nerves of any man, and their skulls too, if shot hit home.

The forces of King Valdemar were however well motivated, even in the face of these terrifying weapons. Not only were they numerically superior to their enemies, but they were also a truly veteran force who had spent the last two decades fighting alongside their King as he rebuilt the Danish state after it had disintegrated during his father’s reign. This had made Valdemar many enemies, chiefly among the small northern German states who benefited from the absence of a strong Danish king, as well as the increasingly powerful league of German merchants, the Hansa. It was soldiers funded by the Hansa which were fighting Valdemar and his army today, struggling over the important castle of Helsingborg on the Scanian coast. The King led his men personally, while the Hanseatic forces were under the command of the Mayor of Lübeck, Johann Wittenborg.

While the presence of the King was inspiring to his men, he wasn’t alone in leading his forces. Fighting alongside his father was Christopher, Duke of Lolland and Halland, and Junker of the Danes and Slavs – the closest title to Crown Prince available in an elective monarchy like Denmark. Christopher had actively taken part in his father’s struggles since he became a man, personally negotiating on his behalf with rebellious nobles when he was as young as 15. The young Duke seemingly had the total trust of his father, seeing as how he left him in charge of such important work. Today father and son fought alongside each other and could joyously watch as ship after ship was overwhelmed and captured by their forces.

As victory seemed imminent, there was another explosion from one of the Hanseatic cannons, still defiantly firing from a ship in the back. Junker Christopher did not hear it though, as the cheers from his men who he had just captured another Hanseatic ship alongside drowned it out. There was a swooshing noise, and a clanging. Christopher felt something tear the helmet of his head and watched as it landed several feet away with a loud clanging noise. Instinctively Christopher felt his scalp with his hand, he felt fine and there was no blood on his gauntlet. He fully knew the risks of battle but couldn’t help but shiver at the thought of what would’ve happened if the projective had hit just a few inches lower. A squire had quickly picked up the dented helmet and brought it back to him. Christopher but it on, though it fitted rather poorly now. Then he turned his attention towards the battle again. Most of the Hanseatic ships that hadn’t been captured yet were desperately trying to get away from the Danish fleet now. Christopher looked to the ship he knew his father to be on, trying to see if they were giving the signal to pursue, but either way he knew they had won a great victory.

The cannonball which had grazed Christopher continued to be propelled forward. Eventually it started losing altitude and finally crashed into the waters of the Øresund. As it sank to the bottom of the sea, never to be found again, history changed.


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Otl grave of Junker Christopher, he shall not reach it quite so soon.
 
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Introduction
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Estrid Svendsdatter, progenitor of the Estridsen dynasty and the only woman in Denmark to officially be titled ‘Queen’ despite not being married to a King.

Introduction:

Named for Canute the Great’s sister, from whom they drew their original legitimacy, the House of Estridsen had ruled the Kingdom of Denmark since the mid-11th century. Under their various Kings, Denmark fully transitioned from its pre-Christian Viking roots to a true medieval feudal state. The dynasty’s fortunes had waxed and waned, from frequent brotherly feuds to times of great power and fame, to the disasters of the early 14th century which not only saw the Estridsen dynasty losing its place on the throne of Denmark, but the disintegration of the Kingdom itself. Yet, by the second half of the century it seemed like the House of Estridsen was making a comeback. The shrewd and energetic King Valdemar IV had seen to the restoration of Denmark as a Kingdom and brought the monarchy to a position of power it had not seen for many years. But even though Denmark was reinvigorating, the Estridsens themselves were not so lucky. In the Battle of Helsingborg, Christopher, sole living son of Valdemar IV and Junker of the Danes and Slavs, suffered wounds which he would eventually die of, plunging the future of the Danish succession into uncertainty. Though Christopher’s death made the male line of the Estridsens moribund, it did not mean the end of Denmark. Christopher’s death paved the way for his sister, Margaret I’s, rise to power in Denmark. First acting as regent for her young Folkung son Olaf II, later ruling as Sovereign Lady of Denmark, Margaret masterfully took over the reins from her father. Under Margaret, Denmark would rise to temporarily dominate Scandinavia through the Kalmar Union, the final legacy of the House of Estridsen.

But what if Christopher had not died so young? What would a continuing male line of the House of Estridsen mean for Denmark, Scandinavia, and Europe in general?

This is the question which this timeline shall explore. Welcome to Oh, what days! or A surviving House of Estridsen. This is my second timeline I will publish on this board; I have started writing several timelines, but except for my now-aborted Kalmar Union timeline I’ve never been motivated to go very far with any of them. I've really wanted to get it out to this forum though, to give my ideas some air. That’s why I’ve decided to go ahead and post this one, in hopes that it being out there will motivate me to continue writing. Any feedback or suggestions are welcome. My hopes for this TL are that it will be a little better thought out that my previous one, and not as personally stressful. I won’t force myself to write updates even when I don’t have the time to write or any real idea about what I want to write, but hopefully I’ll be able to update it regularly.
 
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Chapter 1: The first Hanseatic war
Chapter 1: The first Hanseatic war

Why was there a battle at Helsingborg in 1362? To shed light on this question, let us turn our attention away from Denmark and the Estridsens for a moment, and instead towards Sweden, the house of Folkung, and a three-year old boy named Magnus. After a bloody brother’s feud had left a generation of Swedish royalty dead or exiled, Magnus Eriksson was elected King of Sweden in 1319. The grandson of King Haakon V of Norway, Magnus had inherited the Norwegian throne mere months before, joining the two Kingdoms in a personal union. As he neared adulthood in 1332, Magnus was elected King of Scania as well, having redeemed the formerly Danish lands from its German pawn-lord for a huge sum of cash. With three crowns on his young head and a disintegrating Danish state incapable of threatening him, Magnus turned his attention to the east. He launched several crusades against the orthodox republic of Novgorod, each failing to either convert the Russians or capture new lands for the Kingdom, only adding to Magnus’ growing debts. As the plague ravaged Sweden in the 1350’s and the influential mystic Bridget Birgersdotter peltered him with accusations of homosexuality, Magnus’ position as King became increasingly unstable. In 1355, Magnus was forced to abdicate the Norwegian throne in favour of his younger son Haakon. This enraged his elder son Eric, who believed both Norway and Sweden to rightfully be his. In 1357 Eric was placed at the head of a noble rebellion, who elected him King of Sweden in opposition to Magnus.

By this time however, the chaos in Denmark had subsided and King Valdemar IV was busy trying to piece back together his ancestors’ Kingdom. The rebellion in Sweden opened new possibilities east of the Øresund. An engagement was arranged between Valdemar’s 6-year-old daughter Margaret and King Haakon VI. As part of the arrangement, Valdemar was to help King Magnus against his rebellious older son, and in return receive the strategically important castle of Helsingborg. Valdemar crossed over the narrowest part of the Øresund to his new castle with a large army and, supposedly in support of Magnus, occupied all of Scania. Eric’s rebellion was suddenly ended however, when died of plague the very same year. Magnus now believed his deal with Valdemar to be off, including the engagement between Margaret and Haakon, and demanded that he evacuate Scania. Valdemar did no such thing, in fact he took his forces further, fully cementing his rule over the Scanian lands and even conquering the island of Gotland, where he held the town of Visby at ransom.


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Valdemar Atterdag holding Visby at ransom, romantically and wildly inaccurately depicted five centuries later.

This action however provoked the Hanseatic League, of which Visby was a member. A joint Swedish-Hanseatic military action was quickly planned, and Magnus sent a delegation to the Counts of Holstein, to negotiate a new engagement for Haakon. In exchange for further Hanseatic privileges in both Norwegian and Swedish towns, Haakon was engaged to Elizabeth, posthumous daughter of the infamous Gerhard III, ‘the Bald Count’, who had been de-facto ruler of Denmark during the kingless years. While en route to Oslo, the ship carrying Elizabeth was however stranded in Danish territories. Agents of Valdemar quickly took Elizabeth into custody, later forcing her into a nunnery and forbidding her to marry. At the same time, a Hanseatic fleet was making its way towards Helsingborg. The plan was for Hanseatic troops to blockade the castle from the sea while Swedish troops under Magnus Eriksson would besiege it from the land.

Yet, after 12 weeks, no Swedish troops had shown up. Magnus had found the terms his delegates had agreed upon to be too harsh and refused to ratify them. This caused a schism between him and Haakon, leading to Haakon imprisoning his father and having himself elected co-King of Sweden in early 1362. Such disorder naturally had a paralyzing effect on the Swedish-Norwegian war effort. As such, the Hanseatic troops were forced to disembark their ships and fill the role of land forces as well, leaving only a skeleton crew aboard. Again, it is unclear if this was what King Valdemar had been waiting for, or merely a lucky coincidence, but it was then that the Danish navy appeared and set upon the poorly protected Hanseatic ships. Hanseatic troops, both aboard and from land, resisted as well as they could, but the superior numbers of the Danes quickly began to tell. 12 Hanseatic ships were lost, and several officers captured, while the Danish fleet suffered minimal damage.

It is said that during the battle, a cannonball had nearly hit Junker Christopher, even knocking off his helmet, but leaving him unharmed. Following the battle, father and son were reunited and celebrated their victory together.


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Situated at the narrowest part of the Øresund, Helsingborg was a key castle to control the flow of trade in the region.

This brings us back to the present. The victory at Helsingborg did not end the war fully, but it did lead to a ceasefire. The Hansa’s ability to attack Denmark had at any rate been temporarily hindered, and Valdemar was not so daring that he would take his forces to attack the major Hanseatic cities. Instead of war, diplomacy resumed. Magnus and Haakon realized they simply did not have the power to effectively oppose King Valdemar and were forced to submit. The engagement between Haakon and Margaret was renewed, and in 1363 the two were married in Copenhagen. Magnus now set upon his internal enemies. He still saw the nobles who had negotiated with the Holsatian counts without him as traitors and banished several of them from the Kingdom with the intent of seizing their lands for himself. Among these were Bo Jonsson Grip, Lord High Steward (Drots) of Sweden and the largest private landowner in the realm, second only to the King.

Though exiled, the nobles were certainly not disempowered. With vengeful intent they sought out Duke Albert of Mecklenburg, son of Albert ‘the Fox’ and Euphemia Eriksdotter – the sister of Magnus Eriksson. With the blood of his mother as his claim, they offered Albert the throne of Sweden, his older brother Henry was likely bypassed because of his Danish wife, on the conditions that he would rule together with the Swedish privy council and the nobility. Albert happily agreed, though it is unlikely he ever intended to keep his promise to limit his powers. Kalmar, which had been held as a pawned fief by Count Henry II of Holstein, was transferred to Albert to use as a staging point of his invasion. By November of 1363 he had seized the Swedish east coast and was welcomed by the mostly German burghers of Stockholm. A few months later, Magnus was deposed, and Albert was hailed as King at the Stones of Mora.

Haakon and Magnus tried to fight the rebellion and marshaled what forces they could. In the spring of 1365, they were defeated in the Battle of Gata, in which Magnus was captured and Haakon forced to retreat. Haakon of course retained Norway, as well as the Swedish westernmost border provinces, but for now Albert had secured his place on the throne of Sweden. As for the Dano-Hanseatic war, a peace was signed in Vordingborg the same year, but it was an empty peace. The reasons for war had not subsided, the Hansa still found Danish control over the Øresund unacceptable. Another war was already brewing, and all the peace had achieved was to give both sides a little breathing space to prepare.


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King Albert of Sweden with his father, known as ‘the Fox of Mecklenburg’, due to his cunning use of dynastic politics in the Scandinavian power struggle.
 
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Exciting TL - I had originially prepared a TL on Estridsens, albeit an earlier POD focusing on Canute the Holy were he not murdered in Roskilde. But a different Kalmar Union is definately something I will follow with great interest.
 
Exciting TL - I had originially prepared a TL on Estridsens, albeit an earlier POD focusing on Canute the Holy were he not murdered in Roskilde.
Thanks! Given that nearly all my ideas are about medieval Scandinavia most of them involve the Estridsens in one way or another. :p I'd definitely read a TL about a Canute not-so holy.
 
Chapter 2: The Confederation of Cologne
Chapter 2: The Confederation of Cologne

Peace with the Hansa did not mean peace for Denmark, nor the north in General. With the threat to his south temporarily kept in check, Valdemar turned his attention to the new player in the north – Albert of Sweden. The Mecklenburger King naturally desired the return of the Scanian lands of recently reconquered by the Danes, as well as kicking out Haakon Magnusson out of western Sweden. Valdemar Atterdag however ostensibly supported his son-in-law, but clearly served his own interests first and foremost. Northern Halland, the last piece of the Scanian lands still in Swedish hands, and Gotland in which a local rebellion had thrown out the Danish bailiffs, were both taken by Danish forces. Not only that, but forces led by King Valdemar and Junker Christopher pushed deep into Swedish core territories, besieging the castle of Kalmar. If the castle fell, Albert’s connection to Mecklenburg would be severed, which would be disastrous as his rule over Sweden relied on support from his homeland.

Valdemar was known by his enemies as ‘the Wolf’ for his supposed cruelty, but in Mecklenburg there was a fox, Duke Albert the Elder; the father and puppet master of King Albert of Sweden. Seeing the dangerous situation his son was in, Duke Albert travelled to Denmark to negotiate peace on his behalf. The wolf and the fox would meet at the Castle of Aalholm in Lolland. The results of the “negotiations” became the Aalholm tractate, an unusually one-sided deal in which Albert recognized Gotland, Halland, as well as large parts of western Sweden supposedly controlled by Haakon of Norway as belonging to King Valdemar. In return, the Danish King simply promised to halt his invasion and that peace should reign between the two Kingdoms. It was agreed that this “eternal peace” should be ratified six months later at Brömsehus castle on the border between the Danish province of Blekinge and Swedish Småland. While the tractate rewarded Valdemar greatly, it essentially also broke his alliance to the captured Magnus Eriksson, and soured relations further with Haakon of Norway.

Peace had been hard bought for the Mecklenburgers, but already as the terms were written there must have been doubt from both Valdemar and Albert that either side would break it whenever the time proved favorable. Perhaps attempting to preemptively hinder this, Valdemar added a final demand; his son Christopher and Albert’s recently widowed daughter Ingeborg were to marry. Valdemar’s eldest daughter, also named Ingeborg, was already married to Albert’s son Henry ‘the Hangman’, though that had done little to end enmity between the two families. With a second joining of the families, Valdemar hoped to finally get the opportunistic Duke on his good side. Still unable to deny the King’s demands, Albert got his daughter to agree, and Ingeborg of Mecklenburg was married to Junker Christopher of Denmark in the summer of 1366.

Whilst war and peace happened in the north, there were diplomatic developments in the south. Valdemar Atterdag had long enjoyed a mutually beneficial relationship with Charles of Luxembourg, King of Bohemia and since 1355, Holy Roman Emperor. Charles was a visionary ruler, with grand plans for the Economy of his Empire and Europe in general. He envisioned a central European trade route that would stretch from Venice in the south to Lübeck in the north, with his capital of Prague as the natural central point. To achieve this would however require more control over the Hanseatic cities than the Emperor could boast of at the moment, and this was where Charles saw the use of Valdemar. A relatively strong and friendly Danish King could act as a counterbalance to the independence of the Hansa, and as such was a requirement for Charles’ trading dreams to come true. Valdemar’s recent victory had seemingly confirmed to the Emperor that he would act as his check on the league, the same year Charles ordered Lübeck to pay it’s imperial dues directly to the King, not himself. This sent a strong signal that Valdemar had the Emperor’s support.


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Charles IV, Holy Roman Emperor, King of Bohemia, and good friend of Valdemar Atterdag.

Emperor or not, Valdemar still had many enemies close to home, the Counts of Holstein, the Hanseatic League as well as the Mecklenburgers – both those in Sweden and on the continent, neither of who intended to keep the eternal peace longer than necessary. At a meeting in the city of Cologne, 77 Hanseatic cities, as well as various northern German lords and dismayed Danish nobles formed a confederation, an alliance, specifically targeting King Valdemar. Though each group had separate goals, they all saw a common obstacle with a single way to overcome it; the wolf had to be hunted down. Some even specifically called for the head of the King, an almost sacrilegious act, monarchs were instated by the grace of God after all, but in this case, hatred overcame piety. But though the Confederation was on the warpath, Charles’ support for Valdemar caused them to hesitate, opposing their Emperor was nothing the allies were thrilled about.

The opportunity came in early 1368, when the Emperor left for Italy, it was now or never for the Confederation of Cologne. If they attacked and overwhelmed Valdemar before his benefactor could return, they were ready to bet that the ever-pragmatic Charles would see that he had bet on the wrong horse and withdraw his support. And so, as spring came, so did war return to the Kingdom of Denmark. Valdemar wasn’t scared however and mocked his enemies by declaring that “77 geese and 77 hens mean nothing…”, then placing a gilded goose at the top of the main tower of Vordingborg. The ensuing attack had two main prongs, forces from Holstein would invade Jutland while a Hanseatic fleet would move into the Øresund and seize the towns and castles on each side of the waters. Initially the attack was brutal and decisive, Danish defenses seemed to collapse all over against the tide of invaders. Unable to mount an effective defense, Danish forces sought refuge in any castle or fortress they could. While Valdemar himself left his Kingdom, journeying south to gather support in Germany, leaving Junker Christopher in command of the defense of the Kingdom.


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After King Valdemar’s bold proclamation, the main tower of Vordingborg became known as “the Goose Tower”

There was one bright spot in the seemingly mounting disaster. In April of 1368, the Hanseatic fleet launched its assault on Copenhagen. The town and its castle were both key to dominate the Øresund and was rapidly growing to be the position from which Denmark could challenge Hanseatic dominance. Thus, the League found that there was only one fate fit for the town: it had to burn. Unlike the last time a Hanseatic fleet had sailed into the Øresund, its leader was no merchant prince raised to command of soldiers, but a veteran mercenary himself. Count Henry II of Holstein, son of Gerhard the Bald, had seen battle from Russia to France and earned himself the name “Iron Henry”. With him at the helm, the Hanseatic forces would surely crush the Danish opposition.

Yet, Copenhagen was also under skilled command, for it was here that Junker Christopher himself made his stand. Though half the age of the Iron Count, Christopher had been fighting at his father’s side since the moment he could grip a sword properly. Now, he would prove whether he was worthy of the great trust his father had put in him. Henry did not plan for Copenhagen to be taken by a lengthy siege, but rather by a simultaneous assault both from land and sea. The Count led from the front, intending to be the first man over the siege ladders. His initial attack breached the walls, but the opposition was thicker than anticipated. Christopher had strategically kept some of his ships at harbor, keeping them at key locations to slow down the naval assault. This move meant that the naval portion of the assault became a slow trickle, rather than a tidal wave sweeping all in front of it. Crucially, it also meant that more of the defenders of Copenhagen could be poised against the land assault, as they were not needed at sea.


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The attack on Copenhagen, as imagined centuries later.

Even so, Henry and his assault was gaining ground and soon the Danes began to waver. Perhaps they had taken the Count’s name literally and believed their weapons useless against a man of metal, perhaps they had merely heard his fearsome reputation. In a desperate attempt to rally his men, Junker Christopher joined the fray, and with him the royal banner. This raised the stakes considerably, if the Iron Count could not only capture the city but also the King’s son, he could perhaps bait Valdemar out of hiding. Then he would surely have to give in to all their demands. Perhaps this distracted Henry, perhaps he became too focused on his new prize, or perhaps his decade-long kriegsglück simply ran out. A loss of footing would throw the Count off his feet, perhaps he even tripped over a man he himself had ended, but Iron Henry would crash to the ground in the heat of battle. Like a pack of starving hounds, the defenders of Copenhagen set upon him, stabbing, and cutting at any exposed mail or flesh. In an instant, the man who had inflicted so many wounds upon others became riddled with them himself, in the next instant he died.

Junker Christopher’s counterattack and the death of Count Henry created a shift in the tides of battle, fickle as they be, and soon the Danes were pushing the attackers back the way they came. The walls and grounds around Copenhagen would be littered with the bodies of the dead and dying, but as the violence calmed, it became clear that the town had held. Some of the retreating mercenaries would return to their landing points and attempt to make it back to their ships, while other scurried into the hinterlands of Zealand, where they would terrorize the local population for some time to come, but not pose a threat to any major Danish defenses. The Hanseatic fleet remained outside Copenhagen only briefly, before moving on to other less well-defended targets.

As the initial weeks of the war passed, it became clear that nothing was decided yet regarding it’s outcome.


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“The Fortress of Absalon” had been built on the order of the legendary Warrior-Bishop and supposed founder of Copenhagen, it’s destruction had been a primary goal of the Hanseatic attack.
 
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Well, that update took a few months longer than expected to write. In all honesty, it was probably stupid to start writing a TL right before starting a new job, I greatly underestimated how time- and energy-consuming it would be.

But hindsight is 20/20, we'll see how long until the next chapter. A few comments on this one:

1. Getting an Imperial match with little fanfare perhaps seems weird, but Charles wasn't exactly marrying all his children to the cream of European royalty in otl either, Catherine's otl second husband was also chosen for the purpose of getting influence in northern Germany.

2. Charles really did order Lübeck to pay taxes to Valdemar in otl, seems crazy to let a foreign monarch get dues from your own Kingdom, but we should remember that Holy Roman Emperor's generally regarded Denmark as a quasi-vassal, so it's not entirely foreign.

3. I found precious little details about the otl assault on Copenhagen, probably because we don't have detailed sources for it. Thus there's a fair bit of imagination going on here. Henry really did lead the attack, his death here can be considered "a life for a life" that must be paid because of the PoD. ;) As for Christopher's defenseive strategy, in otl the Danish ships appear to have made a powerless counterattack against the Hansa. It seems reasonable that Christopher, having a fair bit of naval experience, could use them better. (It is also slightly based on a later battle of Copenhagen where this happened unintentionally) This combined with the general morale boost of having their Junker with them makes me feel that a victory at Copenhagen isn't that far-fetched.
 
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Intermediate: Retcon
Intermediate: Retcon

I have decided to make a change to the last part, regarding Christopher’s marriage. The part about that now reads as:

Peace had been hard bought for the Mecklenburgers, but already as the terms were written there must have been doubt from both Valdemar and Albert that either side would break it whenever the time proved favorable. Perhaps attempting to preemptively hinder this, Valdemar added a final demand; his son Christopher and Albert’s recently widowed daughter Ingeborg were to marry. Valdemar’s eldest daughter, also named Ingeborg, was already married to Albert’s son Henry ‘the Hangman’, though that had done little to end enmity between the two families. With a second joining of the families, Valdemar hoped to finally get the opportunistic Duke on his good side. Still unable to deny the King’s demands, Albert got his daughter to agree, and Ingeborg of Mecklenburg was married to Junker Christopher of Denmark in the summer of 1366.

Whilst war and peace happened in the north, there were diplomatic developments in the south. Valdemar Atterdag had long enjoyed a mutually beneficial relationship with Charles of Luxembourg, King of Bohemia and since 1355, Holy Roman Emperor. Charles was a visionary ruler, with grand plans for the Economy of his Empire and Europe in general. He envisioned a central European trade route that would stretch from Venice in the south to Lübeck in the north, with his capital of Prague as the natural central point. To achieve this would however require more control over the Hanseatic cities than the Emperor could boast of at the moment, and this was where Charles saw the use of Valdemar. A relatively strong and friendly Danish King could act as a counterbalance to the independence of the Hansa, and as such was a requirement for Charles’ trading dreams to come true. Valdemar’s recent victory had seemingly confirmed to the Emperor that he would act as his check on the league, the same year Charles ordered Lübeck to pay it’s imperial dues directly to the King, not himself. This sent a strong signal that Valdemar had the Emperor’s support.

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The original post has been updated to reflect this. Now this might seem like a downgrade for Christopher, but I have some ideas for the future of the TL that work better with her, as well as a thematic reason.

In other news, summer is here, and I'll have a lot more free time to write - so I will consider this TL to be "active" again. Still I won't force myself to write more frequently than I can handle, but updates should drop a bit more tightly.

Now on with the story…
 
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Chapter 3: Valdemar's Grand Embassy and the Peace of Stralsund
Chapter 3: Valdemar's Grand Embassy and the Peace of Stralsund

When plans for war with Denmark first were drawn up, Albert of Mecklenburg, fresh out of negotiations at Aalholm, had intended to join on the coalition side. Yet, as the invasion begun, doubt had crossed his mind, not out of newfound love for his in-laws, but practical reasons arising from this. First of all, the Duke had other matters that required his attention. There were internal quarrels in Pomerania over a succession, and the conflict was naturally spilling over into neighboring Mecklenburg – even as Albert was deciding which side to support. Moreso, Christopher and Ingeborg’s marriage had born fruit, and shortly before the Confederation of Cologne was founded a boy had been born to the couple, whom they had named Valdemar after his grandfather. Albert had always been a believer in dynastic politics, and now it looked like a grandson of his would eventually ascend to the Danish throne without him having to lift a finger. Yet, Holsatian talks of sundering Denmark completely worried him. If there was no Danish state left this could potentially mean a loss of influence for Albert and his family. As such, Duke Albert’s involvement in the conflict had been half-hearted at most, so far. He was still waiting to see the conflict’s development before firmly picking a side. Junker Christopher’s victory at Copenhagen had done little to encourage him taking the Confederation’s side.


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Ingeborg’s first husband was Louis “the Roman” of Brandenburg, who had no children with either of his two wives and generally saw little success in his lifetime.

And as the Junker held out in Denmark, his father was in Germany trying to garner support for his cause back home. The King’s first attempts had been to talk to his in-laws in Mecklenburg and cousins in Pomerania, but as they were already involved in conflict and perhaps unwilling to support him at all, there had been no luck. Afterwards, Valdemar had considered travelling south to Brandenburg. The King had always had a good relationship with the Wittelsbachers currently occupying the Electoral dignity there, indeed he had spent a good amount of his youth in those lands. The current Margrave Otto was a brother of Louis ‘the Brandenburger’, who had been married to Valdemar’s sister, and would probably not have been difficult to sway to the Danish cause. Otto was interested in regaining lands recently lost to Mecklenburg, and if Valdemar had suspected that the Duke was about to lend his full support to the Confederation, he would surely have fanned this interest. But Margrave Otto also had his struggles with Emperor Charles, even as he had been married to his daughter Catherine* a few years prior. Thus, as the Emperor left for Italy, he forcibly removed several imperial agents from various positions in Brandeburg, replacing them with loyalists. Valdemar decided to stay clear of asking Otto for help, hoping that his support against Mecklenburg would not be needed.

It was instead in the west that Valdemar found his greatest help, in two men. The first was Duke Magnus of Brunswick, an ambitious man, though not on the best terms with his Emperor. Magnus was quickly swayed to the Danish cause and could soon threaten the western Hanseatic hinterlands of Bremen and Hamburg among other places. Perhaps more important than this was the support of Eric IV of Saxe-Lauenburg, that Valdemar also managed to garner on his journey. The nominal overlords of Holstein, the Ascanians of Lauenburg had long been superseded in influence by their supposed vassals, yet their position was still one of key importance. Occupying the main land route between Hamburg and Lübeck, them taking the side of King Valdemar would prove devastating as it essentially split the Hanseatic alliance in two. Quickly, what had at first seemed like a flight for his life turned out to be Valdemar’s own pincer movement; now Holstein and the Hansa was caught in between the anvil of Denmark itself and the hammer that were its German allies.


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The small Duchy of Saxe-Lauenburg occupied a key position on the Elbe, perhaps inflating it’s rulers to claim the title of “Duke of Lower Saxony”.

But the Confederation was not without success, though his brother was gone, Count Nicholas of Holstein together with the rebellious Jutish nobility had managed to seize most of the peninsula. The Count felt in control to such a degree that he started signing messages as Domini Jucie – Lord of Jutland. In addition, though Copehagen had been kept safe under the guardianship of Junker Christopher, the other side of the Øresund had not been so lucky. The key Castle of Helsingborg, denied to the Hansa in 1362, had fallen to them along with most of the coastal towns. In short, the center held, but the Danish flanks appeared to be rapidly falling, and without the King’s leadership someone needed to step up. Junker Christopher turned to the Henning Podebusk, by far the closest and most trusted advisor of King Valdemar, for help – much in line with what his father hoped from him. Podebusk convinced the Junker that some temporary sacrifices would have to be made and were given free reign in negotiations with the Hansa. The timing was good for peace talks, the war hadn’t been the instant success that the league had expected, been more costly than expected and was rapidly growing unpopular with many towns less affected by the Danish king.

Peace was agreed in Stralsund in 1369, and seemingly spelled a big loss for Denmark. The Hansa would occupy the Scanian towns of Helsingborg, Malmø, Skanør and Falsterbo for 15 years, including the lucrative herring market there. This would essentially guarantee economic dominance of the Øresund for the league, but there were chinks in the agreement. Copenhagen still stood as a defiant loophole, preventing total Hanseatic control of those waters, in addition demands for Hanseatic veto rights in Danish royal elections were scuttled, the Junker had quite literally demonstrated that the league was in no position to remove him from his Kingdom. In a sense making this even more clear, Denmark was given another heir by Christopher and Ingeborg, another boy who would be named Eric. Finally, the league stressed the importance that the peace had to be signed by the King – with his great seal. This was of immense importance, agreements signed with the small seal were effectively only binding as long as the King desired, but those signed with the great seal were permanent, even beyond the signatory’s death. Podebusk promised that the King would sign the peace, and so it was done, the Hansa was out of the war. Though on the surface a great victory for them, the league’s victory had an ashy aftertaste, and as time would show it, enforcing the peace would a war in its own right. With the Hansa pulling out, the timing for an eventual Mecklenburger intervention also slipped, and Duke Albert was left wondering if his second-guessing would come back to bite him in the future.


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Dano-Hanseatic negotiations in Stralsund.

Emperor Charles returned from south of the Alps in 1369 and was not pleased with the state of the north. Denmark had failed to contain the Hansa; robber barons were hurting trade and his son-in-law Otto was essentially in rebellion. Plans for the Adriatic-Baltic trade route seemed further away than ever, there was absolutely some cleaning up to do. Wary that his imperial support might waver, Valdemar journeyed south to Prague only after being guaranteed safe passage – the threats against his life that had been made in Cologne were still on his mind. At the imperial court, Valdemar defended himself and, much to the dismay of his remaining enemies, seemingly managed to get back on the Emperor’s good side. One thing was taken away from him, the imperial dues of Lübeck would be transferred to the Duke of Saxe-Wittenberg, that was the price for having allied with Magnus of Brunswick, but the Emperor would continue to support Valdemar in other ways, approving several loans to him in the years to come. Valdemar’s stay in Prague served another purpose: far away from the Hansa’s reach, there was little opportunity for him to put his seal to the peace of Stralsund, and as long as that remained the case, there was no shortage of wiggle-room regrading conditions. Continued diplomatic Maneuvering by Podebusk soon saw that while the tolls and dues of the Scanian towns were collected for the Hansa, it was Danish bailiffs who collected them – with a predictable result in the level of income.

While Valdemar and Henning Podebusk fought a war of words and treaties, Christopher was still waging it in the more traditional sense. Count Nicholas and his Jutish allies were now the only enemies of Denmark left in this war. With pressure both coming from Valdemar’s German allies in the south and Christopher in the west, their position became ever more untenable. Nicholas was soon forced back to Schleswig, leaving Christopher to deal with the Jutish rebels. The Junker’s first involvement in politics had been doing so 15 years ago, half his lifetime, and he considered himself an expert on the matter. A vengeful campaign of seizing noble holdings for the crown and tearing down private fortifications began, led personally by Christopher. With a sense of control returning to Denmark, King Valdemar began planning his own return – as well as his counter-offensive. Now war would truly be brought to the Counts of Holstein, the time had come to throw them out of southern Jutland, and right the historical wrong of ever separating the Duchy from Denmark.


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Count Nicholas was now the last living male member of the Rendsburg line of the Schauenburgers, and would have to defend his position alone.

*See the retcon to avoid confusion.
 
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