Will Goering be in the German Freedom Party or be amongst the more hardline members of the DNVP?
Der Kampf: The Rise and Fall of the Austrian Führer
- Thread starter Tanner151
- Start date
NLF coming to power Arc.
he’d be in the DNVP.
No, he’s actually more stable and healthier due to no drug addiction and not being near Hitler’s fanaticism.
Mhmm, exactly.
No I wasnt referring to that- My memory fails me but before he met Nazis wasnt he in a psychiatric ward somewhere? His "low ebb" in his life, I think that was soon after Karen's death (Lol his wife's name was Karen)... I supposed that without Nazis no one would give him a spotlight and hed probably remain homeless etc etc I could be wrong tho...
Göring got morphine after his injuries during the Beer Hall Putsch. Without Hitler to cause the putsch and his injuries, there is good reason he wouldn't develop an addiction.
Also, his wife was Carin. Germanized, the name would be Karin (in Germany we spell it Karin, not Karen).
As mentioned by others, his wife Carin Göring died long after the Beer Hall Putsch. In fact, she passed away in 1931. The putsch was in 1923. By the time Carin died, Göring was a Reichstag delegate for the Nazi party (first elected in 1928) and one of Hitler's close associates. Hitler had essentially made him his 'political representative' in Berlin due to his skill at schmoozing high society. For instance, he arranged a meeting between Hitler, Hjalmar Schacht and Fritz Thyssen in 1931.
Plus Göring wasn't doing badly when he met Hitler and got involved with the Nazis. He'd moved to Sweden in 1919/20 and worked at a Swedish airline as a commercial pilot. He was often hired for private flights. A Swedish count hired him to fly him to his castle. That's how he met Carin, who happened to be the count's sister-in-law (he was married to her sister). He became acquainted with her while staying at the castle. Carin's father was a baron and her husband was a Swedish noble and officer (she was Baroness Carin von Kantzow at the time), but she left him to marry Göring. Carin was enthusiastic about Nazism and Nordic mysticism and encouraged Göring to get involved with the Nazis.
In short, this is the opposite of the lowest ebb of his life. Nor was he a homeless bum. The couple was living in Munich, where Göring was studying at the university, when he met Hitler at a right-wing rally in 1922. His morphine addiction and the time he spent in an asylum came after the Beer Hall Putsch, since he'd been wounded and became addicted to morphine while undergoing treatment. He lived in Sweden with his wife but had to be sent to an asylum due to said addiction.
He returned to Germany in 1927 and ingratiated himself with Hitler again, but also with various members of high society, which would prove useful in the years to come since he was the main Nazi bigwig who could mingle with the upper crust and win them over (though he wasn't the only Nazi bigshot with contacts to industrialists and all that, he was certainly the most prominent).
Last edited:
Think you might just be giving yourself a big case of the Mandela Effect
Goering did spend time in a sanitarium, attempting to get the monkey off his back, but without success. The only top Nazi that I am aware of who spent time in a mental institution was Theodor Eicke, and that was more of a frame-job than actual mental illness. Still, considering that he laid the foundations for the KL system, we can be fairly certain that the buses did not go all the way to where Eicke lived.
I'm not sure that Austria could be a danger to anything stronger than Yugoslavia, and that is even if Hungary agrees to peaceful (re)unification, and even if Czechoslovakia is by some miracle persuaded to surrender to a power not much stronger than itself.
It would be a fascist state comparable at most to Italy, and that is, with almost miracles of luck.
Without close alliance to friendly Germany (and why exactly should Germany, even as restored monarchy or military dictatorship, tolerate another round of Austro-Hungarian Balkan adventures that caused catastrophe the last time) I really wonder how these austrofascists could be dangerous.
An excellent story so far, regardless!
It would be a fascist state comparable at most to Italy, and that is, with almost miracles of luck.
Without close alliance to friendly Germany (and why exactly should Germany, even as restored monarchy or military dictatorship, tolerate another round of Austro-Hungarian Balkan adventures that caused catastrophe the last time) I really wonder how these austrofascists could be dangerous.
An excellent story so far, regardless!
Last edited:
Austria is a far lesser threat than OTL Germany, true. WW2, at least in Europe, will be smaller in scale at least compared to OTL.
Austria will not be able to field the same manpower or firepower that Germany has, so it’s gonna have to fight smarter. One way in which they are doing this is producing the world’s first assault rifle in ‘42 or so. With the standard Volkswehr rifle in the late 30s and early 40s being the M1936 or M1937 Mannlicher Semi-Automatic Rifle. It is a 6 round semi-auto, that is quick to reload, making it faster to fire than the Kar98k but the reload time will be about the same.
Austria will also have to have a smaller Air Force due to a smaller industry, which forces it to focus mainly on fighter interceptors and either fighter-bombers or dive bombers.
No coast so no Navy budget though there is a Volksmarine and it guards the Danube as well as coastline from future conquests.
Austria will for sure get some lucky breaks, especially early on, but remember the French pretty much sponsor Austrian expansionism to surround Germany and weaken its own expansion. The French are far more willing to give Hitler what he wants as he leader of a weaker nation, and not a powerhouse like Germany. Though don’t seem to realize that they are robbing the devil they know and enriching the devil they don’t.
Appeasement won’t be like OTL. It will have similarities but a lot of it is French encouraged, while the British are against a lot of it via protest but need France on their side as the Japanese start getting aggressive in the late 30s, hence the Anglo-Japanese War breaking out in 1940.
TTL’s Axis is going to be much more of an alliance working together than Axis OTL as that was, as my buddy Manny puts it, “Germany and its bitches.”
The time from Hitler coming to power and the Second World War breaking out will be about Hitler building up a war machine that, while it won’t conquer of all of Europe, it will be the spearhead of a military alliance of fascist nations.
Thanks for the feedback!
Just curious, what will be the Volkswehr's stance on machine guns? Will it take a route roughly similar to Nazi Germany, or will it follow in line more akin to the Czech LMG's?
Last edited:
In what way do you mean? It will try to have an MG for every other squad, but I might have to limit that.
My question is whether the Volkswehr will put together a general-purpose machine gun like the MG-34 or MG-42, or if it will use something more like the Czech LMG's.
Chapter Twenty-Six
Chapter Twenty-Six
New Beginnings
Vienna, Austria
Republic of Austria
November 1923
New Beginnings
Vienna, Austria
Republic of Austria
November 1923
Hitler looked up at a knock on his office door in the Hold. Frowning, he set his pen down. The paperwork situated before him could wait.
“Yes?”
The door opened, Kuhr standing there as always.
“Sir, your appointment is here.”
Ah, he had forgotten it was today. So much to do, so little time in which to do it. Readying for a government transition required a lot of back-and-forth, paperwork, false promises and half-hearted political dialogue.
“Let her in.”
Kuhr nodded and ushered in a woman of middling height, with a bare trace of cosmetics on her face which only heightened her natural features rather than cover. She carried a well-used handbag and a paper-laden folder. She was young, barely in her mid-twenties, with reddish hair and pale blue eyes.
Hitler stood, he was a gentleman after all, and bade her to sit.
At a look, Kuhr closed the door leaving the two of them alone.
“Nice to meet you, Frau-” Hitler glanced at her application on the edge of his desk, “-Aigner. You’ve been recommended to me by several members of the party. It seems you have impressed as a general secretary and now wish to be secretary to a senior party official.”
“Yes, sir,” she said, her voice was different than what he expected, almost husky.
“I have a dozen applicants for the position, four of whom I’ve already interviewed. Why should I choose you?”
“Well, sir, I speak three different languages aside from German. French, Spanish and Italian.”
“Quanto è buono il tuo italiano?” Hitler asked, accent thick and rusty. His Hungarian was passable, his Czech barely existent but his Italian was quite awful. Perhaps if he learned the languages while younger he would be a true multilingual man rather than knowing the barebone basics. Alas, he spent an hour or two a night studying several European languages. Austro-Hungary had been a multi-ethnic empire and of Austria was to once again subjugate former imperial lands, it would be best if it’s leader spoke the languages of his people so as to give them a feeling of welcome, to better ease them in into unflinching loyalty and subservience.
Aigner began to speak, snapping Hitler out of his thoughts.
“I learned Italian and French growing up in Bludenz, a city in Vorarlberg. Having lived there for so long, there was a lot of back-and-forth between France, Italy, Switzerland and Bludenz.” Frau Aigner spoke in German, perhaps she could detect by the rough accent his poor understanding of the Italian language and had spared him the embarrassment of her having to translate whatever she would say in the Romance tongue.
Hitler nodded, partly in understanding and partly in thanks.
“How did you learn Spanish?”
“An interest in school, and knowing French and Italian helped with learning and retaining it due to linguistic similarities.”
“Why else should I hire you?”
“I can type just under seventy words per minute, I have no children that I will need to take time off for, I have never missed a day in the eleven months I’ve been here, and,” she hesitated, “I truly believe in the work we are doing here, and appreciate the message you convey to the Austrian people.”
Hitler arched an eyebrow. “Really?”
“Yes,” she seemed embarrassed but carried on. “My father and two older brothers fought in the Great War. None returned home. My mother died from influenza in 1919. I have worked anywhere from two to four jobs at once since, struggling to survive. Even with the general secretary job I’ve been barely scraping an existence, having to work nights at a local warehouse cataloguing and working on their books.”
Frau Aigner took a deep breath.
“Every other political party seems content to ignore that we fought a war, they want to ignore all the sacrifices made and blame the state of our country not on themselves but on others. The NLF seems to be the only one who cares about giving Austrians a sense of pride, of remembrance for the fallen, and that the blood debt spilled by our enemies will one day be repaid. Your words of anger and calls for retribution struck a chord within me. I am not a violent woman, Herr Hitler, but I would gladly see the world burn if it meant an iota of pain I’ve suffered wasn’t all for nothing. That the sacrifices and hardships mean something, that it would lead to a better tomorrow.”
Hitler idly brushed his upper lip, thinking. Taking his contemplation as unfazed, Frau Aigner spoke once more.
“Sir, you should be aware that I sold off all family property but what you see here and what few cases of luggage I could fit into a cab. I have no home, barring another secretary’s sofa that I have lived on for near a year, and no future at this time. I came here with determination and a desire to do what’s right for the Fatherland. I believe you have the potential to see through the Front’s promises and carry them out for the betterment of the Volk. Give me this opportunity and you’ll never regret it.”
“No, I don’t think I would,” he said quietly. “Frau Aigner, you’re hired.” Her face split into a wide, relieved smile and a part of Hitler pondered how pretty she looked just then, her smile radiant and inviting.
“Thank you, sir, thank you so much, Herr Hitler!”
Hitler rose and extended his hand and she reached out to grab it. “In public I’m Herr Hitler. In private, I’m Adi. What’s your given name?”
Aigner nodded, relieved at securing a job. “My name is Lieselotte, but my friends and family call me Liese.”
“Thank you, Liese.” Hitler gave her hand a comfortable squeeze. “Now,” he said more brusquely, “Frau Aigner we are swamped with paperwork and phone calls. Replacing a government through democratic means is a lengthy and bothersome process. Go see my assistant Jakob Kuhr about your duties and he’ll set you up with the Personnel Office to get you a higher salary as well as some housing accommodations more suited for a woman in your position.”
Lieselotte Aigner looked struck by the offer, her eyes tearing but she gathered herself.
He sat back down.
“You are dismissed.”
“Jawohl, mein Herr!” Frau Aigner left, ready to throw herself into the work. Hitler watched her leave. He had gone through five secretaries in three years; the demanding workload and Hitler’s chaotic schedule quickly saw many become burned out as the hours were long and the pay barely sufficient for the time put in.
He hoped Lieselotte would stick around.
“Yes?”
The door opened, Kuhr standing there as always.
“Sir, your appointment is here.”
Ah, he had forgotten it was today. So much to do, so little time in which to do it. Readying for a government transition required a lot of back-and-forth, paperwork, false promises and half-hearted political dialogue.
“Let her in.”
Kuhr nodded and ushered in a woman of middling height, with a bare trace of cosmetics on her face which only heightened her natural features rather than cover. She carried a well-used handbag and a paper-laden folder. She was young, barely in her mid-twenties, with reddish hair and pale blue eyes.
Hitler stood, he was a gentleman after all, and bade her to sit.
At a look, Kuhr closed the door leaving the two of them alone.
“Nice to meet you, Frau-” Hitler glanced at her application on the edge of his desk, “-Aigner. You’ve been recommended to me by several members of the party. It seems you have impressed as a general secretary and now wish to be secretary to a senior party official.”
“Yes, sir,” she said, her voice was different than what he expected, almost husky.
“I have a dozen applicants for the position, four of whom I’ve already interviewed. Why should I choose you?”
“Well, sir, I speak three different languages aside from German. French, Spanish and Italian.”
“Quanto è buono il tuo italiano?” Hitler asked, accent thick and rusty. His Hungarian was passable, his Czech barely existent but his Italian was quite awful. Perhaps if he learned the languages while younger he would be a true multilingual man rather than knowing the barebone basics. Alas, he spent an hour or two a night studying several European languages. Austro-Hungary had been a multi-ethnic empire and of Austria was to once again subjugate former imperial lands, it would be best if it’s leader spoke the languages of his people so as to give them a feeling of welcome, to better ease them in into unflinching loyalty and subservience.
Aigner began to speak, snapping Hitler out of his thoughts.
“I learned Italian and French growing up in Bludenz, a city in Vorarlberg. Having lived there for so long, there was a lot of back-and-forth between France, Italy, Switzerland and Bludenz.” Frau Aigner spoke in German, perhaps she could detect by the rough accent his poor understanding of the Italian language and had spared him the embarrassment of her having to translate whatever she would say in the Romance tongue.
Hitler nodded, partly in understanding and partly in thanks.
“How did you learn Spanish?”
“An interest in school, and knowing French and Italian helped with learning and retaining it due to linguistic similarities.”
“Why else should I hire you?”
“I can type just under seventy words per minute, I have no children that I will need to take time off for, I have never missed a day in the eleven months I’ve been here, and,” she hesitated, “I truly believe in the work we are doing here, and appreciate the message you convey to the Austrian people.”
Hitler arched an eyebrow. “Really?”
“Yes,” she seemed embarrassed but carried on. “My father and two older brothers fought in the Great War. None returned home. My mother died from influenza in 1919. I have worked anywhere from two to four jobs at once since, struggling to survive. Even with the general secretary job I’ve been barely scraping an existence, having to work nights at a local warehouse cataloguing and working on their books.”
Frau Aigner took a deep breath.
“Every other political party seems content to ignore that we fought a war, they want to ignore all the sacrifices made and blame the state of our country not on themselves but on others. The NLF seems to be the only one who cares about giving Austrians a sense of pride, of remembrance for the fallen, and that the blood debt spilled by our enemies will one day be repaid. Your words of anger and calls for retribution struck a chord within me. I am not a violent woman, Herr Hitler, but I would gladly see the world burn if it meant an iota of pain I’ve suffered wasn’t all for nothing. That the sacrifices and hardships mean something, that it would lead to a better tomorrow.”
Hitler idly brushed his upper lip, thinking. Taking his contemplation as unfazed, Frau Aigner spoke once more.
“Sir, you should be aware that I sold off all family property but what you see here and what few cases of luggage I could fit into a cab. I have no home, barring another secretary’s sofa that I have lived on for near a year, and no future at this time. I came here with determination and a desire to do what’s right for the Fatherland. I believe you have the potential to see through the Front’s promises and carry them out for the betterment of the Volk. Give me this opportunity and you’ll never regret it.”
“No, I don’t think I would,” he said quietly. “Frau Aigner, you’re hired.” Her face split into a wide, relieved smile and a part of Hitler pondered how pretty she looked just then, her smile radiant and inviting.
“Thank you, sir, thank you so much, Herr Hitler!”
Hitler rose and extended his hand and she reached out to grab it. “In public I’m Herr Hitler. In private, I’m Adi. What’s your given name?”
Aigner nodded, relieved at securing a job. “My name is Lieselotte, but my friends and family call me Liese.”
“Thank you, Liese.” Hitler gave her hand a comfortable squeeze. “Now,” he said more brusquely, “Frau Aigner we are swamped with paperwork and phone calls. Replacing a government through democratic means is a lengthy and bothersome process. Go see my assistant Jakob Kuhr about your duties and he’ll set you up with the Personnel Office to get you a higher salary as well as some housing accommodations more suited for a woman in your position.”
Lieselotte Aigner looked struck by the offer, her eyes tearing but she gathered herself.
He sat back down.
“You are dismissed.”
“Jawohl, mein Herr!” Frau Aigner left, ready to throw herself into the work. Hitler watched her leave. He had gone through five secretaries in three years; the demanding workload and Hitler’s chaotic schedule quickly saw many become burned out as the hours were long and the pay barely sufficient for the time put in.
He hoped Lieselotte would stick around.
+ + +
Vienna, Austria
Republic of Austria
November 1923
Vienna, Austria
Republic of Austria
November 1923
The motorcade departed NLF offices near the edge of Innere Stadt and left for central Vienna. Hitler rode with Gustav Gross, Ludwig von Hoffenberg, and Franz Dinghofer. The Central Committee had grown over the years, now consisting of a dozen men, but the four individuals in the car were the ones who wielded actual power.
It had been nearly a month since the election and now the transition period between the old government and the new was over. At the executive level the Social Democrats were out, the National Liberals in. As the junior partner in the new coalition government the NLF would receive positions of power equivalent to their seats won in the National Council.
The CS would retain the Chancellorship in the form of Ignaz Seipel as he had since 1922 while Gross would become Vice-Chancellor. Ludwig von Hoffenberg was to become the Minister of Commerce, and Franz Dinghofer would become Second President of the National Council under the newly selected Wilhelm Miklas.
Hitler, as per private discussions with Seipel and Gross over the past several weeks, would ascend to the prestigious Minister of Foreign Affairs, replacing Alfred Grünberger. He had lobbied for Minister of the Army but the CS had flatly refused to give up such a position to the junior NLF, favoring the incumbent Carl Vaugoin.
Nevertheless, becoming Foreign Minister would give Hitler immense power, as well as gifting close proximity to the Chancellor due to the Foreign Minister being housed in the Chancellery as no proper Foreign Office complex had yet been built. There he would be able to at first influence and in time create policy, with the end goal being to organize an effective international response against Judeo-Bolshevism, as well as creating a European alliance to aid in, or at the very least tolerate, the resurgence of a strong Austrian state.
So as the motorcade of National Liberal officials who were to replace the Social Democrats and even a handful of Christian Socials who lost their seats to the Front’s newly elected Councilors, Hitler found himself confident and eager to get to work. He even allowed himself to daydream a bit, envisioning the government playing itself to the beat of his ambition as if he were the conductor and everyone else the orchestra.
Yet if Austria was to be a world leader that others would envy it must first rise above its destitute situation. The Fatherland was crippled by debt, and while the Treaty of Saint-Germain did not dictate the exact amount owed to the Entente, it nonetheless would be in the billions. But not billions of the Austrian krone as that was becoming increasingly worthless as hyperinflation swept the nation, but rather billions in gold and silver bullion.
Billions Austria did not have. The new Republic’s agricultural and industrial output was but a fraction of the imperial era, hampering the country’s ability to pay its debts to such a state as to be impossible, further damning the krone’s buying power.
Seipel’s Grand Coalition with the SDAPÖ in 1922 had secured a substantial loan from the League of Nations to carry out financial and administrative reforms under League oversight. This did put some faith in the currency and put a halt to fiscal instability, at least for a time. Yet now Austria had to follow requests from the League, their ‘suggestions’ becoming more and more like mandates, which caused many in Austria to doubt the necessity of the loan, including many within the Christian Social Party.
If something wasn’t done soon, Austria would fall into an abyss that it would never claw itself out of, or worse, fall to Communism.
The convoy of cars separated as they neared the capital’s beating heart. All but one went to the Austrian Parliament Building while the car ferrying Hitler, Gross, Dinghofer and von Hoffenberg moved to Ballhausplatz, specifically Ballhausplatz 2. While the Parliament Building and the Hofburg Palace were of key importance to the fledging government, it was the residence and governing office of the Chancellor of the Austrian Republic that decisions that shaped the country were decided. Whomever ruled there ruled the Republic.
When the car pulled up, the door was opened by a governmental aide in a dark gray business suit.
“This way, sirs.” The aide led them up the steps of Ballhausplatz 2. Uniformed policemen stood at ease on the main entrance’s flanks, hands near pistols and eyes scanning to ensure none without authorization entered.
It was Hitler’s first time in the Chancellery. Though it lacked the… majesty of the Hofburg Palace, it nonetheless held a certain gravitas of power, its Persian rugs and Bohemian chandeliers giving it a worldly sense of preeminence.
As Hitler walked beside Gross, von Hoffenberg and Dinghofer following behind, he could not help but ponder that if the Hapsburgs had spent more money on a modern military and less on enriching themselves then maybe the country’s fate wouldn’t be in such a desperate state.
The aide led them to the Office of the Chancellor. Ushered in, they found Ignaz Seipel at his desk. The most powerful man in the Republic stood, arms spread wide.
“Ah, welcome, friends, welcome!” Seipel shook hands with all four men, the aide standing in the corner to assist if the need arose.
“It is good to see you all here today.” Seipel sat down, hands on the table with fingers interlocked. “I have a feeling that this new government we have put together will do much to alleviate the nation’s problems. With the Social Democrats sidelined for now, we have a prime opportunity to limit the power of the trade unions, strengthen the krone and limit its rapid hyperinflation, as well as turn our focus to greater matters beyond our borders.
Seipel gestured and the aide poured five glasses of whiskey and handed them to the men in the room. Hitler swirled the drink softly in his hands, not wishing to drink it. The others held no such qualms and downed theirs in a single gulp, smacking lips in appreciation.
“Really sets the belly on fire, that one,” Dinghofer said, stifling a cough.
“Indeed it does. Now,” Seipel’s eyes flicked to Hitler’s. “Down to business.”
Seipel pulled out four documents from the top drawer of his desk.
“As previously stated in previous meetings held at the Hold and elsewhere, you four as senior members of the National Liberal Front will be given positions of power and authority within the Republic.”
All four nodded, expecting this.
“I am to make my Cabinet recommendations to the National Council later this evening. With the Nationalrat in the hands of our coalition there should be little trouble confirming your appointments.”
Again, all four nodded.
“There has however been a slight change of plans.”
Hitler’s eyes narrowed in suspicion.
Seipel leaned forward.
“Herr von Hoffenberg.”
“Yes?”
“I have decided to keep Hans Schürff on as Minister of Commerce. Instead you’ll be the Minister of Labor as I feel this will suit your strengths more so than the Commerce Ministry. Do you accept this change?”
“I do,” von Hoffenberg sounded unsurprised. Likely he was quietly approached about it days ago, this meeting simply making it official.
Hitler began to relax until Seipel looked at him, and he saw something akin to discomfort in the man’s eyes.
“Herr Hitler?”
“Yes?” The word came out slow and cautionary.
“I have, with able counsel from the men present as well as with input from members of my Cabinet, decided to keep Alfred Grünberger as Foreign Minister.”
“Is that so?” Hitler’s voice had gone flat, void of emotion. He sat straighter in his chair and took two deep breaths through the nose, hands clenching one another in his lap, unseen by the others.
“Yes, Herr Hitler. It was decided that your talents would be wasted as Foreign Affairs Minister. You are a man of action, of empassioned speaking and rousing up the crowd. As Foreign Minister you would be limited to ministerial meetings, memos, traveling to and fro at a moment’s notice. It does not supplement your natural skills. Therefore, we as a collective have decided on your new post that would best serve the Vaterland.”
Hitler stared at Seipel, then turned his head slowly to face the other three men. Dinghofer stared straight ahead, ignoring Hitler’s venomous gaze though the man was sweating, droplets dripping from his temples. Von Hoffenberg matched Hitler’s glare and wasn't going to waste gloating in this moment of triumph, smiling a savage grin, teeth bared.
Gustav Gross… Gross was staring at the ground, hands interlocked, before raising his head to look at Hitler. The man seemed honestly regretful, party politicking was not his forte, but he didn’t stop it. He let the other men manipulate him, or he partook in it himself regardless of his relationship with Hitler.
Hitler felt his skin flush hot. He had been betrayed.
The Chairman had betrayed him… Gustav had betrayed him.
“Herr Hitler,” Seipel spoke quietly.
Hitler’s head snapped around, nostrils flaring.
“Would you like to know your new position?”
Hitler gestured, trying to appear nonplussed and knowing he failed.
“Very well. Considering your skills in speaking and negotiating, as well as proving yourself able to work independently and think on your feet, it is my recommendation to the National Council that you become,” Hitler braced himself, “Austria’s newest Ambassador to Japan.”
Hitler blinked. He had expected many things, but that was far from it. Japan, a country on the far side of the world. A country that had fought against Austria’s allies during the Great War. He would be far from the Vaterland, far from the Front, far from his support base.
As Seipel continued saying what an honor this position would be and how important strengthening Austro-Japanese relations would be, Hitler only half-heard him for he saw this ‘honor’ for what it was.
Exile.
He had become such a threat to the Front’s more moderate wing that they had decided he was too dangerous to be in-country. His power base was growing, his ideals radical, and the Front’s ideology was becoming increasingly difficult to separate from Hitler’s own. He had estimated within a year or two he would have accumulated enough power to force Gross to step down as Chairman and take over the Front in full. The others knew this and surprised him with crafting an insidious yet clever plan.m to all but remove him from the party.
He could refuse it, the Ambassadorship, but it would blacken his name for all future offices, and it would show he could not be entrusted with governmental responsibility, no matter how great or small. He could withdraw himself from the Front, but his years of ceaseless work and nearly every krone he had earned had gone into making National Liberalism the topic of discussion across Austria, both in affiliated newspapers and the wireless waves.
To refuse it would be political suicide. To leave the party would set back his rise to the Chancellorship by years, if he was lucky. Despite the bitter taste it left in his mouth, he knew he would have to accept and the others knew that too.
Seipel finished and looked at him. Gross finally spoke to break the silence.
“It will only be temporary, Adi. You’ll still remain Chief of Propaganda and a Committee member. This is merely to show our allies in the CS that we can be flexible.”
“That was it, wasn’t it. That was the price you paid for this coalition. My exile was your weregeld.” They did not deign to respond to that, nor was it needed. Their silence was answer enough.
“Adi, please, if you refuse this, it could have ramifications for your standing in the party.”
“And then you threaten to revoke my membership, and thus ignore all I have done for you.” Hitler gestured at the room.
“Look where you are, Gustav, look. I put you here. Me. I was your enforcer, I was your voice. Because of me, hundreds of thousands voted for the NLF. Now I am your thrall sent to the whipping post.”
“Adi-“
Hitler held up his hand and Gustav clamped his mouth shut.
“I accept the nomination to become Ambassador to Japan. It would be an… an honor.”
+++
Hitler descended the steps of the Chancellery, his stomach soured and mood in an even worse state at the turn of events. By the end of the day his nomination would be finalized and by the end of the week he would be aboard a train to take him to a ship that would then take him to the Land of the Rising Sun. Most of the NLF councilors elected were moderates and unlikely to follow any instruction he gave them, even if he wanted to defy the Committee.
Some would, but it would risk their seat and Hitler knew he would need a support base whenever he returned.
Olbrecht would be the first he contacted when he returned to the Hold, then Kuhr, then…
“Congratulations, Ambassador Hitler.”
He froze in his tracks and turned to the voice from behind.
Von Hoffenberg walked confidently down the steps to him. The man’s hands were stuffed in von Hoffenberg’s greatcoat and a fedora covered his thinning hair. He was every inch the manipulative aristocrat, the very same who cost Austro-Hungary the war, alongside the Judeo-Bolsheviks of course.
“It hasn’t been confirmed yet,” Hitler said, trying to appear unbothered by his ‘promotion.’
Von Hoffenberg laughed. “Oh I think it will pass. I’ve ensured it.” Several reporters rounded the corner and ran to them, cameras and pens and paper ready.
Three nearby policemen moved to intercept. Von Hoffenberg seemed not at all surprised. He wanted Hitler’s exile to be leaked to the press and his reaction recorded.
The conniving bastard.
“Ladies and gentlemen, our new Ambassador to Japan!” Von Hoffenberg declared, moving to stand by Hitler, presenting false camaraderie.
“You’re enjoying this aren’t you,” Hitler whispered.
“It’s better than you deserve. You should have gone back to living on the streets, painting to earn enough money to survive. If I can’t ensure that, having you out of the Fatherland is just as good. In time people will forget all about Adolf Hitler.”
“The people won’t forget me,” Hitler said fervently. “I’m a war hero and Chief Propagandist.”
“For now, perhaps,” von Hoffenberg shrugged. “Things change with time.”
The reporters had gotten close enough to take photos and start barking questions, only held back by the three uniformed officers who urged them to back off.
Hitler faked mirth and held out his hand to von Hoffenberg who couldn’t dare refuse it in front of others. As the other man grasped it, Hitler pulled him in closer and whispered into his nemesis’ ear.
“When I return, for I will come back, know that my reach is far and that I will never forget this. Watch yourself, Ludwig, accidents always happen when you least expect them,” he whispered. Then broke off the handshake and walked to the waiting car. He felt von Hoffenberg’s eyes on him for a moment before the aristocrat turned to answer the reporters’ questions.
As the car drove away from Innere Stadt, Hitler’s mind raced, contemplating how he was going to turn this exile into a victory of sorts. It took hours, going long into the night but as morning dawned and newspapers proclaimed Austria’s newest representative to the Empire of Japan, Hitler set himself to work.
This was only a setback and he would return to Austria and take what was his. After all, he had all but promised to kill someone.
And he never forgot such things.
It had been nearly a month since the election and now the transition period between the old government and the new was over. At the executive level the Social Democrats were out, the National Liberals in. As the junior partner in the new coalition government the NLF would receive positions of power equivalent to their seats won in the National Council.
The CS would retain the Chancellorship in the form of Ignaz Seipel as he had since 1922 while Gross would become Vice-Chancellor. Ludwig von Hoffenberg was to become the Minister of Commerce, and Franz Dinghofer would become Second President of the National Council under the newly selected Wilhelm Miklas.
Hitler, as per private discussions with Seipel and Gross over the past several weeks, would ascend to the prestigious Minister of Foreign Affairs, replacing Alfred Grünberger. He had lobbied for Minister of the Army but the CS had flatly refused to give up such a position to the junior NLF, favoring the incumbent Carl Vaugoin.
Nevertheless, becoming Foreign Minister would give Hitler immense power, as well as gifting close proximity to the Chancellor due to the Foreign Minister being housed in the Chancellery as no proper Foreign Office complex had yet been built. There he would be able to at first influence and in time create policy, with the end goal being to organize an effective international response against Judeo-Bolshevism, as well as creating a European alliance to aid in, or at the very least tolerate, the resurgence of a strong Austrian state.
So as the motorcade of National Liberal officials who were to replace the Social Democrats and even a handful of Christian Socials who lost their seats to the Front’s newly elected Councilors, Hitler found himself confident and eager to get to work. He even allowed himself to daydream a bit, envisioning the government playing itself to the beat of his ambition as if he were the conductor and everyone else the orchestra.
Yet if Austria was to be a world leader that others would envy it must first rise above its destitute situation. The Fatherland was crippled by debt, and while the Treaty of Saint-Germain did not dictate the exact amount owed to the Entente, it nonetheless would be in the billions. But not billions of the Austrian krone as that was becoming increasingly worthless as hyperinflation swept the nation, but rather billions in gold and silver bullion.
Billions Austria did not have. The new Republic’s agricultural and industrial output was but a fraction of the imperial era, hampering the country’s ability to pay its debts to such a state as to be impossible, further damning the krone’s buying power.
Seipel’s Grand Coalition with the SDAPÖ in 1922 had secured a substantial loan from the League of Nations to carry out financial and administrative reforms under League oversight. This did put some faith in the currency and put a halt to fiscal instability, at least for a time. Yet now Austria had to follow requests from the League, their ‘suggestions’ becoming more and more like mandates, which caused many in Austria to doubt the necessity of the loan, including many within the Christian Social Party.
If something wasn’t done soon, Austria would fall into an abyss that it would never claw itself out of, or worse, fall to Communism.
The convoy of cars separated as they neared the capital’s beating heart. All but one went to the Austrian Parliament Building while the car ferrying Hitler, Gross, Dinghofer and von Hoffenberg moved to Ballhausplatz, specifically Ballhausplatz 2. While the Parliament Building and the Hofburg Palace were of key importance to the fledging government, it was the residence and governing office of the Chancellor of the Austrian Republic that decisions that shaped the country were decided. Whomever ruled there ruled the Republic.
When the car pulled up, the door was opened by a governmental aide in a dark gray business suit.
“This way, sirs.” The aide led them up the steps of Ballhausplatz 2. Uniformed policemen stood at ease on the main entrance’s flanks, hands near pistols and eyes scanning to ensure none without authorization entered.
It was Hitler’s first time in the Chancellery. Though it lacked the… majesty of the Hofburg Palace, it nonetheless held a certain gravitas of power, its Persian rugs and Bohemian chandeliers giving it a worldly sense of preeminence.
As Hitler walked beside Gross, von Hoffenberg and Dinghofer following behind, he could not help but ponder that if the Hapsburgs had spent more money on a modern military and less on enriching themselves then maybe the country’s fate wouldn’t be in such a desperate state.
The aide led them to the Office of the Chancellor. Ushered in, they found Ignaz Seipel at his desk. The most powerful man in the Republic stood, arms spread wide.
“Ah, welcome, friends, welcome!” Seipel shook hands with all four men, the aide standing in the corner to assist if the need arose.
“It is good to see you all here today.” Seipel sat down, hands on the table with fingers interlocked. “I have a feeling that this new government we have put together will do much to alleviate the nation’s problems. With the Social Democrats sidelined for now, we have a prime opportunity to limit the power of the trade unions, strengthen the krone and limit its rapid hyperinflation, as well as turn our focus to greater matters beyond our borders.
Seipel gestured and the aide poured five glasses of whiskey and handed them to the men in the room. Hitler swirled the drink softly in his hands, not wishing to drink it. The others held no such qualms and downed theirs in a single gulp, smacking lips in appreciation.
“Really sets the belly on fire, that one,” Dinghofer said, stifling a cough.
“Indeed it does. Now,” Seipel’s eyes flicked to Hitler’s. “Down to business.”
Seipel pulled out four documents from the top drawer of his desk.
“As previously stated in previous meetings held at the Hold and elsewhere, you four as senior members of the National Liberal Front will be given positions of power and authority within the Republic.”
All four nodded, expecting this.
“I am to make my Cabinet recommendations to the National Council later this evening. With the Nationalrat in the hands of our coalition there should be little trouble confirming your appointments.”
Again, all four nodded.
“There has however been a slight change of plans.”
Hitler’s eyes narrowed in suspicion.
Seipel leaned forward.
“Herr von Hoffenberg.”
“Yes?”
“I have decided to keep Hans Schürff on as Minister of Commerce. Instead you’ll be the Minister of Labor as I feel this will suit your strengths more so than the Commerce Ministry. Do you accept this change?”
“I do,” von Hoffenberg sounded unsurprised. Likely he was quietly approached about it days ago, this meeting simply making it official.
Hitler began to relax until Seipel looked at him, and he saw something akin to discomfort in the man’s eyes.
“Herr Hitler?”
“Yes?” The word came out slow and cautionary.
“I have, with able counsel from the men present as well as with input from members of my Cabinet, decided to keep Alfred Grünberger as Foreign Minister.”
“Is that so?” Hitler’s voice had gone flat, void of emotion. He sat straighter in his chair and took two deep breaths through the nose, hands clenching one another in his lap, unseen by the others.
“Yes, Herr Hitler. It was decided that your talents would be wasted as Foreign Affairs Minister. You are a man of action, of empassioned speaking and rousing up the crowd. As Foreign Minister you would be limited to ministerial meetings, memos, traveling to and fro at a moment’s notice. It does not supplement your natural skills. Therefore, we as a collective have decided on your new post that would best serve the Vaterland.”
Hitler stared at Seipel, then turned his head slowly to face the other three men. Dinghofer stared straight ahead, ignoring Hitler’s venomous gaze though the man was sweating, droplets dripping from his temples. Von Hoffenberg matched Hitler’s glare and wasn't going to waste gloating in this moment of triumph, smiling a savage grin, teeth bared.
Gustav Gross… Gross was staring at the ground, hands interlocked, before raising his head to look at Hitler. The man seemed honestly regretful, party politicking was not his forte, but he didn’t stop it. He let the other men manipulate him, or he partook in it himself regardless of his relationship with Hitler.
Hitler felt his skin flush hot. He had been betrayed.
The Chairman had betrayed him… Gustav had betrayed him.
“Herr Hitler,” Seipel spoke quietly.
Hitler’s head snapped around, nostrils flaring.
“Would you like to know your new position?”
Hitler gestured, trying to appear nonplussed and knowing he failed.
“Very well. Considering your skills in speaking and negotiating, as well as proving yourself able to work independently and think on your feet, it is my recommendation to the National Council that you become,” Hitler braced himself, “Austria’s newest Ambassador to Japan.”
Hitler blinked. He had expected many things, but that was far from it. Japan, a country on the far side of the world. A country that had fought against Austria’s allies during the Great War. He would be far from the Vaterland, far from the Front, far from his support base.
As Seipel continued saying what an honor this position would be and how important strengthening Austro-Japanese relations would be, Hitler only half-heard him for he saw this ‘honor’ for what it was.
Exile.
He had become such a threat to the Front’s more moderate wing that they had decided he was too dangerous to be in-country. His power base was growing, his ideals radical, and the Front’s ideology was becoming increasingly difficult to separate from Hitler’s own. He had estimated within a year or two he would have accumulated enough power to force Gross to step down as Chairman and take over the Front in full. The others knew this and surprised him with crafting an insidious yet clever plan.m to all but remove him from the party.
He could refuse it, the Ambassadorship, but it would blacken his name for all future offices, and it would show he could not be entrusted with governmental responsibility, no matter how great or small. He could withdraw himself from the Front, but his years of ceaseless work and nearly every krone he had earned had gone into making National Liberalism the topic of discussion across Austria, both in affiliated newspapers and the wireless waves.
To refuse it would be political suicide. To leave the party would set back his rise to the Chancellorship by years, if he was lucky. Despite the bitter taste it left in his mouth, he knew he would have to accept and the others knew that too.
Seipel finished and looked at him. Gross finally spoke to break the silence.
“It will only be temporary, Adi. You’ll still remain Chief of Propaganda and a Committee member. This is merely to show our allies in the CS that we can be flexible.”
“That was it, wasn’t it. That was the price you paid for this coalition. My exile was your weregeld.” They did not deign to respond to that, nor was it needed. Their silence was answer enough.
“Adi, please, if you refuse this, it could have ramifications for your standing in the party.”
“And then you threaten to revoke my membership, and thus ignore all I have done for you.” Hitler gestured at the room.
“Look where you are, Gustav, look. I put you here. Me. I was your enforcer, I was your voice. Because of me, hundreds of thousands voted for the NLF. Now I am your thrall sent to the whipping post.”
“Adi-“
Hitler held up his hand and Gustav clamped his mouth shut.
“I accept the nomination to become Ambassador to Japan. It would be an… an honor.”
+++
Hitler descended the steps of the Chancellery, his stomach soured and mood in an even worse state at the turn of events. By the end of the day his nomination would be finalized and by the end of the week he would be aboard a train to take him to a ship that would then take him to the Land of the Rising Sun. Most of the NLF councilors elected were moderates and unlikely to follow any instruction he gave them, even if he wanted to defy the Committee.
Some would, but it would risk their seat and Hitler knew he would need a support base whenever he returned.
Olbrecht would be the first he contacted when he returned to the Hold, then Kuhr, then…
“Congratulations, Ambassador Hitler.”
He froze in his tracks and turned to the voice from behind.
Von Hoffenberg walked confidently down the steps to him. The man’s hands were stuffed in von Hoffenberg’s greatcoat and a fedora covered his thinning hair. He was every inch the manipulative aristocrat, the very same who cost Austro-Hungary the war, alongside the Judeo-Bolsheviks of course.
“It hasn’t been confirmed yet,” Hitler said, trying to appear unbothered by his ‘promotion.’
Von Hoffenberg laughed. “Oh I think it will pass. I’ve ensured it.” Several reporters rounded the corner and ran to them, cameras and pens and paper ready.
Three nearby policemen moved to intercept. Von Hoffenberg seemed not at all surprised. He wanted Hitler’s exile to be leaked to the press and his reaction recorded.
The conniving bastard.
“Ladies and gentlemen, our new Ambassador to Japan!” Von Hoffenberg declared, moving to stand by Hitler, presenting false camaraderie.
“You’re enjoying this aren’t you,” Hitler whispered.
“It’s better than you deserve. You should have gone back to living on the streets, painting to earn enough money to survive. If I can’t ensure that, having you out of the Fatherland is just as good. In time people will forget all about Adolf Hitler.”
“The people won’t forget me,” Hitler said fervently. “I’m a war hero and Chief Propagandist.”
“For now, perhaps,” von Hoffenberg shrugged. “Things change with time.”
The reporters had gotten close enough to take photos and start barking questions, only held back by the three uniformed officers who urged them to back off.
Hitler faked mirth and held out his hand to von Hoffenberg who couldn’t dare refuse it in front of others. As the other man grasped it, Hitler pulled him in closer and whispered into his nemesis’ ear.
“When I return, for I will come back, know that my reach is far and that I will never forget this. Watch yourself, Ludwig, accidents always happen when you least expect them,” he whispered. Then broke off the handshake and walked to the waiting car. He felt von Hoffenberg’s eyes on him for a moment before the aristocrat turned to answer the reporters’ questions.
As the car drove away from Innere Stadt, Hitler’s mind raced, contemplating how he was going to turn this exile into a victory of sorts. It took hours, going long into the night but as morning dawned and newspapers proclaimed Austria’s newest representative to the Empire of Japan, Hitler set himself to work.
This was only a setback and he would return to Austria and take what was his. After all, he had all but promised to kill someone.
And he never forgot such things.
Last edited:
And so concludes Book 1 of the Der Kampf story.
All constructive feedback and criticism welcome. There will still be a new chapter out by November 1st which will be the beginning of Book 2. I will now start to also edit everything written so far, clean it up, rewrite parts to streamline and make it more readable, then send off to an editor to give it another polish.
Should I try a bigger publisher or would Sealion Press be the best to go with?
All constructive feedback and criticism welcome. There will still be a new chapter out by November 1st which will be the beginning of Book 2. I will now start to also edit everything written so far, clean it up, rewrite parts to streamline and make it more readable, then send off to an editor to give it another polish.
Should I try a bigger publisher or would Sealion Press be the best to go with?