i wonder, is larouche in politics ITTL? is he still a communist or whatever wacky name kaiserreich has for whatever he is
The Pale Horse: The Northwest Montana Insurgency and its Aftermath (1987-2002)
- Thread starter XTrapnel
- Start date
Timeline: Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom/Chairmen of the Trades Union Congress (1918-1992)
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom (1918-1926)
1918-1923: Austen Chamberlain (Conservative Party)
1918: H.H. Asquith (Liberal Party), Eamon de Valera (Sinn Fein), Robert Blatchford (Democratic Labour Party), William Adamson (Labour Party), David Lloyd George (Independent Liberal Party), Thomas Hargrave Bell (Independent Labour Party), Henry Page Croft (National Party), Horatio Bottomley (John Bull Party)
1923-1925: Robert Blatchford/Henry Page Croft (National Democratic Party)
1923: Austen Chamberlain (Conservative Party), Philip Snowden (Independent Labour Party), H. H. Asquith (Liberal Party), Noel Pemberton-Billing (National Vigilance Party), Joseph Devlin (Independent Nationalist Party)
1925-1926: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative Party)
1925: Robert Blatchford (National Democratic Party), Philip Snowden (Independent Labour Party), H. H. Asquith (Liberal Party), Rotha Lintorn-Orman (National Vigilance Party), Joseph Devlin (Independent Nationalist Party)
Chairman of the Trades Union Congress (1926-1944)
1926-1933: Robert Blatchford (National Syndicalist faction)
1926: Philip Snowden (Orthodox Syndicalist faction), George Lansbury (Left Reformist faction), Sidney Webb (State Socialist faction)
1932: Philip Snowden (Orthodox Syndicalist faction), Sidney Webb (State Socialist faction), John Hargrave (Left Reformist faction), Henry Williamson (Agrarian Syndicalist faction)
1933-1936: Philip Snowden (Orthodox Syndicalist faction)
1933: Emmanuel Shinwell (State Socialist faction), Alexander Raven Thomson (National Syndicalist faction), Henry Williamson (Agrarian Syndicalist faction), John Hargrave (Left Reformist faction)
1936-1944: Emmanuel Shinwell (Totalist faction)
1936: Tom Mann (Orthodox Syndicalist faction), Niclas y Glais (Left Reformist faction),
1942: Scattered opposition due to wartime government
1944-1944: Eric Blair (provisional)
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom (1944-1992)
1944-1944: Louis Mountbatten (provisional military government)
1944-1949: Murray Sueter (National, leading Wartime Coalition with Conservatives and Liberals)
1945: Lord Beaverbrook (Conservative), Herbert Samuel (Liberal), Richard Acland (Progressive)
1949-1956: Anthony Eden (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal coalition)
1949: Clement Davies (Liberal), Archibald Ramsay (Social Credit), Richard Acland (Progressive), Alec Douglas-Home (Unionist), John Simon (National Liberal), James McSparran (Irish National Party)
1953: Dingle Foot (Liberal), John Hamilton Mackie (Social Credit), Hewlett Johnson (Progressive), Alec Douglas-Home (Unionist), Colin Thornton-Kelmsley (National Liberal), James McSparran (Irish National Party)
1956-1961: Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative and Unionist and National Liberal coalition)
1957: Jo Grimond (Liberal), Hugh Gaitskell (Progressive), John Hamilton Mackie (Social Credit), Colin Thornton-Kelmsley (National Liberal), Paddy McLogan (Irish National Party)
1961-1962: Quintin Hogg (Conservative and Unionist and National Liberal coalition)
1962-1968: Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal and Progressive Coalition)
1962: Quintin Hogg (Conservative and Unionist), Hugh Gaitskell (Progressive), Gerald Nabarro (Social Credit), Colin Thornton-Kelmsley (National Liberal), Paddy McLogan (Irish National Party)
1967: Ian MacLeod (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal), Harold Wilson (Progressive), Gerald Nabarro (Social Credit), Gerry Fitt (Irish National Party), Gwynfor Evans (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1968-1968: Jo Grimond (Liberal and Progressive Coalition)
1968-1971: Harold Wilson (Progressive and Liberal Coalition)
1971-1971: Louis Mountbatten (national unity government)
1971-1976: William Whitelaw (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal majority government)
1971: Edmund Dell (Progressive Liberal), John Aspinall (Social Credit), Barbara Castle (Common Wealth), Gerry Fitt (Irish National Party), Gwynfor Evans (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1976-1978: Edmund Dell (Progressive Liberal, Common Wealth confidence and supply)
1976: William Whitelaw (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal), John Aspinall (Social Credit), Roy Jenkins (Common Wealth), Gerry Fitt (Irish National Party), Gwynfor Evans (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1978-1981: Shirley Williams (Progressive Liberal, Common Wealth confidence and supply)
1981-1992: Francis Pym (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal majority government)
1981: Shirley Williams (Progressive Liberal), John Aspinall (Social Credit), Derek Hatton (Common Wealth), John Hume (Irish National Party), Dafydd Wrigley (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1985: Humphrey Lyttleton (Progressive Liberal), Edward McMillan Taylor (Social Credit), Derek Hatton (Common Wealth), John Hume (Irish National Party), Dafydd Wrigley (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1990: Emlyn Hooson (Progressive Liberal), Edward McMillan Taylor (Social Credit) Jeremy Corbyn (Common Wealth), John Hume (Irish National Party), Dafydd Wrigley (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1992: Tom King (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal majority government)
1918-1923: Austen Chamberlain (Conservative Party)
1918: H.H. Asquith (Liberal Party), Eamon de Valera (Sinn Fein), Robert Blatchford (Democratic Labour Party), William Adamson (Labour Party), David Lloyd George (Independent Liberal Party), Thomas Hargrave Bell (Independent Labour Party), Henry Page Croft (National Party), Horatio Bottomley (John Bull Party)
1923-1925: Robert Blatchford/Henry Page Croft (National Democratic Party)
1923: Austen Chamberlain (Conservative Party), Philip Snowden (Independent Labour Party), H. H. Asquith (Liberal Party), Noel Pemberton-Billing (National Vigilance Party), Joseph Devlin (Independent Nationalist Party)
1925-1926: Stanley Baldwin (Conservative Party)
1925: Robert Blatchford (National Democratic Party), Philip Snowden (Independent Labour Party), H. H. Asquith (Liberal Party), Rotha Lintorn-Orman (National Vigilance Party), Joseph Devlin (Independent Nationalist Party)
Chairman of the Trades Union Congress (1926-1944)
1926-1933: Robert Blatchford (National Syndicalist faction)
1926: Philip Snowden (Orthodox Syndicalist faction), George Lansbury (Left Reformist faction), Sidney Webb (State Socialist faction)
1932: Philip Snowden (Orthodox Syndicalist faction), Sidney Webb (State Socialist faction), John Hargrave (Left Reformist faction), Henry Williamson (Agrarian Syndicalist faction)
1933-1936: Philip Snowden (Orthodox Syndicalist faction)
1933: Emmanuel Shinwell (State Socialist faction), Alexander Raven Thomson (National Syndicalist faction), Henry Williamson (Agrarian Syndicalist faction), John Hargrave (Left Reformist faction)
1936-1944: Emmanuel Shinwell (Totalist faction)
1936: Tom Mann (Orthodox Syndicalist faction), Niclas y Glais (Left Reformist faction),
1942: Scattered opposition due to wartime government
1944-1944: Eric Blair (provisional)
Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom (1944-1992)
1944-1944: Louis Mountbatten (provisional military government)
1944-1949: Murray Sueter (National, leading Wartime Coalition with Conservatives and Liberals)
1945: Lord Beaverbrook (Conservative), Herbert Samuel (Liberal), Richard Acland (Progressive)
1949-1956: Anthony Eden (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal coalition)
1949: Clement Davies (Liberal), Archibald Ramsay (Social Credit), Richard Acland (Progressive), Alec Douglas-Home (Unionist), John Simon (National Liberal), James McSparran (Irish National Party)
1953: Dingle Foot (Liberal), John Hamilton Mackie (Social Credit), Hewlett Johnson (Progressive), Alec Douglas-Home (Unionist), Colin Thornton-Kelmsley (National Liberal), James McSparran (Irish National Party)
1956-1961: Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative and Unionist and National Liberal coalition)
1957: Jo Grimond (Liberal), Hugh Gaitskell (Progressive), John Hamilton Mackie (Social Credit), Colin Thornton-Kelmsley (National Liberal), Paddy McLogan (Irish National Party)
1961-1962: Quintin Hogg (Conservative and Unionist and National Liberal coalition)
1962-1968: Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal and Progressive Coalition)
1962: Quintin Hogg (Conservative and Unionist), Hugh Gaitskell (Progressive), Gerald Nabarro (Social Credit), Colin Thornton-Kelmsley (National Liberal), Paddy McLogan (Irish National Party)
1967: Ian MacLeod (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal), Harold Wilson (Progressive), Gerald Nabarro (Social Credit), Gerry Fitt (Irish National Party), Gwynfor Evans (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1968-1968: Jo Grimond (Liberal and Progressive Coalition)
1968-1971: Harold Wilson (Progressive and Liberal Coalition)
1971-1971: Louis Mountbatten (national unity government)
1971-1976: William Whitelaw (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal majority government)
1971: Edmund Dell (Progressive Liberal), John Aspinall (Social Credit), Barbara Castle (Common Wealth), Gerry Fitt (Irish National Party), Gwynfor Evans (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1976-1978: Edmund Dell (Progressive Liberal, Common Wealth confidence and supply)
1976: William Whitelaw (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal), John Aspinall (Social Credit), Roy Jenkins (Common Wealth), Gerry Fitt (Irish National Party), Gwynfor Evans (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1978-1981: Shirley Williams (Progressive Liberal, Common Wealth confidence and supply)
1981-1992: Francis Pym (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal majority government)
1981: Shirley Williams (Progressive Liberal), John Aspinall (Social Credit), Derek Hatton (Common Wealth), John Hume (Irish National Party), Dafydd Wrigley (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1985: Humphrey Lyttleton (Progressive Liberal), Edward McMillan Taylor (Social Credit), Derek Hatton (Common Wealth), John Hume (Irish National Party), Dafydd Wrigley (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1990: Emlyn Hooson (Progressive Liberal), Edward McMillan Taylor (Social Credit) Jeremy Corbyn (Common Wealth), John Hume (Irish National Party), Dafydd Wrigley (Y Mudiad Cymreig)
1992: Tom King (Conservative, Unionist and National Liberal majority government)
As I read it, the format is something like
Year X-Year Y: Prime Minister (Party type of government)
X: Largest party not led by Prime Minister, Second-largest party not led by Prime Minister, et al.
How crazy was the leftist government in Britain? And what happened in 1971?
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Totalist Union of Britain is pretty crazy but not comparable with Sorelian Commune of France and I'm guessing there was a coup in '71 to ensure Wilson doesn't take Britain Syndie again.
No Fighting in the War Room (1993)
No Fighting in the War Room (1993)
Even during its later period of virtually absolute rule over northwest Montana, the North-West Front was never quite the homogenous and cohesive body which either they or their various opponents claimed them to be: in the second half of 1993, with the rapid and progressive collapse of SATPO forcing the NWF to take up the mantle of government of an area which expanded day by day, the insurgents could barely be considered to be a functional organisation at all. The laser-like focus of the insurgency on discrete and hermetically separated cells of fewer than half a dozen combatants had proved virtually immune to counter-insurgency tactics: while it ensured that no insurgent, once captured, could incriminate more than a handful of others, the deficiencies of such a system became clear when large-scale cooperation was required for the first time.
By September 1993, the NWF was broadly comprised of three more-or-less discrete groups. From the beginning of the insurgency, the bulk of the NWF’s operational and logistic support (if not necessarily the bulk of its fighting arm) had been comprised of a loose confederation of intensely local militias, each with little ability to project any force beyond its immediate area and with little desire to force any more widespread change on Northwest Montana than simply radically reducing government interference into their lives. For them, the struggle was an intensely local one: with limited contact with the higher echelons of the NWF and exposed to the brunt of SATPO’s pacification raids, they had been virtually fighting a private war with varying and random success.
There was little love lost between these militias and those elements of the NWF on continuous and active combat patrol who had seen such remarkable success over the last few months: the NWF’s fighting arm saw the militias as frankly unreliable hindrances on the insurgency, capable of little more than inadvertently compromising the NWF’s overall position, while the militias countered that the consequences of heavy NWF activity inevitably fell on them instead of the combat patrols. This tension was exacerbated by the fact that the majority of the NWF’s fighting arm was made up of two far more ideological groupings. Firstly, the missionary activity of Rousas Rushdoony’s Church of the Covenant from the late 1970s onwards had ultimately yielded a fanatical core of warriors determined to impose their vision of a society ruled by Mosaic law on Northwest Montana. Even as early as September 1993, rumours were circulating throughout the NWF of small towns which had fallen under the control of Rushdoonyite militias reimposing stoning to death for homosexuality, adultery and blasphemy.
The second grouping overrepresented in the NWF’s combat arm was still darker: comprised of a nucleus of local converts to Ben Klassen’s white supremacist Church of the Creator and augmented by a series of Klassenite volunteers from Idaho, this faction had achieved a reputation by the second half of 1993 as the most brutal but effective element of the NWF. Although deeply unpalatable to the rest of the insurgency, the manpower and resources that they had been able to provide (the proceeds from Klassenite bank robberies across the Pacific Northwest in the early 90s had allowed the NWF to remain afloat in the two years prior to their receipt of British backing) ensured their prominent position in the NWF.
In the first few years of the insurgency, these factions had clung to each other primarily due to the experiences of 1989: the examples of Hale’s Army (reduced in the space of fifteen minutes from the de facto controller of all transport into Missoula to a handful of burned, terrified men) and the New Nauvoo Legion (their strongholds destroyed, one by one, by SATPO’s then-invincible Airborne Divisions) was enough of an incentive to ensure at least some cooperation. With the collapse of government authority across swathes of Northwest Montana, the simmering tensions which had developed over this period came to the fore.
This eruption never reached the level of a public split – even at this late stage in the insurgency, the situation facing the NWF was still too precarious for that – but rather took the form of a series of individually inexplicable events: the disappearances of local militia leaders far from any reported SATPO activity, the sudden inability of some combat patrols to receive supplies on regular routes, and a rapid rise in the number of purported “collaborators” summarily executed after an area had been secured.
Had this situation been allowed to fester, it is conceivable that SATPO’s intelligence arm, by playing off each of the factions against each other, could have reversed the momentum now running inexorably against them, at the very least clawing back some of the ground they had lost since April 1993. There is some evidence that Brennan attempted to set the remains of his intelligence network to this task: however, in an illustration of the collapse of his position in the higher echelons of SATPO since the Plains Massacre, his proposals were now entirely ignored by the military leadership of the operation.
In any case, the significant changes to the structure of the NWF which Gritz instituted in early October had headed off the worst of the mutual hostility. Based in Kalispell, the newly-formed fifteen-man Provisional Council of the NWF (headed by Gritz) would hold ultimate responsibility for governance of the areas under the control of the NWF. While the staffing of the Provisional Council was conducted, at times, idiosyncratically (most notably in the case of Gary “Rocket Man” Stennis, who appears to have ended up on the council entirely due to his reputation for shooting down a SATPO helicopter with a wildly inaccurate RPG in late 1989), Gritz was able to ensure that each of the major factions within the NWF had at least some say into the overall running of the insurgency.
Given the significant disagreements between the factions, the Provisional Council largely concentrated, at least initially, on the restoration of some sort of order in the areas controlled by the NWF: in response to proclamations from the Council, the hanged bodies of looters and “profiteers” became a common sight in small towns across the region, with public executions of people who had used the collapse of civil order to carve out small drug empires for themselves being conducted regularly. While undeniably brutal, these executions had the desired effect. By October 1993, the NWF-governed areas of Northwest Montana were returning to some sort of normality. The Council worked well enough together for the time being to damp down most factional discontent: settling the root causes for this discontent, however, would have to wait until the NWF’s final victory over SATPO.
Even during its later period of virtually absolute rule over northwest Montana, the North-West Front was never quite the homogenous and cohesive body which either they or their various opponents claimed them to be: in the second half of 1993, with the rapid and progressive collapse of SATPO forcing the NWF to take up the mantle of government of an area which expanded day by day, the insurgents could barely be considered to be a functional organisation at all. The laser-like focus of the insurgency on discrete and hermetically separated cells of fewer than half a dozen combatants had proved virtually immune to counter-insurgency tactics: while it ensured that no insurgent, once captured, could incriminate more than a handful of others, the deficiencies of such a system became clear when large-scale cooperation was required for the first time.
By September 1993, the NWF was broadly comprised of three more-or-less discrete groups. From the beginning of the insurgency, the bulk of the NWF’s operational and logistic support (if not necessarily the bulk of its fighting arm) had been comprised of a loose confederation of intensely local militias, each with little ability to project any force beyond its immediate area and with little desire to force any more widespread change on Northwest Montana than simply radically reducing government interference into their lives. For them, the struggle was an intensely local one: with limited contact with the higher echelons of the NWF and exposed to the brunt of SATPO’s pacification raids, they had been virtually fighting a private war with varying and random success.
There was little love lost between these militias and those elements of the NWF on continuous and active combat patrol who had seen such remarkable success over the last few months: the NWF’s fighting arm saw the militias as frankly unreliable hindrances on the insurgency, capable of little more than inadvertently compromising the NWF’s overall position, while the militias countered that the consequences of heavy NWF activity inevitably fell on them instead of the combat patrols. This tension was exacerbated by the fact that the majority of the NWF’s fighting arm was made up of two far more ideological groupings. Firstly, the missionary activity of Rousas Rushdoony’s Church of the Covenant from the late 1970s onwards had ultimately yielded a fanatical core of warriors determined to impose their vision of a society ruled by Mosaic law on Northwest Montana. Even as early as September 1993, rumours were circulating throughout the NWF of small towns which had fallen under the control of Rushdoonyite militias reimposing stoning to death for homosexuality, adultery and blasphemy.
The second grouping overrepresented in the NWF’s combat arm was still darker: comprised of a nucleus of local converts to Ben Klassen’s white supremacist Church of the Creator and augmented by a series of Klassenite volunteers from Idaho, this faction had achieved a reputation by the second half of 1993 as the most brutal but effective element of the NWF. Although deeply unpalatable to the rest of the insurgency, the manpower and resources that they had been able to provide (the proceeds from Klassenite bank robberies across the Pacific Northwest in the early 90s had allowed the NWF to remain afloat in the two years prior to their receipt of British backing) ensured their prominent position in the NWF.
In the first few years of the insurgency, these factions had clung to each other primarily due to the experiences of 1989: the examples of Hale’s Army (reduced in the space of fifteen minutes from the de facto controller of all transport into Missoula to a handful of burned, terrified men) and the New Nauvoo Legion (their strongholds destroyed, one by one, by SATPO’s then-invincible Airborne Divisions) was enough of an incentive to ensure at least some cooperation. With the collapse of government authority across swathes of Northwest Montana, the simmering tensions which had developed over this period came to the fore.
This eruption never reached the level of a public split – even at this late stage in the insurgency, the situation facing the NWF was still too precarious for that – but rather took the form of a series of individually inexplicable events: the disappearances of local militia leaders far from any reported SATPO activity, the sudden inability of some combat patrols to receive supplies on regular routes, and a rapid rise in the number of purported “collaborators” summarily executed after an area had been secured.
Had this situation been allowed to fester, it is conceivable that SATPO’s intelligence arm, by playing off each of the factions against each other, could have reversed the momentum now running inexorably against them, at the very least clawing back some of the ground they had lost since April 1993. There is some evidence that Brennan attempted to set the remains of his intelligence network to this task: however, in an illustration of the collapse of his position in the higher echelons of SATPO since the Plains Massacre, his proposals were now entirely ignored by the military leadership of the operation.
In any case, the significant changes to the structure of the NWF which Gritz instituted in early October had headed off the worst of the mutual hostility. Based in Kalispell, the newly-formed fifteen-man Provisional Council of the NWF (headed by Gritz) would hold ultimate responsibility for governance of the areas under the control of the NWF. While the staffing of the Provisional Council was conducted, at times, idiosyncratically (most notably in the case of Gary “Rocket Man” Stennis, who appears to have ended up on the council entirely due to his reputation for shooting down a SATPO helicopter with a wildly inaccurate RPG in late 1989), Gritz was able to ensure that each of the major factions within the NWF had at least some say into the overall running of the insurgency.
Given the significant disagreements between the factions, the Provisional Council largely concentrated, at least initially, on the restoration of some sort of order in the areas controlled by the NWF: in response to proclamations from the Council, the hanged bodies of looters and “profiteers” became a common sight in small towns across the region, with public executions of people who had used the collapse of civil order to carve out small drug empires for themselves being conducted regularly. While undeniably brutal, these executions had the desired effect. By October 1993, the NWF-governed areas of Northwest Montana were returning to some sort of normality. The Council worked well enough together for the time being to damp down most factional discontent: settling the root causes for this discontent, however, would have to wait until the NWF’s final victory over SATPO.
What's happened to the Mormon element of the opposition since the Legion's destruction, because considering the demographics of the region and the earlier missionary activity there should be some sort of Mormon faction in the NWF, or are they just disorganised and splintered and thus less relevant than the Dominionists and White Supremacists?
Montana was a pretty unpleasant place to live before the 90's that's why there was an insurgency. Just like ISIS or the Shining Path the Churches of the Covenant and Creator are symptoms that something has gone profoundly wrong in society that enabled such extreme groups to attain relevance.
Obviously it's not my tl but I'm guessing that shortly after the CSA falls/fully abandons the area you will have an extremely unpleasant civil war between the various factions that will see the British/Canadians/PSA dragged in with predictable consequences.
The Mormons, at this point, have basically been shattered by the first year of Operation Mountain Lion. There's a handful of scattered cells functioning in the countryside south of Butte but, for the time being, they're essentially irrelevant. Of course, once government presence has disintegrated further, this could well change.
Well, quite. I have to confess to being faintly disappointed by The Handmaid's Tale: Gilead's always struck me as a rather parochial writer's views on what it would be like to live in Iran. An actual theonomist America would be far, far weirder (involving the banning of usury, fiat currency, limited liability companies and any level of social organisation larger than a small town, among many other things).
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