An Examination of Extra-Universal Systems of Government
- Thread starter Ephraim Ben Raphael
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I have this idea of a literal State Shinto-run Japan ala Islamist Iran or at least Francoist Spain with theocratic elements; though that might require a POD in the 1930's or so.
I suppose it would just be a theocracy with Shinto as the state religion.
That being said, that does give me an interesting idea given Shinto's history with syncretism (primarily with Buddhism). What about a theocracy which tries to assimilate the teachings of any religion within the country; think the Roman idea of "Pax Deorum" or even the Baha'i view of all religions being valid. And any religious group which refuses to have their faith integrated into the state religion would face persecution from the government.
I really like this idea! The policy has an underlying logic to it: since Australia is under constant existential threat from Japan, those who are best at defending it should rule. Of course, war games could be but one aspect of this government. These leaders should also be tested on how they would manage the entire country in an invasion scenario.
Since I want the angle to be a board game taken really seriously like an anime ironically enough, how would that be conveyed in a 40k esque game. I even have a framing device in mind where the interview is in a war gaming tournament
The Prussia of South America
This was a long time coming, but it's my world map cover of my own EEUSG entry, the Republic of Paraguay.
- The PoD is sometime in 1864, which prevented the War of the Triple Alliance from ever happening and allowing Francisco Solano López to continue transforming Paraguay into the Prussia of South America. Under his leadership, and that of his successors, Paraguay becomes a major player in South American politics and aligned to Imperial Germany, turning South America into a battleground of influence, much like Asia.
- Bismarck stays in power for longer, and sets Germany on a course of securing an alliance with both Austria and Russia. Under his supervision, the Ottomans' withdrawal from the Balkans lead to settlements between Russia and Austria. Bismarck successfully isolates France in the meanwhile, but after his death, his successors bungle this policy by siding with Russia in the Great Game, expanding the German Navy and being aggressive colonizers in Africa, pushing Britain and France together.
- The Great War is fought between the Grand Entente of France, Britain and the Ottoman Empire, and Germany, Russia, Italy, and Austria-Hungary of the Grand Alliance. Other countries, such as Spain, Paraguay, and Brazil get involved. It ends with a stalemate, as the Alliance is unable to completely destroy France, and the seemingly endless reserves of manpower that both sides have (from the colonies and from Russia) prevent any breakthroughs from lasting. Europe remains tense between the Entente and Alliance powers.
- Thanks to the butterfly effect, Alexander II is never assassinated. This allows him to enact reforms which succeed in stabilizing the Russian Empire and allowing it to go down the road to industrialization. By the time of the Great War, the Russian government is no longer dependent on the Tsar’s direct leadership, even if he is still legally autocrat. By the 1930s, Russia is a stratocracy, and democratic reforms never come to pass. Modern Russia is still ruled by a figurehead Tsar, who is now more a religious figure (critics would call him a god-emperor, even if such sentiments are heretical in Russia proper), and a group of military, business, and aristocratic figures that rule from the shadows. The Duma is just for show. Although an aggressive autocracy, global economies are tied to Russia thanks to its petroleum feeding Europe and its manufacturing supplying heavy industry to much of the planet. Russia has used this money, and technology taken from European companies, to keep its population suppressed and foreign powers and institutions under its influence.
- Japan lost a major war to Russia in the 1940s, when its empire butted against Russia’s in China. While the Chinese managed to become independent of Russia, Japan itself became a puppet state.
- China is an imperfect, and still rather corrupt, democracy emerging from the shadow of a military dictatorship. While it wants to oppose Russia, and challenge it as the world’s workshop, its dependence on water from the Tibet and its poor financial state means any challenge is decades away.
- The Europeans try to hold onto their colonies, but are forced to let go of them after waves of revolts sparked by colonial Great War veterans. While France manages to give their colonies up to friendly military rulers, the British tried to fight on and lost their colonies, particularly to communism in Africa. Other parts of Africa are strange, like the expansionist civic nationalist Lusoafrica.
- India fell to rival nationalist groups who never united under one umbrella. This allowed the British to retain some influence among some groups.
- The United States remains isolationist, although it is still a regional power and very unhappy with how the Great War was fought in South America. It considers itself equally opposed to the Entente and the Alliance. America got more involved with colonizing Africa with freed slaves, eventually establishing the friendly United States of Africa.
The International Language
My cover of another one of my EEUSG entries, the Tutmonda Komunumo de Morgaŭ.
- The PoD is Stalin losing to Trotsky in the political power struggle in the USSR, and getting killed for his trouble. Trotsky continues to attempt to spread Soviet communism around the world by sponsoring revolutions. This causes Soviet-Western relations to deteriorate further, leading to there being little to no possibility of them working together in Europe.
- With no Great Purge, the Soviet Red Army is much more competent early on, succeeding in conquering Finland, at the cost of any positive relations with the British and French. The British and French guarantee Poland's independence, stating in no uncertain terms that they will declare war on any country that invades it. Trotsky instead turns his attention eastward, where after a few inconclusive battles with the Japanese, the Soviets invade China and help the Chinese Communist Party secure control over large parts of China. A secret treaty is drawn up between the Soviets and the Japanese to partition China between them, as neither side believes that they are ready to take on the other directly.
- The Nazis still come to power, and Hitler succeeds in remilitarizing the Rhineland and annexing Austria. However, his annexation of the Sudetenland and invasion of Czechoslovakia almost leads to war, and a conspiracy of Wehrmacht officers desperate to avoid another world war assassinate him before a world war can start. This conspiracy fails to reinstall Wilhelm II as Kaiser, as they planned, and the Nazi Party remains in power with Hermann Goering as Führer. Goering is afraid of meeting the same fate as Hitler, and halts German expansion at Czechoslovakia.
- America remains isolationist, and although there is a brief period where the Americans consider assisting China by placing embargoes on Japan and the Soviet Union, this movement doesn't last as the KMT eventually surrenders. America is more interested in ensuring that Europe doesn't fall to fascism or communism.
- British and French politicians gradually integrate their economies and militaries more as a bulwark against the growing threat of Germany, although full scale war never occurs between the two. Soviet-backed revolutions in the 1950s damage much of their colonial empires, as do similar Japanese-backed revolutions in Asia. Both weakened empires see more benefit to closer cooperation, a project which eventually leads to a common market and, eventually, a democratic federation of European states known as the European Federation. At the same time, Britain and France became more economically and militarily dependent on the United States, which was becoming the economic powerhouse of the world.
- Fears of another Great War prevented a second, and later on the invention of nuclear weapons has done the same. After the use of small nuclear weapons by the British and French against large enemy armies in Africa, it became clear what nuclear weapons can do, especially as the technology spread to all the major powers. The great powers thus continued their game of shadows across the world, fighting clandestinely against one another on every continent.
Bookmark1995
Banned
I feel bad for Poland in this scenario. It is basically like Israel-an army with a nation-to ward off the two monsters surrounding it.
What about a post-apocalyptic (maybe the nuclear holocaust we barely avoided in 1983 actually happens) world in which libraries and universities have the same role monasteries did in the Middle Ages? New England would be the perfect place for a federation of university fiefdoms to arise.
There's potential for a decent story here.
Originally, the world was ancap utopia/cliché cyberpunk dystopia. Then, right as peak oil hit and civilization began to collapse, a university-funded research team cracked cold fusion. Consequentially, the university ended up not only the wealthiest organization in the world, but more wealthy than all the other organizations combined.
Technically, the world is still officially ancap, but everyone understands the university has effectively bought out everything, then started acting like a combination of diploma trolls, conspiracy theories about the freemasons and the mafia. For example, they'll give anyone who'll refuse to employ or sell to anyone who doesn't have a University Diploma a discount on their own Education/the Educations of their family, Expel or revoke the Diplomas of people who break such deals or don't pay their
* While trying to keep such to a minimum, since they're smart enough to understand the society-destabilizing negative side effects of a large group of people permanently locked out of any hope of success within the system
EBR approved
The People’s Republic of Bangladesh
The drive from Kolkata is short and relatively smooth. The current Indian Government had been elected on a promise of massive infrastructure spending, and it seems as if West Bengal had gotten its fair share of the pork barrel spending. But I am not here for the Indian government, which is a reasonably stable democracy in line with a great many countries in the multiverse. No I am here for the borders.
I ask my driver what he thinks of Bangladesh.
“A bunch of freeloaders” He grumbles before rolling up his window. I suppose not every cabbie can be talkative.
The Partition of India was, as is sadly often the case, a horrifically bloody and messy affair, that left what had once been the Raj as two separate states. The largely Hindu India and the largely Muslim Pakistan. Pakistan was separated into two regions. East Pakistan and West Pakistan. These regions were quite different, being from opposite sides of the continent.
The new Pakistan fought with India over border disputes in Kashmir (bordering West Pakistan) several times, and the matter remains officially unresolved. The border with East Pakistan was also a mess, although it initially produced far less violence. The dividing lines in the area had always been something of a muddle before independence, with a mess of feudal overlordship and strange landholdings, and partition removed British imposed unity. There were now Pakistani enclaves in India, and Indian enclaves in Pakistan. And enclaves within enclaves. And, in one notable example, an Indian enclave inside a Pakistani enclave inside an Indian enclave inside Pakistan. While New Delhi and Islamabad despised each other, and were typically loath to give even an inch, even they agreed some sort of land swaps needed to be done. But nothing ever was. Wars and internal squabbles kept getting in the way.
East Pakistan, meanwhile, began to resent being part of Pakistan at all. Despite having a smaller population, West Pakistan was dominating the new state. Bengalis were suppressed in favor of those from the West, and the East was viewed as nothing more than a distraction to divert India away from the “real fight” in the west. Whenever East Pakistanis seemed to be gaining politically the thoroughly Western Military stepped in to stop them. In 1971 the central Pakistani government began what can only be called a genocide in an attempt to retain control of the wayward region. Armed revolt was inevitable, and although the rebels scored some early successes and even declared the independence of “The People’s Republic of Bangladesh” Pakistani forces gained the upper hand. For a time it seemed India would intervene, but the United States sent a naval task force to prevent this from happening. Indira Gandhi could not prevent the defeat of the rebels in East Pakistan proper.
She could, however, protect the enclaves.
Crossing the border into East Pakistan would be impossible without extensive preparations and bribery. However crossing the border into Bangladesh was as simple as passing a sign and a shoddy wire defense. This is the largest enclave and de facto capital, Dahagram–Angarpota. I am told that smaller enclaves are even less delineated.
I pass by a few dilapidated homes, but not many before I reach the Palace of the Republic. There are, however many more people that one would expect in such a place. Although the total size of the Republic is less than 50 square kilometers, tens of thousands still live here, mostly refugees. The Palace of the Republic is not terribly impressive. In many other places it would be a small courthouse, maybe not even that. But it is home to both the President and the National Assembly of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh.
Nominally the Republic is a parliamentary one with a weak President. In reality the President plays an important role. The National Assembly acts more like a de facto city council, passing laws and ordinances governing the 92 separate units forming the Republic, as well as distributing what meagre funds the government takes in. The President is in charge of “external affairs.”
This seems to mostly consist of haggling with the Indians.
This observation greatly amuses Partho Kar, President of the People’s Republic. He is a tall man built like a barrel. His hair is greying, but he still looks as if he could take on a prizefighter and win. He is dressed in military camouflage.
“True, very true.” He says while laughing. “But it is the best damn haggling you will ever see Mr. Chana, I will tell you that. The Governor will complain that our citizens our stealing his people’s food. I will complain that he is not respecting our right to transit. Then some firebrand will denounce us as Muslim spies and demand the annexation of Bangladesh. I will counter perhaps, with a vague promise to try and stimulate some kind of industry that I will never keep.” He laughs again, fully aware of the absurdity of the situation.
Even more so than other Governments in exile, Bangladesh is dependent on its host’s good graces. The original republic never received any recognition outside India and so it is a remenant of something that never existed in the eyes of many countries.
“We get by,” admits Kar. “Youth groups, the diaspora, some philanthropists in India. A few groups I will not mention.”
Relations with the Indian neighbors ranges from so peaceful you can’t even tell they’re supposed to be from two different countries to outright ethnic violence, often exacerbated by Indians feeling as if the Bangladeshis are being given favorable treatment.
“Nonsense to that,” says Kar. “They just want us to be a thorn in the side of Pakistan.” He spits after saying the name.
While no longer genocidal Islamabad still maintains a tight military grip on the East, stationing thousands of troops there to enforce as racial caste system, alongside a nuclear deterrent.
This brings me to the other great difference Bangladesh has with most governments in exile. It is very, very, close to the homeland. They are not cowering in a European capital. They are not holed up in a cushy embassy. They are so close, well inside shooting distance.
Rockets are occasionally fired, although this raises the specter of a nuclear confrontation between India and Pakistan. Night raids across the border are more common, and arms smuggling is a major industry in the area.
As President Kor is commander-in-chief of the Bangladesh Armed Forces. Some are members of the “Border Protection Service” which serves as a police in areas the Republic controls. The “Army of the Interior” however is actually the largest anti-Pakistan guerrilla organization in East Pakistan. Promising boys wishing to avoid the poverty of the exile community often join up. The program is so successful that India has at times requested that the Army of the Interior be used in operations in Bhutan in lieu of Indian forces. Kor was elected on the back of his stellar record, and is proud to confirm he is still an active member.
“Not many Presidents can say that they have led their nations troops into battle while in office.” He proclaims happily. “But I can. This is the kind of commitment we expect from our men. And this is why we shall win.”
The Bangladeshi Parliament is divided between the People’s Revolutionary Party, Kor’s Party, which favors more aggressive action and independence from India, and the Awami League which favors aggressive action at the current level combined with closer ties to India. At the present the Parliament is chaired by the intractable Durba Baij, a 45 year old washerwoman with a sharp tongue. I do not normally do audio interviews, but in this case I will make an exception.
“Don’t belive a word that damn fool Kor says. He’s a starry eyed idealist.” She says, followed by a hiss of static.
Baij is chairing the meeting via radio, as she does every meeting.
In 1971, with India sheltering rebels in the enclaves the Pakistani government made moves to occupy the Indian enclaves in Pakistan. India however, stated in no uncertain terms that this would mean war, US backing or not. So Pakistan backed off, having just received intelligence indicating that they would lose any war badly.
The Indian enclaves were placed under siege, and remain so to this day. But this had the effect of protecting the 21 Pakistani enclaves inside the Indian enclaves from the Pakistani government, and these enclaves soon joined Bangladesh. Communication is difficult. Sometimes pigeons or couriers can get through, and sometimes humans are able to be smuggled across. But radio remains the primary way that those behind the Indo-Pakistani border remain informed.
“Kor thinks his merry band of rebels will topple decades of dictatorship. He’s wrong. Pakistan will only fall due to internal chaos or Indian action. We need a close relationship,” She says. “Not bullshit posturing.”
I ask who she’ll support in the next election.
“Kor of course. He is a great military man, and the Interior Army is a good negotiating chip. Besides he’s a fool but not an idiot, he won't do anything that will really harm us.”
I wonder if there is any hope that one day Bangladesh will expand beyond its current borders.
“I sure hope so. I’ve lived my entire life in this enclave. It’s not that big and I would like to leave at some point.”
The People’s Republic of Bangladesh
The drive from Kolkata is short and relatively smooth. The current Indian Government had been elected on a promise of massive infrastructure spending, and it seems as if West Bengal had gotten its fair share of the pork barrel spending. But I am not here for the Indian government, which is a reasonably stable democracy in line with a great many countries in the multiverse. No I am here for the borders.
I ask my driver what he thinks of Bangladesh.
“A bunch of freeloaders” He grumbles before rolling up his window. I suppose not every cabbie can be talkative.
The Partition of India was, as is sadly often the case, a horrifically bloody and messy affair, that left what had once been the Raj as two separate states. The largely Hindu India and the largely Muslim Pakistan. Pakistan was separated into two regions. East Pakistan and West Pakistan. These regions were quite different, being from opposite sides of the continent.
The new Pakistan fought with India over border disputes in Kashmir (bordering West Pakistan) several times, and the matter remains officially unresolved. The border with East Pakistan was also a mess, although it initially produced far less violence. The dividing lines in the area had always been something of a muddle before independence, with a mess of feudal overlordship and strange landholdings, and partition removed British imposed unity. There were now Pakistani enclaves in India, and Indian enclaves in Pakistan. And enclaves within enclaves. And, in one notable example, an Indian enclave inside a Pakistani enclave inside an Indian enclave inside Pakistan. While New Delhi and Islamabad despised each other, and were typically loath to give even an inch, even they agreed some sort of land swaps needed to be done. But nothing ever was. Wars and internal squabbles kept getting in the way.
East Pakistan, meanwhile, began to resent being part of Pakistan at all. Despite having a smaller population, West Pakistan was dominating the new state. Bengalis were suppressed in favor of those from the West, and the East was viewed as nothing more than a distraction to divert India away from the “real fight” in the west. Whenever East Pakistanis seemed to be gaining politically the thoroughly Western Military stepped in to stop them. In 1971 the central Pakistani government began what can only be called a genocide in an attempt to retain control of the wayward region. Armed revolt was inevitable, and although the rebels scored some early successes and even declared the independence of “The People’s Republic of Bangladesh” Pakistani forces gained the upper hand. For a time it seemed India would intervene, but the United States sent a naval task force to prevent this from happening. Indira Gandhi could not prevent the defeat of the rebels in East Pakistan proper.
She could, however, protect the enclaves.
Crossing the border into East Pakistan would be impossible without extensive preparations and bribery. However crossing the border into Bangladesh was as simple as passing a sign and a shoddy wire defense. This is the largest enclave and de facto capital, Dahagram–Angarpota. I am told that smaller enclaves are even less delineated.
I pass by a few dilapidated homes, but not many before I reach the Palace of the Republic. There are, however many more people that one would expect in such a place. Although the total size of the Republic is less than 50 square kilometers, tens of thousands still live here, mostly refugees. The Palace of the Republic is not terribly impressive. In many other places it would be a small courthouse, maybe not even that. But it is home to both the President and the National Assembly of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh.
Nominally the Republic is a parliamentary one with a weak President. In reality the President plays an important role. The National Assembly acts more like a de facto city council, passing laws and ordinances governing the 92 separate units forming the Republic, as well as distributing what meagre funds the government takes in. The President is in charge of “external affairs.”
This seems to mostly consist of haggling with the Indians.
This observation greatly amuses Partho Kar, President of the People’s Republic. He is a tall man built like a barrel. His hair is greying, but he still looks as if he could take on a prizefighter and win. He is dressed in military camouflage.
“True, very true.” He says while laughing. “But it is the best damn haggling you will ever see Mr. Chana, I will tell you that. The Governor will complain that our citizens our stealing his people’s food. I will complain that he is not respecting our right to transit. Then some firebrand will denounce us as Muslim spies and demand the annexation of Bangladesh. I will counter perhaps, with a vague promise to try and stimulate some kind of industry that I will never keep.” He laughs again, fully aware of the absurdity of the situation.
Even more so than other Governments in exile, Bangladesh is dependent on its host’s good graces. The original republic never received any recognition outside India and so it is a remenant of something that never existed in the eyes of many countries.
“We get by,” admits Kar. “Youth groups, the diaspora, some philanthropists in India. A few groups I will not mention.”
Relations with the Indian neighbors ranges from so peaceful you can’t even tell they’re supposed to be from two different countries to outright ethnic violence, often exacerbated by Indians feeling as if the Bangladeshis are being given favorable treatment.
“Nonsense to that,” says Kar. “They just want us to be a thorn in the side of Pakistan.” He spits after saying the name.
While no longer genocidal Islamabad still maintains a tight military grip on the East, stationing thousands of troops there to enforce as racial caste system, alongside a nuclear deterrent.
This brings me to the other great difference Bangladesh has with most governments in exile. It is very, very, close to the homeland. They are not cowering in a European capital. They are not holed up in a cushy embassy. They are so close, well inside shooting distance.
Rockets are occasionally fired, although this raises the specter of a nuclear confrontation between India and Pakistan. Night raids across the border are more common, and arms smuggling is a major industry in the area.
As President Kor is commander-in-chief of the Bangladesh Armed Forces. Some are members of the “Border Protection Service” which serves as a police in areas the Republic controls. The “Army of the Interior” however is actually the largest anti-Pakistan guerrilla organization in East Pakistan. Promising boys wishing to avoid the poverty of the exile community often join up. The program is so successful that India has at times requested that the Army of the Interior be used in operations in Bhutan in lieu of Indian forces. Kor was elected on the back of his stellar record, and is proud to confirm he is still an active member.
“Not many Presidents can say that they have led their nations troops into battle while in office.” He proclaims happily. “But I can. This is the kind of commitment we expect from our men. And this is why we shall win.”
The Bangladeshi Parliament is divided between the People’s Revolutionary Party, Kor’s Party, which favors more aggressive action and independence from India, and the Awami League which favors aggressive action at the current level combined with closer ties to India. At the present the Parliament is chaired by the intractable Durba Baij, a 45 year old washerwoman with a sharp tongue. I do not normally do audio interviews, but in this case I will make an exception.
“Don’t belive a word that damn fool Kor says. He’s a starry eyed idealist.” She says, followed by a hiss of static.
Baij is chairing the meeting via radio, as she does every meeting.
In 1971, with India sheltering rebels in the enclaves the Pakistani government made moves to occupy the Indian enclaves in Pakistan. India however, stated in no uncertain terms that this would mean war, US backing or not. So Pakistan backed off, having just received intelligence indicating that they would lose any war badly.
The Indian enclaves were placed under siege, and remain so to this day. But this had the effect of protecting the 21 Pakistani enclaves inside the Indian enclaves from the Pakistani government, and these enclaves soon joined Bangladesh. Communication is difficult. Sometimes pigeons or couriers can get through, and sometimes humans are able to be smuggled across. But radio remains the primary way that those behind the Indo-Pakistani border remain informed.
“Kor thinks his merry band of rebels will topple decades of dictatorship. He’s wrong. Pakistan will only fall due to internal chaos or Indian action. We need a close relationship,” She says. “Not bullshit posturing.”
I ask who she’ll support in the next election.
“Kor of course. He is a great military man, and the Interior Army is a good negotiating chip. Besides he’s a fool but not an idiot, he won't do anything that will really harm us.”
I wonder if there is any hope that one day Bangladesh will expand beyond its current borders.
“I sure hope so. I’ve lived my entire life in this enclave. It’s not that big and I would like to leave at some point.”
Government in exile running a functional micro-nation? Reminds me of the American Overseas Republic.
It's the OTL flag used in the war for independence. Here there's never an opportunity to change it.
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