The Death of Abu Muslim, Reorganisation of the East, and War with the Romans
Abu Muslim Abd al-Rahman ibn Muslim al-Khurasani,
wali of Khurasan and Fararud, supreme commander of the Abbasid Revolution, member of the triumvirate which decreed the new caliphal succession, and undisputed ruler of the eastern
Dar al-Islam, died peacefully of natural causes in 777 CE. The
amir’s political career began with
ghulat Shia movements in Kufa and from there he attached himself to the nascent Abbasid movement.[1] During the Abbasid Revolution
Abu Muslim and his colleagues proselytised their message in a way that appealed to the various denominations of non-Muslims and the recently converted in Khurasan while tolerating some of their pre-Islamic beliefs. As a result, many in the Khurasani army held syncretic and heterodox beliefs, often with strong messianic attachment to
Abu Muslim and the Abbasid dynasty.[2] For the sake of the regime’s stability,
Abu Muslim knew that he had to weaken the power of the heterodox troops though without provoking rebellion or neutralising them entirely. His solution was to disperse them throughout the
Dar al-Islam, rather than leave them concentrated in Khurasan and Fararud. Whenever the caliphal government in Iraq organised armies for new expeditions
Abu Muslim assigned the most extreme of his soldiers. The hope was that surrounded by orthodox Muslims and a foreign environment the heterodox troops would moderate their beliefs. In some cases this plan worked, while in others it didn’t. The policy did achieve its primary aim though, as the Islamic East remained quiescent following the
amir’s death.
To many contemporary historians the death of
Abu Muslim marked the end of the Abbasid Caliphate’s opening era. Ultimately though
Caliph al-Rashid’s policies remained the same and his gubernatorial appointments in the east mostly reflected a continuity with
Abu Muslim’s tenure.
Khalid ibn Barmak, the patriarch of the Muslim side of the Barmakid family,[3] was reappointed to his position as the
wali of Fars. Stability in governance of the province was vital due to its substantial wealth, in part a result of the
jizya collected from the still majority Zoroastrian population. On the other hand Kirman, though also a wealthy province, was home to unruly semi-nomadic Baluchi and Kufichi populations. Governorship was thus granted to
Abu’l-Abbas Fadl ibn Sulayman al-Ta’i al-Tusi, a veteran Khurasani commander who fought during the Abbasid Revolution. Appointed to the provinces of Jibal and Azarbayjan were, respectively,
Ali ibn Isa ibn Mahan and
Jibril ibn Yahya al-Bajali, both prominent Khurasani commanders. The matter of
Abu Muslim’s successors in Khurasan and Fararud were more delicate however.
Caliph al-Rashid was aware of the heterodox elements of
Abu Muslim’s following and knew that making appointments that appeared to ignore their interests could cause them to rebel. For Khurasan
Mu’adh ibn Muslim, a native of Khuttal in the far frontier of Khurasan, was appointed as governor, while Fararud was granted to
Hashim ibn Hakim, a commander and bureaucrat who had thrived under
Abu Muslim’s administration.[4]
On the other hand,
khalifah al-Rashid’s policy towards Sind was a substantial break from
Abu Muslim. The Muhallabid governors of Sind had been far too sympathetic towards the large Shia community, so
al-Rashid dispatched
Abu Abdallah Muhammad ibn al-Mansur to assert himself as the new governor and supress the Shia. The Abbasid prince raised an army of Arabs from al-Sham and departed by ship from Iraq. When
Abu Abdallah Muhammad arrived at the port of Daybul [Karachi] he sent a message to the incumbent governor,
Umar ibn Hafs Hazarmard al-Muhallabi, demanding that he step down and return to Baghdad. In response
Umar ibn Hafs declared his allegiance to the Shia Imam
Abdallah al-Ashtar ibn Muhammad al-Nafs al-Zakiyya and summoned an army to the provincial capital of al-Mansurah. Included in the rebel army were the tributary Indian rajas and their soldiers, many of whom had converted to Shi’ism under the auspice of
Abdallah al-Ashtar. The Abbasid army marched towards al-Mansurah and were attacked by the more numerous rebels just after the former had crossed the Indus. The Abbasids suffered devastating losses and retreated back to Daybul, where they were placed under siege by the rebel army. Fortunately for the defenders of Daybul, the rebels had no naval capacity and so could not fully blockade the city.
Abu Abdallah Muhammad dispatched messengers to the neighbouring province of Kirman and to Iraq demanding reinforcements.
Abu’l-Abbas Fadl ibn Sulayman al-Ta’i al-Tusi mobilised his army and left his deputy to govern Kirman in his absence, as he transited to Daybul. The Abbasid central government were unable to aid their forces in Sind however due to an invasion of al-Sham ordered by the new Roman
Emperor Leo IV.
Caliph al-Rashid ordered the governors of al-Sham to repel the invaders, while he personally raised an army drawn from Iraq, Iran, Arabiyya, and Misr. The Romans began their invasion with a siege of Marash, which was known to them as Germanikeia. The garrison managed to bribe the Roman commander
Michael Lachanodrakon into lifting the siege, though he went on to raid the countryside and deport many of the Syriac population to Anatolia, from where they were eventually sent to Thrake. The Abbasid army of al-Sham attempted to stop
Lachanodrakon’s raiding but other Roman armies converged on the area and soundly defeated the Muslims. Soon afterwards
al-Rashid and his grand army reached Marash inducing the Romans to retreat and regroup at Koukousos [Goksun]. The Abbasid army pursued the Romans to Koukousos and defeated them there; the Shia rebellion had been all but forgotten by the
khalifah as he appeared to have the Romans on the run. As the Roman army fled west,
al-Rashid put Koukousos to siege and had conquered the town in early 779 CE. The Muslim army divided so it could simultaneously besiege the towns of Komana and Kiskisos, which surrendered in short order. The two armies then merged and marched toward the major fortress of Kaisereia [Kayseri].
Later depiction of the Roman and Muslim cavalry in combat
With the eastern frontier of his empire under serious threat for the first time in decades,
Emperor Leo took command of his armies himself and moved to confront the Abbasids. The Roman army was bolstered with new troops from the western themes, in addition to mercenaries from the Slavic tribes which occupied former Roman territory in the southern Balkans. The Abbasids had failed to take Kaisereia before the Roman army arrived and the two sides engaged in battle just outside of the city. The result was a close victory for the Romans though both armies suffered significant casualties. The Abbasid army retreated to Komana while the Romans took what was supposed to be a short break in Kaisereia. However the rough conditions of the campaign had affected the emperor’s health, which was already weak due to his chronic tuberculosis.
Leo’s physicians forced him to rest and recuperate but their efforts were in vain as his condition worsened, leading ultimately to his death in 779 CE. The commanders of the Roman army travelled back to Konstantinoupolis to partake in the politicking to choose a new emperor. Some of the army was left to reinforce the garrison of Kaisereia, but the war was otherwise temporarily forgotten.
Leo was survived by his eight year-old son
Constantine, who had been declared co-emperor two years previously. The declaration had however instigated a plot by
Leo’s two brothers
Nikephoros and
Christopher; the plot was discovered and thwarted but the brothers were merely pardoned. With the current state of war, many nobles were less supportive of a regency for the young
Constantine and instead supported a strong, decisive ruler.
Leo’s eldest brother was thus enthroned as
Nikephoros I, though not without opposition as
Leo’s wife
Irene wielded substantial political influence. Her power proved insufficient though and she was exiled to a convent in Thrake.
In the meantime the Abbasids besieged Kaisereia again. This attempt was far more successful however, as a group of Syriac civilians, angered by Roman iconoclasm and the deportation of Syriacs from the frontier, managed to open the gates to the besiegers. The Abbasid army entered Kaisereia and overwhelmed the surprised garrison, all of whom were executed; no further action was taken against the city’s population however. A Muslim garrison was established in the city following which the rest of the army marched west towards Nyssa. After the succession was concluded in Konstantinoupolis the Roman army reconstituted itself, though some of the partisans of
Irene and the young
Constantine found excuses to withhold their troops from the army. The Roman army confronted the Abbasids as they were besieging Nyssa. In a reverse of their last meeting, the Abbasids emerged as the victors yet it was a close battle with many casualties on both sides. The siege of Nyssa was continued while the Romans retreated to Ankyra. Back in Konstantinoupolis opposition to
Nikephoros had increased after his failure to decisively beat the Muslims; erstwhile supporters defected to the camp of
Irene, resulting in her being liberated from exile. Upon hearing this news
Nikephoros initiated peace negotiations with
Caliph al-Rashid in 780 CE. The Roman Empire would cede the fortresses of Koukousos, Arabissos, Kiskisos, Komana, Tzamandos, Kyzistra, and Kaisereia,[5] in return for a large one-time indemnity. The
khalifah agreed to the terms and set about garrisoning the new fortress-towns. The newfound peace gave
Nikephoros the freedom to race back to Konstantinoupolis and have
Irene and many of her co-conspirators arrested and executed.
The forgotten conflict in Sind had progressed significantly less favourably towards the Abbasid Caliphate however. The rebel army had abandoned their siege of Daybul due to their inability to enforce a naval blockade. Instead part of the army retreated to Armabil [Bela] to prevent Abbasid reinforcements arriving by land through Makran, while the rest of the rebels returned to al-Mansurah. The Abbasid prince
Abu Abdallah Muhammad insisted that the Abbasid army pursue the rebels to Armabil, but
Abu’l-Abbas Fadl ibn Sulayman pointed out that not only would a pursuit leave Daybul vulnerable, but they themselves could also be pursued and surrounded outside of Armabil. The argument between the two governors almost reached physical violence, prevented only by the intervention of their commanders. As a result
Abu’l-Abbas Fadl ibn Sulayman gathered his army and returned to Kirman by ship. With the rest of the caliphate embroiled in a war against the Romans, the deteriorating situation in Sind was ignored so
Abu Abdallah Muhammad pushed forward with his ill-advised strategy. The small Abbasid army besieged Armabil and, as expected, the main rebel army reoccupied Daybul with minimal resistance. Through sheer luck the Abbasids managed to quickly conquer the town, but it soon proved to be a poisoned chalice: the nearest port, Daybul, was in enemy hands; to the north and east were rebels or governors who had so far stayed out of the conflict; and to the west was the unforgiving Makran desert. Refusing to return to Baghdad in disgrace
Abu Abdallah Muhammad decided to make his last stand in Armabil. Little did he know that the rebels had no intention of granting him his wish.
[1]
Ghulat Shia, both OTL and TTL, are “extremists” who generally believe that the Imams are essentially the reincarnation of God.
[2] OTL the murder of Abu Muslim by al-Mansur induced a lot of these groups to rebel. Needless to say, without the murder these revolts do not occur ITTL.
[3] The other side of the family remained Buddhist and retained their position as
pramukhas (abbots) of the monastery in Balkh.
[4] Yes, Hashim ibn Hakim is the OTL infamous al-Muqanna who led one of the heterodox revolts. ITTL the long and peaceful rule of Abu Muslim has led to him becoming more orthodox in his beliefs.
[5] I used
this map for reference.