Crashing the Party
1969 - 1977: Nelson Rockefeller / Howard Baker (Republican)
defeated, 1968: Hubert Humphrey / Ed Muskie (Democratic), George Wallace / Curtis LeMay (American Independent)
defeated, 1972: Scoop Jackson / Gaylord Nelson (Democratic)
1977 - 1985: Bob Casey / Alan Cranston (Democratic)
defeated, 1976: Howard Baker / David Stanley (Republican)
defeated, 1980: Bob Dole / J. Marshall Coleman (Republican)
1985 - 1989: William C. Westmoreland / Pete Domenici (Republican)
defeated, 1984: John Glenn / Reubin Askew (Democratic)
1989 - 1991: Shelley Silver / Martha Layne Collins (Democratic)
defeated, 1988: William C. Westmoreland / Pete Domenici (Republican)
1991 - 1993: Martha Layne Collins / Paul Sarbanes (Democratic)
1993 - ???: Ralph Nader / Richard Hatcher (Peoples')
defeated, 1992: Phil Gramm / Helen Chenoweth (Republican), Bill Clinton / Steve Pajcic (Democratic)
Ralph Nader didn't begin his run for President because he wanted to win - he ran because he had to. He stood up to General Motors and brought seatbelts to every car in America, he had revealed how President Rockefeller made the White House another branch of Chase Bank, and he had fought the nationwide expansion of nuclear energy tooth and nail. But what did it amount to? Casey's push to illegalize abortion had been ratified by the necessary 38 states, President Silver's "alternative mortgages" had been exposed as a plan to line his pockets, and Damascus was now little more than a glowing crater. President Collins seemed like a breath of fresh air, but the federal probe investigating First Man Bill's alleged kickback scheme killed her career soon enough. The animal spirits of unregulated capital, the dark forces animating American politics for the better part of fifty years had been allowed to run amok. He had to do something, something more powerful than simple activism.
Nader wasn't talked about 'seriously,' at first. President Collins' "will she or won't she" routine demanded all the attention, but he had his methods - Larry King talks with Ralph Nader about the nuclear bubble, Ralph Nader scores early endorsement from former Mayor Harvey Milk, Nader visits striking meatpackers at Hormel Foods plant. He was in every household, every night, spreading his message and winning new converts. Collins backed out of the race against her will, as House Republicans brought forward Articles of Impeachment against the President. Even the most critical Democrats toed the party line and said Speaker Mack was going too far - Nader disagreed. It is impossible to believe the President was unaware of her husbands financial dealings, he said, and her unwillingness to cooperate with Congress signaled that she must be guilty in some manner. Many raged at his comments, calling it the slander of an egotistical blowhard desperate for attention. Despite the chagrin of many Democrats, Nader was vindicated as his numbers rocketed to the low 30's. While it was early polling, Nader now was a 'serious' candidate, and after co-opting what was left of the anti-war People's Party, the campaign really got started. While the photo-ops with Cesar Chavez and éminence grise of the American left Gary Hart grabbed headlines, Nader's pledges for a Syrian withdrawal, a robust and stringent screening process for corporate welfare and his support for public campaign financing made him the 'change candidate,' as supporters affectionately called him.
As the weeks went along and the shape of the race became clearer, Nader's rise weakened. Bill Clinton, the young, handsome Governor of Arkansas had stormed to the nomination with his down-home charisma and outsider appeal, and Nader supporters began to take a careful look at what the Democrats had to offer. Nader seethed, calling Clinton "a narcissistic man with no interest in abuses of corporate or political power." He was a threat to Nader, someone who could win over those disillusioned with both parties yet preserve the two-party system. Phil Gramm, who had coasted to the Republican nomination off the back of the GOP's blood-hungry base, was an easy foil to Nader; Clinton was his kryptonite. Nader carried on and went through the usual motions, talking up twelve-year term limits for both Representatives and Senators, a binding "none-of-the-above" option for all state and federal elections and streamlined national referendums, but Clinton's organized charm offensive throughout the Democratic strongholds in the Northeast and Midwest put a serious damper on the Nader campaign. Even the unveiling of Richard Hatcher as Nader's veep (a symbolic gesture towards the late Jesse Jackson) was overshadowed by Clinton's platform rollout.
Despite Clinton's growing stature, Gramm was still the favorite. Clinton was too young and Nader was too far-out, and both men would split the left vote; Nader and his team knew this, but even despite everybody pushing him to meet with Clinton and secure policy concessions, Nader was hesitant. He had made it this far, he had shifted the discourse, he was a serious candidate - Nader had started to believe his own hype. The September meetings between Clinton and Nader were sloppy and unrehearsed; Clinton agreed to finance campaigns with public money through voluntary payoffs on tax returns, he wouldn't support plans to replace and eventually shut down nuclear plants across the country, and he certainly wouldn't support any protectionist trade policy. Nader, who had expected as much, shut the whole thing down.
As the campaign entered its final weeks, Nader remained hopeful. While his best numbers only placed him in the high 20's, a strong performance down the stretch could buoy him and at least push Clinton to third. His team didn't share his optimism; the common view among staffers at the time was that if he didn't pull out all the stops during the final stretch, it all would have been for naught. Nader campaigned hard touring the Southwest and West Coast in a last-ditch effort to boost his chances, visiting the universities and big cities while Hatcher went through the churches and union halls. However, the polls were still down on the People's ticket - Gramm led the pack decisively while Clinton held a three-point lead over Nader.
When reports surfaced in the Post that Clinton had been leading multiple extramarital affairs during his time as Governor and while on the campaign trail, Clinton vociferously denied any misconduct on his part and claimed that they he had been a faithful husband to Hillary. But the women kept coming. And coming. Nader jumped at the opportunity to knock Clinton with the allegations being "a clear example that Mr. Clinton is just another shady politician," while Gramm made a few passing jabs about Clinton's "family values." Hillary stood behind Bill the entire way, but the flood wouldn't stop. By November 2nd, the number of women accusing Clinton of sexual misconduct was at 6, and many D.C. insiders expected the number to grow. A famous Friday's sketch from the period had every female cast-member walk out on stage and join in song, each claiming that they had their way with Bill Clinton. The damage had been done - the Democratic ticket was sunk. As the circus around Clinton grew, it became a consensus that Nader would benefit tremendously; indeed, voters that viewed Clinton as someone who would shake-up Washington now had nowhere else to turn to. It wouldn't be enough to win Nader the election, but a victory in the popular vote wasn't out of the question.
As the results came in from New England, it was widely agreed by observers that Nader had overperformed his expectations. Suburban and college-educated voters went hard for the People's ticket, allowing it to survive the 'spoiler effect' of the Democratic line, but it wouldn't add up to much, hell, Nader even lost his home base of Connecticut. Despite this, his momentum carried into the Midwest, as Ohio and other electorally-rich states went into the Nader column. But, Gramm's domination of the South and his crucial victory in must-win Illinois ended their Cinderella story - Nader was done for. Sure, victories in Montana and Kansas were unexpected, but there is no way Nader can win this. Right?
While California foreshadowed the final results, it was down to the wire. Gramm and Nader stayed up until the early hours of the morning, waiting on the results from Hawaii and that fateful AP call. It was expected that the same vote-splitting that had won Illinois and Maine for Gramm would mean that Hawaii would vote Republican for the first time in state history. However, Nader built an early lead in Honolulu which never let up. At 1:13 AM, AP made its announcement - Ralph Nader would be the 42nd President of the United States. Nader hadn't run to win, he ran because he had to. Yet he had won - now, there was work to be done.
1969 - 1977: Nelson Rockefeller / Howard Baker (Republican)
defeated, 1968: Hubert Humphrey / Ed Muskie (Democratic), George Wallace / Curtis LeMay (American Independent)
defeated, 1972: Scoop Jackson / Gaylord Nelson (Democratic)
1977 - 1985: Bob Casey / Alan Cranston (Democratic)
defeated, 1976: Howard Baker / David Stanley (Republican)
defeated, 1980: Bob Dole / J. Marshall Coleman (Republican)
1985 - 1989: William C. Westmoreland / Pete Domenici (Republican)
defeated, 1984: John Glenn / Reubin Askew (Democratic)
1989 - 1991: Shelley Silver / Martha Layne Collins (Democratic)
defeated, 1988: William C. Westmoreland / Pete Domenici (Republican)
1991 - 1993: Martha Layne Collins / Paul Sarbanes (Democratic)
1993 - ???: Ralph Nader / Richard Hatcher (Peoples')
defeated, 1992: Phil Gramm / Helen Chenoweth (Republican), Bill Clinton / Steve Pajcic (Democratic)
Ralph Nader didn't begin his run for President because he wanted to win - he ran because he had to. He stood up to General Motors and brought seatbelts to every car in America, he had revealed how President Rockefeller made the White House another branch of Chase Bank, and he had fought the nationwide expansion of nuclear energy tooth and nail. But what did it amount to? Casey's push to illegalize abortion had been ratified by the necessary 38 states, President Silver's "alternative mortgages" had been exposed as a plan to line his pockets, and Damascus was now little more than a glowing crater. President Collins seemed like a breath of fresh air, but the federal probe investigating First Man Bill's alleged kickback scheme killed her career soon enough. The animal spirits of unregulated capital, the dark forces animating American politics for the better part of fifty years had been allowed to run amok. He had to do something, something more powerful than simple activism.
Nader wasn't talked about 'seriously,' at first. President Collins' "will she or won't she" routine demanded all the attention, but he had his methods - Larry King talks with Ralph Nader about the nuclear bubble, Ralph Nader scores early endorsement from former Mayor Harvey Milk, Nader visits striking meatpackers at Hormel Foods plant. He was in every household, every night, spreading his message and winning new converts. Collins backed out of the race against her will, as House Republicans brought forward Articles of Impeachment against the President. Even the most critical Democrats toed the party line and said Speaker Mack was going too far - Nader disagreed. It is impossible to believe the President was unaware of her husbands financial dealings, he said, and her unwillingness to cooperate with Congress signaled that she must be guilty in some manner. Many raged at his comments, calling it the slander of an egotistical blowhard desperate for attention. Despite the chagrin of many Democrats, Nader was vindicated as his numbers rocketed to the low 30's. While it was early polling, Nader now was a 'serious' candidate, and after co-opting what was left of the anti-war People's Party, the campaign really got started. While the photo-ops with Cesar Chavez and éminence grise of the American left Gary Hart grabbed headlines, Nader's pledges for a Syrian withdrawal, a robust and stringent screening process for corporate welfare and his support for public campaign financing made him the 'change candidate,' as supporters affectionately called him.
As the weeks went along and the shape of the race became clearer, Nader's rise weakened. Bill Clinton, the young, handsome Governor of Arkansas had stormed to the nomination with his down-home charisma and outsider appeal, and Nader supporters began to take a careful look at what the Democrats had to offer. Nader seethed, calling Clinton "a narcissistic man with no interest in abuses of corporate or political power." He was a threat to Nader, someone who could win over those disillusioned with both parties yet preserve the two-party system. Phil Gramm, who had coasted to the Republican nomination off the back of the GOP's blood-hungry base, was an easy foil to Nader; Clinton was his kryptonite. Nader carried on and went through the usual motions, talking up twelve-year term limits for both Representatives and Senators, a binding "none-of-the-above" option for all state and federal elections and streamlined national referendums, but Clinton's organized charm offensive throughout the Democratic strongholds in the Northeast and Midwest put a serious damper on the Nader campaign. Even the unveiling of Richard Hatcher as Nader's veep (a symbolic gesture towards the late Jesse Jackson) was overshadowed by Clinton's platform rollout.
Despite Clinton's growing stature, Gramm was still the favorite. Clinton was too young and Nader was too far-out, and both men would split the left vote; Nader and his team knew this, but even despite everybody pushing him to meet with Clinton and secure policy concessions, Nader was hesitant. He had made it this far, he had shifted the discourse, he was a serious candidate - Nader had started to believe his own hype. The September meetings between Clinton and Nader were sloppy and unrehearsed; Clinton agreed to finance campaigns with public money through voluntary payoffs on tax returns, he wouldn't support plans to replace and eventually shut down nuclear plants across the country, and he certainly wouldn't support any protectionist trade policy. Nader, who had expected as much, shut the whole thing down.
As the campaign entered its final weeks, Nader remained hopeful. While his best numbers only placed him in the high 20's, a strong performance down the stretch could buoy him and at least push Clinton to third. His team didn't share his optimism; the common view among staffers at the time was that if he didn't pull out all the stops during the final stretch, it all would have been for naught. Nader campaigned hard touring the Southwest and West Coast in a last-ditch effort to boost his chances, visiting the universities and big cities while Hatcher went through the churches and union halls. However, the polls were still down on the People's ticket - Gramm led the pack decisively while Clinton held a three-point lead over Nader.
When reports surfaced in the Post that Clinton had been leading multiple extramarital affairs during his time as Governor and while on the campaign trail, Clinton vociferously denied any misconduct on his part and claimed that they he had been a faithful husband to Hillary. But the women kept coming. And coming. Nader jumped at the opportunity to knock Clinton with the allegations being "a clear example that Mr. Clinton is just another shady politician," while Gramm made a few passing jabs about Clinton's "family values." Hillary stood behind Bill the entire way, but the flood wouldn't stop. By November 2nd, the number of women accusing Clinton of sexual misconduct was at 6, and many D.C. insiders expected the number to grow. A famous Friday's sketch from the period had every female cast-member walk out on stage and join in song, each claiming that they had their way with Bill Clinton. The damage had been done - the Democratic ticket was sunk. As the circus around Clinton grew, it became a consensus that Nader would benefit tremendously; indeed, voters that viewed Clinton as someone who would shake-up Washington now had nowhere else to turn to. It wouldn't be enough to win Nader the election, but a victory in the popular vote wasn't out of the question.
As the results came in from New England, it was widely agreed by observers that Nader had overperformed his expectations. Suburban and college-educated voters went hard for the People's ticket, allowing it to survive the 'spoiler effect' of the Democratic line, but it wouldn't add up to much, hell, Nader even lost his home base of Connecticut. Despite this, his momentum carried into the Midwest, as Ohio and other electorally-rich states went into the Nader column. But, Gramm's domination of the South and his crucial victory in must-win Illinois ended their Cinderella story - Nader was done for. Sure, victories in Montana and Kansas were unexpected, but there is no way Nader can win this. Right?
While California foreshadowed the final results, it was down to the wire. Gramm and Nader stayed up until the early hours of the morning, waiting on the results from Hawaii and that fateful AP call. It was expected that the same vote-splitting that had won Illinois and Maine for Gramm would mean that Hawaii would vote Republican for the first time in state history. However, Nader built an early lead in Honolulu which never let up. At 1:13 AM, AP made its announcement - Ralph Nader would be the 42nd President of the United States. Nader hadn't run to win, he ran because he had to. Yet he had won - now, there was work to be done.
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