Soviets invade the allies during operation downfall.

CalBear

Moderator
Donor
Monthly Donor
Soviet food production had fallen to 75% (well, more like 70% but that's quibbling) by 1942-43, but in '44 it recovered to about 50% of the 1940 figures so obviously the lack of able-bodied men did not prevent Soviet agriculture achieving recovery.
50% of already insufficient.
 
50% of already insufficient.

"Insufficient"? Was there some famine in 1940 I'm unaware of? The USSR was practically feeding all of occupied Europe in 1940 with mass exports to Germany and was avoiding starvation at home so I don't see any basis to claim that the 1940 food production figures are insufficient. Now whether 50% of the 1940 figure is insufficient something that we're still hashing out.
 
The Soviets had utter garbage for aircraft, inferior tanks, and less equipment. Especially against lavishly equipped US formations, the Soviets are going to get 1941 style bloody noses.
inferior tanks? Weren't the late war Soviet tanks superior to just about everyone else's?
 
Because, as I've said, those plants are irrelevant to my argument. They aren't the plants which we are discussing and which would be relevant to the actual Soviet production in the scenario. The relevant plant here is the Siberian plant, constructed from the Blechhammer, Politz, and Auschwitz plants, and your post gives zero indication of when it came online.

It's very important to your argument because if only three plants are working, then the Siberian plant cannot possibly be online.

Although since we're on the subject, do we have any idea what the productive capabilities of the Schwarzheide plant were? That could be good to know, even if it's only additive to the Siberian facilities production (and maybe those American refineries as well).

No idea, although it seems to have been non-military purposes like the British plants.

Except it is? If the Siberian facility goes online in 1945/46 and can provide a million tons of high-octane Avgas to the Soviets annually, then that by itself is in excess of their annual needs by about 250,000 tons and the whole supposition of the Soviets having to suddenly ground around half their air force becomes total persiflage. Not to mention the Soviets successfully overrunning western Germany would mean the sudden acquisition of the rest of German synthetic and refining capacity, which could then be transported back to the USSR if not immediately utilized for their own purposes.

It cannot, as between June of 1941 and May of 1945 the Soviets consumed 4.481 million tons of AV Gas of both high and low octane ratings, for an average yearly consumption of 1.114 million tons. No years are provided, so it's likely consumption was far greater in later years given the change in the composition of the Soviet military. As for those plants in Germany, only two were active and they were not producing military grade products; nevermind the fact they'd likely be destroyed before the Soviets could get to them.

I don't have anything which specifically gives the dismantlement of the Blechhammer, Politz, and Auschwitz plant occurred and the subsequent reconstruction at the Siberian plant, but Osjerski in his book indicates the period of major stripping of industry from Eastern Europe in general occurred in 1945-46. Given that the wording is general, it is possible that some specific industries were stripped out later on a smaller scale.

I have the Osjerski book, it's available online in PDF format. I checked both "Siberia", "Fuel" and "aviation gasoline" as search terms and the only thing I could find is thus:

In particular, American analysts felt that the Soviet petroleum industry would find it difficult to produce enough high octane fuel, the Soviet machine tool industry did not produce enough spare parts, there was insufficient rolling stock to handle war time needs in the USSR, and the Soviets had perennial shortages of certain non-ferrous metals and certain types of finished steel.124 Complicating these problems, and, to an extent, causing them, were the Soviet deficiencies in properly trained technological personnel and managers.125

Great, except additional harvests occurred in 1945. What evidence do you have that those did not provide enough food?

I've already cited that upthread:

2RIlx4Ou_o.png


I also literally just cited that the Americans were still providing 40% of the food consumed by the Red Army into the Summer of 1945.

You seem to be a bit confused about which figures are which. The amount in storage wasn't 2-3 million tons. That's the rough amount that was estimated to be needed to feed those who died. When it comes to storage, the Soviet state began the year with 6.8 million tons in the reserve and procured 29.6 million tons for a total of 37.7 million tons. Total usage of the state grain reserves comes out to 31.1 million tons, leaving the state with a reserve of 6.6 million tons by the end of the year. This is purely grain from the stores of the Ministry of Procurements and excludes grain released from the stores of other agencies (such as the Ministry of Food Reserves). So the numbers show that the reserves of just one ministry of the Soviet Union had around two-three times the amount of grain needed to prevent the famine. The food simply didn't make it's way to the people who needed it.

Taking that at face value, remind he how this ineptness is supposed to be magically handwaved?

It didn't OTL: there is no evidence that the much more severe wartime famines had any impact on larger Soviet society or the fighting performance of the Red Army.

....because the Americans kept the Red Army fed. As for the civilians, mass starvation occurred during the war years, particularly in 1942-1944.

Okay and? You've just admitted that the Soviets are operating with less partisans then the Germans were and the Germans didn't exactly see their supply chains totally disappear to those larger partisan forces. Your claims about avgas remain rather unfounded (even ignoring the production argument, do you think Soviet stockpiles magically vanish into the aether the moment war begins?) and while Anglo-American air forces are not yet fully demobbed by ATL November 1945, they would in the wrong place and can't exactly teleport from over the Pacific. It would take months to transfer back (assuming the US doesn't decide to keep them in the Pacific until Japan's defeated) and even once they get over here, they still have to fight the Red Air Force and the history of air warfare suggests that'll be a attritional struggle of years, contrary to the fantasies of people who don't understand strategic air war.

No, I did not admit that at all and you definitely knew that because I put it in both italics and bold:
Between the Baltics and Ukraine alone there is probably 150,000 partisans compared to just 180,000 against the Germans at the height of the Great Patriotic War. As for the air war, they have no AV gas and the Anglo-Americans have yet to demob their air forces. Given that, no question the Reds lose the air at best in a few weeks, and they'd never hold air superiority in the first place.

I specifically say in just the Baltics and Ukraine alone, there was nearly as many Anti-Soviet partisans as the Germans had to face in the entirety of their Soviet conquests. I know English is your first language, so there is no other way besides willful maliciousness or failing to read my post you've could've confused this. As for the Air units, given we've yet to see any evidence the Soviets were self sufficient in AV gas, that alone knocks them out.

I'm not talking about Army Group Center, I'm talking about the whole of the Eastern Front: even in the places the Germans were supposed to be stronger, the Soviets scored crushing victories. Given that the Anglo-American mechanized and artillery formations would be some of the first to be demobbed or transferred (don't need them for occupation and they could be put to more productive use invading Japan), the armor and artillery ratios will likely be as favorable, if not more so, to the Soviets as against the German army. I've already dealt with the air issue up there. Having a commander would be more of a benefit and WAllied intelligence against the Soviets tended to be poor so it's not like there's much for them to go on.

Then why did you specifically say Bagration? You're also making assumptions about what had been transferred or demobilized out by that Summer. For one very prominent example of why you should not take German performance as the basis of Anglo-American performance:

In 1944 the Soviets still managed to lose 23 700 fully tracked AFVs of which only 2 200 were light tanks: the highest number of AFV losses in a single year by any country in history.(20) Of these losses 58% were T-34s, the large majority being T-34/85s. Despite all possible factors being in their favour and despite massive German operational losses during 1944, the Soviets still managed to loose around three AFVs for every German AFV destroyed, or around four tanks (mostly T-34/85s) for every German tank destroyed.

American tankers meanwhile:
On average, one crewman was killed when a Sherman was knocked out.*

In 1954, the US Army's Ballistics Research Laboratory conducted a study of tank vs tank engagements fought by the 3rd and 4th Armored Divisions from August to December 1944.

98 engagements were identified, including 33 from the Ardennes fighting. The typical engagement involved 9 US Shermans against 4 German AFVs. Only 1/3 of the total involved more then 3 German AFVs. The average range Shermans inflicted kills on the panzers was 893yds, and the panzers averaged kills at 946yds.

The study concluded that the most important factor was spotting and shooting first. Defenders fired first 84% of all engagement, inflicting 4.3 times more casualties on the attackers then suffered. When the attackers fired first, they inflicted 3.6 times as many casualties on the defenders compared to own losses.

29 engagements involved Panthers and Shermans. The Shermans had an average numerical advantage of 1.2:1. The data showed the Panther had a 10% advantage over the attacking Sherman when the Panther defended, but the Sherman was a whopping 8.4 times more effective then attacking Panthers when the Sherman defended. Overall, the Sherman was 3.6 times as effective as the Panther in all engagements. German A/T guns however, were by far the most effective anti-Sherman weapon they had.

From the study itself:
Data on World War II
Tank Engagements
Involving the U.S.
Third and Fourth Armored Divisions

According to Table II, the most common type of engagement was Shermans defending against Panthers, and the Shermans fired first. In 19 engagements, involving 104 Shermans and 93 Panthers, 5 Shermans were destroyed compared to 57 Panthers.

The second most common engagement was US Tank destroyers defending against Panthers, with the TDs firing first. In 11 engagements, involving 61 TDs and 19 Panthers, 1 TD was lost compared to all 19 Panthers.

The most successful enemy weapon was antitank guns defending. In 9 engagements (3rd most common), 19 a/t guns inflicted 25 casualties on 104 total attacking Shermans, losing 3 guns in exchange.

The 4th most common engagement was Shermans attacking Panthers, and the Shermans fired first. In 5 actions a total of 41 Shermans fought 17 Panthers, losing 2 and taking 12 Panthers in return.

In 40 actions in which the US forces were attacking, they had 437 weapons and lost 100 (23%). The Germans had 135 and lost 45 (33%). In 37 actions in which the Germans were attacking, the US had 205 weapons, losing 14 (7%), and the Germans lost 83 of 138 (60%).

* For comparison, when a T-34 was knocked out, on average, one crewman survived.
 
It's very important to your argument because if only three plants are working, then the Siberian plant cannot possibly be online.

Okay, you’ve lost me. Why would whether three German plants working, which aren’t even the plants which were dismantled to provide for the Siberian plant as it’s obvious those wouldn’t be working because they’ve been dismantled, have any impact on whether the Siberian plant is working?

No idea, although it seems to have been non-military purposes like the British plants.

According to your posted page, it was actually serving both civilian and military purposes.

It cannot, as between June of 1941 and May of 1945 the Soviets consumed 4.481 million tons of AV Gas of both high and low octane ratings, for an average yearly consumption of 1.114 million tons. No years are provided, so it's likely consumption was far greater in later years given the change in the composition of the Soviet military.

Oh, so your either goalpost shifting or have completely failed to comprehend the actual topic at hand. Because here we were talking exclusively about high-octane avgas which is the actual thing the Soviets were supposedly short of, not low-octane avgas of which the Soviets already could produce more then enough of. Even in 1942, the low point of Soviet production of avgas, the Soviets were able to produce 684,000 tons of such fuel. That’s almost twice the average annual consumption of low-octane avgas. Overall the Soviets produced 917,000 tons of all types of Avgas in that year, so if we take that figure, add the million tons the Siberian plant produces and WHAMMO: just shy of 2 million total tons of avgas production annually, about 900,000 tons more then consumed annually and this is before we factor the lend-lease refineries (which didn't start to come online until 1943) or the other German plants the Soviets could choose to restart production with. There's a reason everyone goes "the US supplied the Soviets with 50% of their high-octane avgas!" and not "the US supplied the Soviets with 50% of their total avgas!" when talking about the US contribution to Soviet aviation fuel supplies.

As for those plants in Germany, only two were active and they were not producing military grade products; never mind the fact they'd likely be destroyed before the Soviets could get to them.

Whether they were producing military grade products matters less then the fact they could. As to whether they’d be destroyed by retreating WAllied forces... well, it’s possible. It’s also possible that the speed and shock of the Soviet assault renders them with not enough time to do it or it might not occur to them to do so until it’s too late. Could go either way.

I have the Osjerski book, it's available online in PDF format. I checked both "Siberia", "Fuel" and "aviation gasoline" as search terms and the only thing I could find is thus:

Maybe you didn't comprehend what I was saying? I’ll emphasize some keywords you appear to have missed:

I don't have anything which specifically gives the dismantlement of the Blechhammer, Politz, and Auschwitz plant occurred and the subsequent reconstruction at the Siberian plant, but Osjerski in his book indicates the period of major stripping of industry from Eastern Europe in general occurred in 1945-46. Given that the wording is general, it is possible that some specific industries were stripped out later on a smaller scale.

I've already cited that upthread:

2RIlx4Ou_o.png


I also literally just cited that the Americans were still providing 40% of the food consumed by the Red Army into the Summer of 1945.

Great. But again: not reached pre-war levels of production =! not enough to feed everyone. 40% of the food the Red Army soldiers were consuming came from lend-lease =! 40% of the food needed to not starve to death. In fact, the 40% figure was a decrease from the previous year, which by your logic apparent appears to mean the Soviets should have been dropping dead (or at least exhibiting signs of starvation) all over the place from this 10% drop in calories.

Taking that at face value, remind he how this ineptness is supposed to be magically handwaved?

Whether they do or do not do so IATL is at best only partially relevant to my point which is that if the Soviets had enough food to feed people who didn't matter to their military-industrial system but through incompetence or malice did not, then clearly it shows they have enough to feed those who do matter and we know they did their best to prioritize feeding those people.

....because the Americans kept the Red Army fed. As for the civilians, mass starvation occurred during the war years, particularly in 1942-1944.

But it was gone by late-1944, as your own sources reveal, despite a decline in lend-lease food availability, as your sources also reveal.

No, I did not admit that at all and you definitely knew that because I put it in both italics and bold:

I specifically say in just the Baltics and Ukraine alone, there was nearly as many Anti-Soviet partisans as the Germans had to face in the entirety of their Soviet conquests. I know English is your first language, so there is no other way besides willful maliciousness or failing to read my post you've could've confused this. As for the Air units, given we've yet to see any evidence the Soviets were self sufficient in AV gas, that alone knocks them out.

Yeah, yeah, your lying through your teeth as anyone can tell reading that line where the wording shows your comparing anti-Soviet partisans in the Baltics and Ukraine to anti-German partisans in the Baltics and Ukraine. Because otherwise, your particularly lying through your teeth given the actual figure of the number of partisans the Germans had to face:

With the German supply lines already over-extended, the partisan operations in the rear of the front lines were able to severely disrupt the flow of supplies to the army that acted deep into the Soviet territory. In the second half of the war, major partisan operations were coordinated with Soviet offensives. Upon liberation of parts of the Soviet territory, the corresponding partisan detachments usually joined the regular Army. According to Soviet sources, the partisans were a vital force of the war. From 90,000 men and women by the end of 1941 (including underground) they grew to 220,000 in 1942, and to more than 550,000 in 1943.

And this is without taking into account the hundreds of thousands of partisans who operated against the Germans in Poland and the Balkans...

Then why did you specifically say Bagration? You're also making assumptions about what had been transferred or demobilized out by that Summer.

Because I was using it as a useful catch-all for the Eastern Front in the summer of 1944. Then again, as one who does try to be precise with my terminology I guess I should know better then to use "catch-alls" so casuallies. Sorry about that.

And no, I'm not making assumptions. Multiple books I've read have talked about the intended mass transfer of US airpower to the Pacific by the time of Olympic. They were to provide the basis for air raids as large as 2,000 heavy bombers in one go. As for land forces, existing US Army literature on the subject is quite clear. Plans for Olympic called for the transfer of 2 armored divisions and 13 infantry divisions, while the release of more then 1.1 million men represents the reduction of the equivalent of some 22 divisions, or about 1/3rd of the entire US ground army in Europe. Assuming the Brits demobbed at the same rate, more then half the WAllied armies in Europe would have gone home by November 1945. What’s worse, the effects of demobilization upon these forces combat readiness outpaced the decline in paper strength and was noted to be biting really deep right about at the time the Soviets IATL are supposed to attack.

As demobilization progressed, the decline of combat effectiveness was not in proportion to the reduction in total strength. Rather, it diminished at a progressively faster rate than the members of military personnel decreased. By the Fall and Winter of 1945-1946 the armies and the air forces that had been victorious in Europe and in the Pacific were no longer a closely integrated military machine, but rather had disintegrated to little more than large groups of individual replacements.

Shortly after the surrender of Japan the Joint Strategic Survey Committee (JSSC) of the Joint Chiefs of Staff (JCS) made an estimate of American military position as it existed at that time, 9 October 1945, "... a year or more would be required to reconstitute our military position at a fraction of its recent power." The JSSC recommended that the JCS direct the Joint Staff Planners to examine "... our present and prospective capabilities...." The recommendations of the JSSC were informally approved by the JCS on 15 October 1945. The Joint Staff Planners proceeded to prepare on estimate of the military capabilities of the United States armed forces at that time and for the end of the 1946 fiscal year. The Commanding Generals of Army Forces in the Pacific and in Europe were asked to assist in the preparation of the study and submitted their estimates of military capabilities to the War Department.

A memorandum which reflected the views of the Pacific and European Commanders was then prepared for the Army Chief of Staff. This communication revealed the swift and disintegrating effects of World War II demobilization as of 15 November 1945. The European Commander further estimated that in an offensive his troops, ground (including service) and air "could operate in an emergency for a limited period at something less than 50 % normal wartime efficiency." European ground troops could operate somewhat better in a defensive situation but this was not true of air units. General Eisenhower's Chief of Staff was reported as having said that "This estimate is frankly optimistic, based on assumptions themself optimistic, and does not consider morale and fighting spirit, which he . . . [believed to be] lacking.
-History of Personnel Demobilization, Pg 266

At least the German formations in 1944 were coherent military formations and not a mob of replacements! Also, as per the OP, the Soviets are attacking when the US is engaged in Downfall so the Soviets would be attacking in late-fall/early-winter of '45, so I don't why you keep going to summer...

For one very prominent example of why you should not take German performance as the basis of Anglo-American performance:

American tankers meanwhile:

I like how one article is simply talking about Soviet AFV losses across the entire timespan of 1944 to all causes under all conditions and presenting it as the kill ratio solely against German AFVs while the latter only examines specific incidents and breaks the ratios down by conditions and cause. It neatly demonstrates the level of dishonesty at work here, highlighting how you massaged the numbers to be as favorable to the WAllies as possible by picking dissimilar articles with dissimilar numbers, and reaffirms Mark Twains old saw about lies and statistics. If this were a honest comparison, then what you would do is, say, take the 11,500 AFV losses the US and UK suffered during the Northwest European Campaign in June 6 1944-May 15 1945 and compare them to German AFV losses on the same front in the same timeframe. Now, I'll be frank: German AFV losses for 1945 are simply not available, at least not what I can find, so we're going to have to go for the next best thing and look at their losses throughout 1944. Don't worry, I'll subtract Eastern Front losses since I have a source for that!

Now, there are two sources I've seen that gives total German AFV losses in 1944. The first is Waffen und Geheimwaffen des Deutschen Heeres: 1933- 1945, which gives a figure of 12,613 AFVs for 1944. The other is FMS P-059 - German Tank Strength and Loss Statistics, which gives a figure of 11,916. We'll go with the upper figure for now. It's worth keeping in mind though: the German criteria for what counts as a "loss" is much, much, much higher then for the WAllies or Soviets. Now to subtract the Eastern Front figure from that: the only source I've ever seen is from here. And it shows that the Germans lost 9,575 AFVs in the East in 1944*. 12,613-9,575=3,038. Now I could say that 11,500 US+UK AFVs/3,038 results in a 3.78:1 loss ratio in the Germans favor, worse then what even your T-34 article but then the obvious objection arises: but that's the losses for the Germans against in only six months of 1944 in Northwest Europe (well, not entirely but more on that at the end) compared to the 11 months of 1944-1945 for the WAllies. Why of course! How silly of me. So then what we should do is break that down to the daily loss ratio. June 6th 1944 to May 15th 1945 is 343 days, which gives the Anglo-Americans a loss rate of 33.5 AFVs a day. By comparison, June 6 1944 to December 31 1944 is 208 days, giving the Germans a loss ratio of 14.6 AFVs a day. 33.5/14.6=2.3. The kill ratio between the WAllies and the Germans is therefore 2.3:1 in the Germans favor, only marginally better for the WAllies then the Soviets. And this was with the WAllies at their prime, not the demobilizing mob present by November/December '45.

Of course, this includes German AFV losses in Italy throughout the year (that's the "more on that at the end") while excluding the WAllies losses there, so this ratio is actually more favorable to the WAllies then might otherwise be the case.

But of course, I don't put much stock in any of these figures. Why? Because as this entire spiel is designed to expose, all trying to cite loss ratios does is wind up with the kind of chicanery you just attempted and hence I maintain that using them to prove anything means fuck all.

*I guess this would be the moment where I should observe that taking the T-34 article claims about Soviet AFV losses at face value (and how interesting it gives no figure for German AFV losses to do their own math), this gives the Germans a kill ratio about 0.5 less favorable then the article claims, making the difference between WAllies and Soviet a mere 0.2 which I recall might be below the threshold of statistical significance in difference (maybe? Memories fuzzy) but again: kill ratios, meaning, fuck all.

PS: I'll probably reply to your post over on the 1945-1950 airpower thread tomorrow. I've got a class to teach and I'm already only getting 5 hours due to telling people their wrong on the internet. :p
 
Last edited:

FBKampfer

Banned
inferior tanks? Weren't the late war Soviet tanks superior to just about everyone else's?


No actually, the T-34/85's 85mm was markedly inferior to the US M1 76mm, and leagues behind the 90mm.

The M4 also had superior turret armor, optical magnification, optical clarity, rate of fire, gun depression, and better serviceability and producability.

The IS-2 had rather poor armor penetration, being roughly on par with the US 90 mm, 17lber, and Kwk 42 L/70. It also had horrible rate of fire, and suffered from the same shortcomings of the T-38/85 relative to the M26 Pershing.

The IS-2 was actually only armored about as well as the Panther or M26 from the front.


It was effectively a turreted assault gun.

The IS3 was somewhat more dangerous due to the improved armor, but it's gun depression was even worse, and shared the same flaws as the IS2.


Immediately post war, Soviet tank armies would have gotten their asses handed to them even worse than when fighting the Germans.
 

Zen9

Banned
The chief problem the Germans had in the war against the USSR is they lacked sufficient rail to move supplies up to their forces. This also effects Soviet supply the other way.

I suspect East Germany was the limit of their abilities anyway.
Attempting to push further west will overstretch their logistic tail and open them up to various pincer manoeuvres.
Furthermore it's not a given that conquored/liberated territories are going to remain quiescent if the West can get supplies to them.....
 
Okay, you’ve lost me. Why would whether three German plants working, which aren’t even the plants which were dismantled to provide for the Siberian plant as it’s obvious those wouldn’t be working because they’ve been dismantled, have any impact on whether the Siberian plant is working?

Because the source quite clearly says none of the others were operational and is talking about 1946. If said Siberian facility was operational, I'd think it'd warrant a mention.

According to your posted page, it was actually serving both civilian and military purposes.

Can you please explain to me how soap and butter is a military purpose? Sure, they get used in rations, but for the purposes of what we are talking about it's a no.

Oh, so your either goalpost shifting or have completely failed to comprehend the actual topic at hand. Because here we were talking exclusively about high-octane avgas which is the actual thing the Soviets were supposedly short of, not low-octane avgas of which the Soviets already could produce more then enough of. Even in 1942, the low point of Soviet production of avgas, the Soviets were able to produce 684,000 tons of such fuel. That’s almost twice the average annual consumption of low-octane avgas. Overall the Soviets produced 917,000 tons of all types of Avgas in that year, so if we take that figure, add the million tons the Siberian plant produces and WHAMMO: just shy of 2 million total tons of avgas production annually, about 900,000 tons more then consumed annually and this is before we factor the lend-lease refineries (which didn't start to come online until 1943) or the other German plants the Soviets could choose to restart production with. There's a reason everyone goes "the US supplied the Soviets with 50% of their high-octane avgas!" and not "the US supplied the Soviets with 50% of their total avgas!" when talking about the US contribution to Soviet aviation fuel supplies.

Given we don't have yearly breakdowns of the high octane AV gas consumption, I'm attempting to establish a baseline. As I specifically said, it was likely in later years of the war high octane was consumed more regularly as the Soviets developed modernized forces.

Whether they were producing military grade products matters less then the fact they could. As to whether they’d be destroyed by retreating WAllied forces... well, it’s possible. It’s also possible that the speed and shock of the Soviet assault renders them with not enough time to do it or it might not occur to them to do so until it’s too late. Could go either way.

They're too far in the Allied zone for that too work, and far too many Western troops are in the way in 1945.

Maybe you didn't comprehend what I was saying? I’ll emphasize some keywords you appear to have missed:

There are easier ways of you admitting you were deliberately misinterpreting your citation.

Great. But again: not reached pre-war levels of production =! not enough to feed everyone. 40% of the food the Red Army soldiers were consuming came from lend-lease =! 40% of the food needed to not starve to death. In fact, the 40% figure was a decrease from the previous year, which by your logic apparent appears to mean the Soviets should have been dropping dead (or at least exhibiting signs of starvation) all over the place from this 10% drop in calories.

I've literally provided direct citations to the contrary, naming the source, providing the page numbers in many cases and/or screen-shooting the relevant text.

Whether they do or do not do so IATL is at best only partially relevant to my point which is that if the Soviets had enough food to feed people who didn't matter to their military-industrial system but through incompetence or malice did not, then clearly it shows they have enough to feed those who do matter and we know they did their best to prioritize feeding those people.

Gee, I wonder what the difference between IOTL 1945 and ATL 1945? Perhaps that around three million RKKA troops can't be returned to the fields and they've just lost 40% of their rations.

But it was gone by late-1944, as your own sources reveal, despite a decline in lend-lease food availability, as your sources also reveal.

No, and I've provided that specific citation twice now so there's no excuse at this point to make such a claim; deaths began to recede at the end of 1944 while Lend Lease rations remained high as a portion of RKKA diets.

Yeah, yeah, your lying through your teeth as anyone can tell reading that line where the wording shows your comparing anti-Soviet partisans in the Baltics and Ukraine to anti-German partisans in the Baltics and Ukraine. Because otherwise, your particularly lying through your teeth given the actual figure of the number of partisans the Germans had to face:

Scourge of the Russian Partisans
Official Soviet estimates give a total of about 70,000 effective partisan fighters operating in the spring of 1942. By the end of summer, that number had risen to about 125,000.
Operation Bagration would strike Heeresgruppe Mitte with the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Belorussian Fronts. According to Soviet sources, there were about 150,000 partisans organized into 150 brigades and 49 detachments behind the German front in Belorussia. Bagration was due to begin on June 22, but by the time the offensive opened the partisans were already in action.

And this is without taking into account the hundreds of thousands of partisans who operated against the Germans in Poland and the Balkans...

A fair point, if we include the Yugoslavs.

And no, I'm not making assumptions. Multiple books I've read have talked about the intended mass transfer of US airpower to the Pacific by the time of Olympic. They were to provide the basis for air raids as large as 2,000 heavy bombers in one go. As for land forces, existing US Army literature on the subject is quite clear. Plans for Olympic called for the transfer of 2 armored divisions and 13 infantry divisions, while the release of more then 1.1 million men represents the reduction of the equivalent of some 22 divisions, or about 1/3rd of the entire US ground army in Europe. Assuming the Brits demobbed at the same rate, more then half the WAllied armies in Europe would have gone home by November 1945. What’s worse, the effects of demobilization upon these forces combat readiness outpaced the decline in paper strength and was noted to be biting really deep right about at the time the Soviets IATL are supposed to attack.

You're making assumptions; for one, if the Allies are invading Japan, there is limited demobilization going on, nor does this answer the question of how drawn down Allied air and armored is.

-History of Personnel Demobilization, Pg 266

At least the German formations in 1944 were coherent military formations and not a mob of replacements! Also, as per the OP, the Soviets are attacking when the US is engaged in Downfall so the Soviets would be attacking in late-fall/early-winter of '45, so I don't why you keep going to summer...

You mean said German formations that were using kids, old men, re-purposed Luftwaffe and Kreigsmarine personnel to name a few examples? Non-motorized, lacking artillery ammunition and fuel, without readily available air support?

I like how one article is simply talking about Soviet AFV losses across the entire timespan of 1944 to all causes under all conditions and presenting it as the kill ratio solely against German AFVs while the latter only examines specific incidents and breaks the ratios down by conditions and cause.

This would be a valid tactic if the T-34 article doesn't make this point:

In 1944 the Soviets still managed to lose 23 700 fully tracked AFVs of which only 2 200 were light tanks: the highest number of AFV losses in a single year by any country in history.(20) Of these losses 58% were T-34s, the large majority being T-34/85s. Despite all possible factors being in their favour and despite massive German operational losses during 1944, the Soviets still managed to loose around three AFVs for every German AFV destroyed, or around four tanks (mostly T-34/85s) for every German tank destroyed.

And if the Sherman article didn't go over other engagements besides just Sherman vs Panther.
 
The Soviet rail system in any parts of the USSR where fighting had occurred was in really bad shape, and was sustained as the Soviets advanced only by rails, locomotives, and rolling stock from LL. This also sustained and expanded the rail system in the unoccupied areas where there was damage from German bombing and capacity issues even in undamaged sections. In order to logistically sustain advances the rail systems as the Red Army advanced needed to be repaired, and this was a significant problem as the Germans were quite good at trashing these as they retreated. Add to that at some point moving west you run in to the problem of the different rail gauges between the Soviet gauge and standard European - so need need different rolling stock or wheelsets and the cranes etc to move loaded boxcars/flat cars from one set of wheels to another, and you need a whole fleet of different locomotives. As the Red Army moved beyond the 1939 borders the Germans and allies worked to either destroy or move west the rolling stock and especially locomotives. Even before things like planned destruction and combat damage, the roads in Eastern Europe were poor at best.

Logistics, logistics, logistics. By 1945 the Allies have the ports of Western Europe in good shape, the rail systems significantly repaired and pretty much all the locomotives and rolling stock (and rails, and communications equipment, etc) they need to make them run well and are repairing things as they advanced in to Germany. Once the fighting stops this gets even better. Roads in Western Europe, decent by 1940s standards, are being repaired/upgraded as needed. Lastly the Soviet Navy has essentially zero capability to disrupt the flow of supplies from the western hemisphere to Europe. If the USSR, as posited, no longer has an agreement to declare war against Japan, then the flow of LL that continued to the USSR after May of 1945 will dry up rather rapidly, and by late summer/fall 1945 when OLYMPIC might go off anything in transit has long ago stopped. Sure the USSR will have some LL items stockpiled, and may be making some Studebaker spare parts, but this will be used up fairly quickly.

Given the very tenuous logistic string the USSR forces would be operating on as they move west from demarcation lines in 1945, throwing the US/UK off the continent and getting to the channel is very dubious. Even without the atomic bomb the Allies will be more than capable of trashing the transportation lifeline to Soviet front line troops once they recover from the initial blow. B-29s and Lancasters will do a number on Soviet oil production facilities and those in Romania. With a conventional campaign going on in Japan and the plan for CORONET the USA won't be cutting back so much on war production, and those production rates and training programs can be ramped back up quickly.

In a no atomic bomb world, the USSR would be much smarter to wait until the USA and UK had completely demobilized, shifted to peacetime mode. Also this interval allows for more repair of Soviet infrastructure and some level of integration of the captured countries.
 
If the Yalta conference is a failure and disagreement over the future of Europe bog down the conference with part of the fallout leading to the Soviets not declaring war on Japan (amongst other things) what would the outcome be if the Soviets declare war on the allies while they are engaged in operation downfall, invading Japan because of nukes being delayed a number of years?

Stalin gets a bullet in the back of the head. Even he had limits to his power - something he knew well.
 
Because the source quite clearly says none of the others were operational and is talking about 1946.

Huh? Your source identifies your source does identify five plants in the Soviet zone that were continuing operation in the aftermath of the war: the Leuna, Bohlen, Zeitz, the Sudetenland Plant at Brux, and Schwarzheide. So that's four plants which we know for certain will be working and producing for the Soviets, at least until WAllied bombers can redeploy from the Pacific in sufficient numbers. The only other plant specified to be in the Soviet zone* it says did not resume production was at Lutzendorf.

*There are six plants it says did not resume operation, but it leaves unclear which zones those plants were in.

If said Siberian facility was operational, I'd think it'd warrant a mention.

That's just what you think though. It's just as likely the authors didn't think it warranted a mention or that they don't have any more of an idea then we do. There's nothing in there about why those other plants which weren't in operation... well, weren't in operation so clearly the authors either don't know or don't think that matters.

Can you please explain to me how soap and butter is a military purpose? Sure, they get used in rations, but for the purposes of what we are talking about it's a no.

Huh? The source doesn't identify Schwarzheide plant as one of the ones producing soap and butter. According to your source it "produced gasoline for military and civilian purposes". "Gasoline" is a vague phrase though and it could encompass any number of petroleum products that both military and civilians use. Those were the "Gewerkschaft Plants at Castrop-Raustel and Krup-Treibstoffwerk in Wanne-Eickel in the British zone". Even then, there's nothing in the source to indicate those are the only things those two plants could produce.

Given we don't have yearly breakdowns of the high octane AV gas consumption, I'm attempting to establish a baseline. As I specifically said, it was likely in later years of the war high octane was consumed more regularly as the Soviets developed modernized forces.

Oh, I have no doubt that high-octane consumption, and probably consumption overall, was higher in the late war then 750,000 tons and lower in the early war. I just recognize that between the Siberian plants and the domestic production it seems to have achieved in '43-'45 (more on this momentarily), the Soviets likely have enough slack to handle it. Soviet production of high-octane avgas was 317,000 in 1941 and 228,000 in 1942 for a total of 545,000 tons. Lend-lease shipment of high octane gas was 1.2 million tons. That's 1.7 million tons put together. With a consumption of nearly 3 million tons over the course of the war, that leaves 1,300,000 tons of domestic production for 1943-'45, which works out to 433,000 tons annually. Although technically, domestic production for 1945 would be crammed into the first 4 months before the war ends so IDK there. Combined with the Siberian Plant, that gives a total productive capacity of 1.433 million tons of high-octane avgas production.

Assuming the same almost 90% increase for the production of high-octane avgas from 1942 to 1943/44 also holds true for low-octane avgas, then Soviet production of that would have increased from 684,000 to nearly 1.3 million.

It should finally be pointed out that these figures assume VVS/VPO were living hand-to-mouth in terms of yearly avgas supply yet there is nothing in the literature which suggests this was the case, although on the other hand I've never seen any figures for a stockpile which would give us an idea of what sort of surplus (if any) the Soviets managed over their intake. So the above production figure represents something of a minimum for Soviet domestic plants. In any case, absent the annual average, we don't really have any baseline. It is also, obviously, still excluding those four German plants still in operation.

They're too far in the Allied zone for that too work, and far too many Western troops are in the way in 1945.

An assumption, not a fact. It's possible that the WAllies are able to demolish the plants before the Soviets might fight their way through. It's also possible that they do tear through the WAllied armies with such speed that their sitting in the plants before their demolished. The two western plants your source mention are located in adjacent cities just under 270 kilometers from the border with the Soviet zone. Depending on how well the Soviets do, they might be there in six months... or two weeks!

There are easier ways of you admitting you were deliberately misinterpreting your citation.

There are easier ways of you trying to dodge you admitting you were misinterpreting what I actually said.

I've literally provided direct citations to the contrary, naming the source, providing the page numbers in many cases and/or screen-shooting the relevant text.

No. The source provided that 40% figure. But if Soviet soldiers rations drop 40% and that figure isn't low enough to cause starvation, then so what?

Gee, I wonder what the difference between IOTL 1945 and ATL 1945? Perhaps that around three million RKKA troops can't be returned to the fields and they've just lost 40% of their rations.

Nothing, really. Production in 1945 was the same as in 1944, which took place with the Red Army mobilized to the degree it was. And you've still yet to demonstrate that a 40% loss would result in mass starvation.

No, and I've provided that specific citation twice now so there's no excuse at this point to make such a claim; deaths began to recede at the end of 1944 while Lend Lease rations remained high as a portion of RKKA diets.

Yes, you've given a source, its just what that citation actually says isn't what your saying it says. It says starvation had virtually disappeared in late-1944 and lend-lease rations dropped 10%.


Your sources are largely in line with mine: a 70,000 figure rising to a 125,000 makes it easy to see it making. A 150,000 partisans in Belarus (so as many in a single region as were operating against the USSR in two regions a year or two later) is well within a total of 500,000 in the Soviet Union. Yet the Germans still were more crippled by their own lack of resources and inability to cope with the logistical environment, issues which don't apply to the Soviets in the short/medium-term, then they were these partisans. So why should we take seriously the claim that a smaller number of partisans will suddenly act several orders of magnitude more effectively against the USSR?

A fair point, if we include the Yugoslavs.

Well, the number of partisans within Poland are likely smaller then they were against the Germans as well. The Home Army was still around, of course, but the Germans had ripped it's heart out in the Uprising so it was weaker then it was against the Germans.

You're making assumptions; for one, if the Allies are invading Japan, there is limited demobilization going on, nor does this answer the question of how drawn down Allied air and armored is.

"Limited" in the sense that their confined outside of the Pacific, yes. I don't see why they'd be any different within Europe though, not with the political pressures at home now that the war is over. Any troops who were demobilized IOTL but aren't IATL would be in the Pacific.

You mean said German formations that were using kids, old men, re-purposed Luftwaffe and Kreigsmarine personnel to name a few examples? Non-motorized, lacking artillery ammunition and fuel, without readily available air support?

You mean said German formations which actually knew they were at war and dug into heavy fortifications and with extremely large cores of still well-motivated, experienced troops who weren't too busy celebrating the good life with the locals to let their soldiering skills go completely to waste?

This would be a valid tactic if the T-34 article doesn't make this point:

And if the Sherman article didn't go over other engagements besides just Sherman vs Panther.

No, it still is a valid point, as your transparent dodging of the rest of my post indicates: it's still cherrypicking a report that only studies a limited number of engagements between Shermans and the Germans and then comparing it to a article who uses total number of T-34s losses versus total number of German tank losses... only for it to not give the total number of German tank losses and when we do look at the total number of German tank losses, it's claim still turns out to be an overestimate (the actual rate is 3:1). In any case, we can do the same for the Sherman as well: the Anglo-Americans lost 7,062 Shermans in the Northwest European Campaign, the Germans lost 6,271, of which 4,438 were suffered in the East, which means 1,833 were lost in the Northwestern European Campaign (and Italy). Again, applying the same math in terms of days as before:

20.5 Shermans per day.
8.8 German tanks per day.

So according to these numbers, the Sherman suffered 2.3 losses for every German tank lost, only slightly better then the T-34.
 
Huh? Your source identifies your source does identify five plants in the Soviet zone that were continuing operation in the aftermath of the war: the Leuna, Bohlen, Zeitz, the Sudetenland Plant at Brux, and Schwarzheide. So that's four plants which we know for certain will be working and producing for the Soviets, at least until WAllied bombers can redeploy from the Pacific in sufficient numbers. The only other plant specified to be in the Soviet zone* it says did not resume production was at Lutzendorf.

My bad on forgetting about this.

The timing is the matter, the screenshot shows only one was active in the Soviet zone in 1945/1946. I'm willing to concede on this though if you've got citations.

That's just what you think though. It's just as likely the authors didn't think it warranted a mention or that they don't have any more of an idea then we do. There's nothing in there about why those other plants which weren't in operation... well, weren't in operation so clearly the authors either don't know or don't think that matters.

Sure, but neither of us have managed to find a citation yet about the plant in the first place.

Huh? The source doesn't identify Schwarzheide plant as one of the ones producing soap and butter. According to your source it "produced gasoline for military and civilian purposes". "Gasoline" is a vague phrase though and it could encompass any number of petroleum products that both military and civilians use. Those were the "Gewerkschaft Plants at Castrop-Raustel and Krup-Treibstoffwerk in Wanne-Eickel in the British zone". Even then, there's nothing in the source to indicate those are the only things those two plants could produce.

DN1Plw5l_o.png


We were talking about the British plants, of which both were "producing oils and waves from fatty acids". You're right there's nothing in the source that says they can't be used for military production, but there's also nothing to say they could be either; entirely likely they could be converted for low octane fuels, but that's useless for modern fighters of the time.

Oh, I have no doubt that high-octane consumption, and probably consumption overall, was higher in the late war then 750,000 tons and lower in the early war. I just recognize that between the Siberian plants and the domestic production it seems to have achieved in '43-'45 (more on this momentarily), the Soviets likely have enough slack to handle it. Soviet production of high-octane avgas was 317,000 in 1941 and 228,000 in 1942 for a total of 545,000 tons. Lend-lease shipment of high octane gas was 1.2 million tons. That's 1.7 million tons put together. With a consumption of nearly 3 million tons over the course of the war, that leaves 1,300,000 tons of domestic production for 1943-'45, which works out to 433,000 tons annually. Although technically, domestic production for 1945 would be crammed into the first 4 months before the war ends so IDK there. Combined with the Siberian Plant, that gives a total productive capacity of 1.433 million tons of high-octane avgas production.

Actually I asked Art over on AHF and this is what he has:

There are available figures from a commonly available handbook on Soviet economy in war:
Aviation gasoline production (thous. tons)
1940 - 889
1941 - 1269
1942 - 912
1943 - 1007
1944 - 1334
1945 - 1017
http://www.teatrskazka.com/Raznoe/StatS ... 04.html#t6

More detailed stats and breakdown - I don't have it right now.

As stated, this is both low and high octane fuels production.

An assumption, not a fact. It's possible that the WAllies are able to demolish the plants before the Soviets might fight their way through. It's also possible that they do tear through the WAllied armies with such speed that their sitting in the plants before their demolished. The two western plants your source mention are located in adjacent cities just under 270 kilometers from the border with the Soviet zone. Depending on how well the Soviets do, they might be there in six months... or two weeks!

There's over two million Allied personnel and it's just two plants well behind the lines. There is no question that the Allies won't be able to trash them if needed, even if we take two weeks as the timetable.

No. The source provided that 40% figure. But if Soviet soldiers rations drop 40% and that figure isn't low enough to cause starvation, then so what?

Because Hunger and War directly states the loss of that would mean it's impossible to feed the Red Army.

Nothing, really. Production in 1945 was the same as in 1944, which took place with the Red Army mobilized to the degree it was. And you've still yet to demonstrate that a 40% loss would result in mass starvation.

I did, literally on the last page even:
MTrRlP8L_o.png


Yes, you've given a source, its just what that citation actually says isn't what your saying it says. It says starvation had virtually disappeared in late-1944 and lend-lease rations dropped 10%.

No, actually it says it had begun to recede but had not disappeared.

Your sources are largely in line with mine: a 70,000 figure rising to a 125,000 makes it easy to see it making. A 150,000 partisans in Belarus (so as many in a single region as were operating against the USSR in two regions a year or two later) is well within a total of 500,000 in the Soviet Union. Yet the Germans still were more crippled by their own lack of resources and inability to cope with the logistical environment, issues which don't apply to the Soviets in the short/medium-term, then they were these partisans. So why should we take seriously the claim that a smaller number of partisans will suddenly act several orders of magnitude more effectively against the USSR?

No, it actually doesn't as the 70,000 figure is for the entirety of the USSR in 1941, 125,000 in 1942 in the entirety of the USSR and then, ultimately, 150,000 behind the lines in 1944 at a time when Moscow was directly inserting formations behind the line. Seems awfully randomly for there to be 500,000 partisans at once when the number was essentially the same for both 1942 and 1944 while the Germans lost large amounts of territory in 1943.

As for the Soviets, they literally face exactly the same issues as the Germans; Soviet production is nowhere near enough to sustain their own logistical needs.
Well, the number of partisans within Poland are likely smaller then they were against the Germans as well. The Home Army was still around, of course, but the Germans had ripped it's heart out in the Uprising so it was weaker then it was against the Germans.

Probably.

"Limited" in the sense that their confined outside of the Pacific, yes. I don't see why they'd be any different within Europe though, not with the political pressures at home now that the war is over. Any troops who were demobilized IOTL but aren't IATL would be in the Pacific.

We're assuming a Soviet attack comes sometime in the second half of 1945; mass demobilizations and transport home only became a thing in July. With WWII still raging, the disorganized mob that troops in the ETO became after the Japanese surrender simply isn't going to occur.

You mean said German formations which actually knew they were at war and dug into heavy fortifications and with extremely large cores of still well-motivated, experienced troops who weren't too busy celebrating the good life with the locals to let their soldiering skills go completely to waste?

You mean the same Germans using old men and young boys with no recent combat experience?

No, it still is a valid point, as your transparent dodging of the rest of my post indicates: it's still cherrypicking a report that only studies a limited number of engagements between Shermans and the Germans and then comparing it to a article who uses total number of T-34s losses versus total number of German tank losses... only for it to not give the total number of German tank losses and when we do look at the total number of German tank losses, it's claim still turns out to be an overestimate (the actual rate is 3:1). In any case, we can do the same for the Sherman as well: the Anglo-Americans lost 7,062 Shermans in the Northwest European Campaign, the Germans lost 6,271, of which 4,438 were suffered in the East, which means 1,833 were lost in the Northwestern European Campaign (and Italy). Again, applying the same math in terms of days as before:

It's not a limited number of engagements, it's actually an exhaustive study the Army did in 1954 to examine how best to absorb lessons from WWII in terms of combat performance. As for the rate, it seems you've confused AFVs with tanks; for tanks its 4:1 but for AFVs on total it's 3:1 as noted. Either way, if the Americans are maintaining a positive kill count against the Germans while the Germans were maintaining a 3:1 against the Soviets, that speaks volumes.

20.5 Shermans per day.
8.8 German tanks per day.

So according to these numbers, the Sherman suffered 2.3 losses for every German tank lost, only slightly better then the T-34.

I literally just cited the U.S. Army study which shows otherwise.
 

marathag

Banned
inferior tanks? Weren't the late war Soviet tanks superior to just about everyone else's?
Yes, and no.

JS III is on paper, an awesome tank.

Raw stats don't really point out the terrible ergonomics, poor outside vision( no commander's cupola) slow load time for the main gun, and a bit than two dozen rounds, with more than half of them HE, and over stressed transmission and engine.

Their main use was in shooting at Hungarian protesters, as the the ones that Egypt got(modified to take care of some of the above shortcomings) played pretty much no role in combat either.
 
My bad on forgetting about this.

The timing is the matter, the screenshot shows only one was active in the Soviet zone in 1945/1946. I'm willing to concede on this though if you've got citations.

Except it doesn't say that? It only says this about those plants: "Three other plants in their zone, at Leuna, Bohlen, Zeitz, and the Sudetenland plant at Brux (Most), which the Soviets gave to Czechoslovakia, continued with coal and tar hydrogenation, and, after modification, refined petroleum into the early 1960s. " The only timestamp there is when the plants ceased production. The reality is that the only timestamps we have there are: (A) when the plants closed ("the 1960s"), (B) a temporary interruption of production at the Leuna facility ("1947"), and (C) a point at which the two plants in the British zone were known to be operational ("as of February 1946"). There's no indication of when precisely besides the vague phrase "after the war".

The only plants it gives any timestamps for being operational are the two British ones. Even then, it says that they were in operation "as of 1946", which leaves open the possibility they were placed back into operation earlier.

Sure, but neither of us have managed to find a citation yet about the plant in the first place.

Thus leaving it something of an open question.

DN1Plw5l_o.png


We were talking about the British plants, of which both were "producing oils and waves from fatty acids". You're right there's nothing in the source that says they can't be used for military production, but there's also nothing to say they could be either; entirely likely they could be converted for low octane fuels, but that's useless for modern fighters of the time.

I'd imagine that the Germans had used them to, but then the Germans were in a position where they needed every last drop of fuel they could get.

Actually I asked Art over on AHF and this is what he has:
...
As stated, this is both low and high octane fuels production.

So a 1.334 million ton minimum upper limit of 1.344 million production capacity, based on the 1944 figures. Lower then I expected. Possibly the proportion of high-octane avgas production increased and low-octane avgas declined? He doesn't have figures for the immediate post-war economy (1946-1950)?

Also, running the site through google translate and navigating over to the agricultural section is netting me some interesting numbers and gives a pretty clear indication that the agricultural recovery of '44-'45 was not just limited to grain.

EDIT: Oh, sweet. Table 13 is on the avgas supply. Stockpile figures, about 910,000 tons in '45, finally...

There's over two million Allied personnel and it's just two plants well behind the lines. There is no question that the Allies won't be able to trash them if needed, even if we take two weeks as the timetable.

Sure, there were over two million Axis personnel in 1944, yet the Soviets still managed to achieve those ROAs. And there's very much question of whether the WAllies would be able to trash them, although these questions heavily hinge on fundamental unknowables: will the WAllies necessity and accord the relevant priority to destroying the plants? How fast do the WAllies recognize said necessity of destroying the plants? By the time they do recognize, is there still enough time to arrange for the transportation of explosives and demolition specialists and for them to plant and detonate the explosives? And no, it's two named plants behind the lines. The total number of plants indicated are 21. It names 11 of them, of which 2 are identified as in the western zone. That leaves another 10 synthetic fuel plants of unknown location and productive capabilities out there.

Because Hunger and War directly states the loss of that would mean it's impossible to feed the Red Army.

I did, literally on the last page even:
MTrRlP8L_o.png

It's pretty clearly saying that the Red Army couldn't have been fed based on the food production of 1942 and 1943, but it still says nothing about whether it could have been fed on the food production of 1944/45.

No, actually it says it had begun to recede but had not disappeared.

It says it had disappeared by December 1944 "as a factor which influenced workers health" (Pg 320), at least in the factory it was using to illustrate. If that factory is representative of the whole of the Soviet Union, and the book indicates they were studying that factory precisely it because it is ("while we could have chosen several Urals factories, the value of No.63 is that it allows us to tracethe progression of days lost to starvation on a month-by-month basis over the course of 1943 and 1944", pg 319) then clearly starvation had disappeared by 1945.

No, it actually doesn't as the 70,000 figure is for the entirety of the USSR in 1941, 125,000 in 1942 in the entirety of the USSR and then, ultimately, 150,000 behind the lines in 1944 at a time when Moscow was directly inserting formations behind the line. Seems awfully randomly for there to be 500,000 partisans at once when the number was essentially the same for both 1942 and 1944 while the Germans lost large amounts of territory in 1943.

It specifically says the 150,000 figure is for Belarus in black and white:

Operation Bagration would strike Heeresgruppe Mitte with the 1st, 2nd, and 3rd Belorussian Fronts. According to Soviet sources, there were about 150,000 partisans organized into 150 brigades and 49 detachments behind the German front in Belorussia.

I'm not sure in what world "in Belorussia" becomes "in the entire occupied USSR". I could see a decline from '43 to '44 but on the order of 350,000? Despite that sections of Ukraine (or Eastern Poland, depending on your perspective) and the Baltic States remained to be cleared?

As for the Soviets, they literally face exactly the same issues as the Germans; Soviet production is nowhere near enough to sustain their own logistical needs.

And we all know that the Germans instantly collapsed into nothingness once the war began and didn't, oh say, overrun Poland, the Low Countries, France, Denmark, Norway, Yugoslavia, Greece, large swathes of the USSR, and achieve deep advances into the North African desert before finally running out of steam and even then took an additional three years and millions of lives to defeat...
We're assuming a Soviet attack comes sometime in the second half of 1945; mass demobilizations and transport home only became a thing in July. With WWII still raging, the disorganized mob that troops in the ETO became after the Japanese surrender simply isn't going to occur.

Per the OP, we are presuming the Soviets attack during Operation Downfall. That means an attack in the winter of 1945-46. Again, we have nothing to indicate that the ETO demobilization will not proceed as per OTL... and OTL to indicate it will, given that even you just admitted that the relevant program began in July, a full-month-and-a-half before the Japanese surrender when there was no indication that WW2 was going to be over before even 1946 much less the autumn of 1945.

You mean the same Germans using old men and young boys with no recent combat experience?

I'm discussing mid-1944, not late-1944. While there were old men and young boys with no recent combat experience, there were also still massive numbers of experienced veterans in these formations as well who were well-motivated, disciplined, and hard fighting and only perished when the Soviets and, to a lesser extent, WAllies ripped them to shreds and inflicted massive losses upon them in their summer offensive operations.

It's not a limited number of engagements,

Uh, yes it is. The article very specifically identified the number of engagements studied, involving only two US armored formations, and makes it absolutely clear that it is examining a limited number of engagements. Even the timeframe was limited:

On average, one crewman was killed when a Sherman was knocked out.*

In 1954, the US Army's Ballistics Research Laboratory conducted a study of tank vs tank engagements fought by the 3rd and 4th Armored Divisions from August to December 1944.

98 engagements were identified, including 33 from the Ardennes fighting. The typical engagement involved 9 US Shermans against 4 German AFVs. Only 1/3 of the total involved more then 3 German AFVs. The average range Shermans inflicted kills on the panzers was 893yds, and the panzers averaged kills at 946yds.

The study concluded that the most important factor was spotting and shooting first. Defenders fired first 84% of all engagement, inflicting 4.3 times more casualties on the attackers then suffered. When the attackers fired first, they inflicted 3.6 times as many casualties on the defenders compared to own losses.

29 engagements involved Panthers and Shermans. The Shermans had an average numerical advantage of 1.2:1. The data showed the Panther had a 10% advantage over the attacking Sherman when the Panther defended, but the Sherman was a whopping 8.4 times more effective then attacking Panthers when the Sherman defended. Overall, the Sherman was 3.6 times as effective as the Panther in all engagements. German A/T guns however, were by far the most effective anti-Sherman weapon they had.

From the study itself:
Data on World War II
Tank Engagements
Involving the U.S.
Third and Fourth Armored Divisions


According to Table II, the most common type of engagement was Shermans defending against Panthers, and the Shermans fired first. In 19 engagements, involving 104 Shermans and 93 Panthers, 5 Shermans were destroyed compared to 57 Panthers.

The second most common engagement was US Tank destroyers defending against Panthers, with the TDs firing first. In 11 engagements, involving 61 TDs and 19 Panthers, 1 TD was lost compared to all 19 Panthers.

The most successful enemy weapon was antitank guns defending. In 9 engagements (3rd most common), 19 a/t guns inflicted 25 casualties on 104 total attacking Shermans, losing 3 guns in exchange.

The 4th most common engagement was Shermans attacking Panthers, and the Shermans fired first. In 5 actions a total of 41 Shermans fought 17 Panthers, losing 2 and taking 12 Panthers in return.

In 40 actions in which the US forces were attacking, they had 437 weapons and lost 100 (23%). The Germans had 135 and lost 45 (33%). In 37 actions in which the Germans were attacking, the US had 205 weapons, losing 14 (7%), and the Germans lost 83 of 138 (60%).

* For comparison, when a T-34 was knocked out, on average, one crewman survived.

So unless you are also claiming that the Third and Fourth Armored Divisions were the only two armored divisions* in the entire Allied Expeditionary Force to see action against the Germans and that their actions only constitute 98 engagements which only occurred between August and December 1944, and all that would be a positively astonishing claim requiring a exorbitant amount of evidence and very little evidence to disprove, the report is quite clearly studying a limited number of engagements in a limited number of instances during a limited timeframe.

*Or Armored anything, really.

it's actually an exhaustive study the Army did in 1954 to examine how best to absorb lessons from WWII in terms of combat performance. As for the rate, it seems you've confused AFVs with tanks;

No, no I did not. Here is the post where I compare number of Sherman's lost vs number of German tanks lost:

In any case, we can do the same for the Sherman as well: the Anglo-Americans lost 7,062 Shermans in the Northwest European Campaign, the Germans lost 6,271, of which 4,438 were suffered in the East, which means 1,833 were lost in the Northwestern European Campaign (and Italy). Again, applying the same math in terms of days as before:

And here's the earlier post where I compare number of WAllied AFVs lost with number of German AFVs lost:

Now, there are two sources I've seen that gives total German AFV losses in 1944. The first is Waffen und Geheimwaffen des Deutschen Heeres: 1933- 1945, which gives a figure of 12,613 AFVs for 1944. The other is FMS P-059 - German Tank Strength and Loss Statistics, which gives a figure of 11,916. We'll go with the upper figure for now. It's worth keeping in mind though: the German criteria for what counts as a "loss" is much, much, much higher then for the WAllies or Soviets. Now to subtract the Eastern Front figure from that: the only source I've ever seen is from here. And it shows that the Germans lost 9,575 AFVs in the East in 1944*. 12,613-9,575=3,038.

So unless you exist in a universe where the 1,833=3,038, it's pretty clear I removed German AFVs which weren't tanks when making the calculation comparing Sherman losses against German tanks.

I literally just cited the U.S. Army study which shows otherwise.

No, you cited a US Army study which gives a bunch of numbers that mean nothing anything more then my numbers do. Lies, damn lies, and all that...
 
Last edited:
50% of already insufficient.
Yes, under the normal circumstances this would be the case but with a severe rationing it provided enough food for survival (and perhaps even somewhat more). Of course, it should be remembered that both in agriculture and industry the able-bodied men had been massively replaced by the women and even teenagers.
 

marathag

Banned
Yes, under the normal circumstances this would be the case but with a severe rationing it provided enough food for survival (and perhaps even somewhat more). Of course, it should be remembered that both in agriculture and industry the able-bodied men had been massively replaced by the women and even teenagers.
And they were not getting the job done to keep people from Famine, were they?
 
How many carriers and strategic bombers are needed to keep Japan contained? The rest can be used against the USSR, sending the flat tops to the Atlantic and using their planes from land bases, if there's a need for more planes. 100 carriers, with from 30 to 100 planes each, even if some are Wildcats, is a formidable addition--well over 3000 combat aircraft.
 
Top