If there were any possibility of this at all, you would need a POD before 1900--probably during Reconstruction. To quote an old post of mine:
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Some congressional Republicans seemed to advocate de facto establishment of parliamentary government during the Andrew Johnson impeachment. Indeed, that was seen to be the real issue in the impeachment fight by some observers at the time.
Consider what was written by a friend of J.A. Garfield (quoted in W.R. Brock, *An American Crisis: Congress and Reconstruction 1865-1867*, Harper Torchbooks edition, p. 260): "The next great question to be decided in our history is this--is the National Legislature to be as omnipotent in American politics as the English is in English politics?...May we not anticipate a time when the President will no more think of vetoing a bill passed by Congress than the British Crown thinks of doing the same thing?"
Also note the remarks of Wisconsin Senator Timothy Howe on the Tenure of Office Act: when a Democratic Senator referred to the President's "own cabinet" Howe specifically denied that it was such. It was, he said, "the Cabinet of the people." He compared the American and British systems and said of cabinet members that "it is no more necessary that they should be on confidential terms with the president than that they should be on confidential terms with the representatives of the people."(Brock, p. 259)
But remember that they said such things because they were facing a *hostile* president--one who was totally out of touch with the great majority of Union Party voters of 1864 who had elected Lincoln and him. There is just no way that they would develop similar feelings about Lincoln--who might on occasion be bitterly criticized by fellow Republicans but whom they nevertheless recognized as one of their own. If Lincoln were at all successful and it seemed the Republicans would be likely to retain the White House in 1868, the last thing they would want to do would be to weaken the presidency.
Indeed, even in OTL I doubt that such views would prevail even if Johnson were convicted. Once Grant would be elected president in 1868 (after a few months interim rule by Wade) it seems unlikely that Congressional Republicans would adhere to such an unorthodox position on legislative-executive relations. To the extent that they came to such a position even temporarily in OTL, it was only due to extreme frustration with Johnson's systematic sabotage of Congress's Reconstruction policy (originally, John Sherman did not even want to include Cabinet officers in the Tenure of Office Act). With a popular president of their own party, they would probably revert to more traditional practice.