Yeah the first map was 1950/60, so now we are focusing on more present day stuff.
The Yankee Dominion: A Map and World Building Project
- Thread starter Nazi Space Spy
- Start date
Yeah the first map was 1950/60, so now we are focusing on more present day stuff.
Wedding the agrarian and small-town populism of the Great Lakes to a major global metropolis and her environs is a process that permanently scars the political system. Which side ends up with that scar depends on the population of each group. New York is ruled over by the greater NYC metro, to the detriment of her upstate. Illinois strives for New York’s ideal, though to reach that goal it needs gerrymandering. Pennsylvania has smaller metros when compared to the other two, so the compromises between both lifestyles are made to keep the seat of government running. Ontario has wed the two through competition, a decision that has scarred not the geography but the parties.
After all, who hasn’t heard the statement, “As goes Ontario, so goes The Nation.” When the fixed election act was passed in the 1960s, Ontario ended up voting 3 months before the chosen date for the general election. Those first years established a tradition that Ontario would unanimously dissolve itself to always have an election 3 months ahead of the nation, even when the government in Toronto had a majority. What once started as a simple coincidence now became de facto law – any prominent politician that called for its end found him/herself with tanking approvals. The goal of course was originally financial, Ontario’s permanent position brought national politicians, ad money, and party infrastructure to the region. But as before, it became tradition. If Ontario wasn’t clearly competitive nationally to begin with then perhaps the tradition wouldn’t have lasted. But it thrived.
The downside of such a system was that it neutered the Ontarian political parties. The parties would become unofficial subsidiaries of their national cousins, arguing national messages. Local issues like rent, healthcare, and infrastructure were not totally forgotten, but then took a backseat to Philadelphia. This led to Ontario usually matching the eventual national picture. While local issues could sometimes lead to divergences between the province and the nation, the two were often very similar. (this mirrors PA, which likes to vote for opposite governments to the national one) The gradual movement of Ontario from a marginal province to one that was left-of-center made divergences even more common, weakening the usefulness of the province acting as a national barometer.
The national parties passed down solutions to this supposed crisis – solutions that were only loosely implemented. The federals called for leveling seats that would ‘correct’ for the minor parties now popping up, or perhaps a rapid expansion of the contestable seats to give the minors more opportunities. To keep the Tories viable, the Coalition called for more moderate policies that could attract minorities in Toronto. Neither exactly happened as planned – the local parties finally were exerted some independence. The provincial seat total was increased, but the block system remained. This was thanks to the ‘additional’ seats not really incentivizing minor parties. Instead of say, 20% of the seats being leveling, Ontario decided that every relevant block below official party status (15 seats, or 10% of the vote) would get one seat to argue with in Toronto. Relevancy was defined as 1 seat, >1% of the vote, or coming in second in at least 2% of seats. Why start a minor party when your end result was likely 1 seat in opposition?
The Coalition similarly ‘reformed’ their system: moderate leaders were not nominated, instead the Coalitions leader would now come from the Progressive Party. The extreme wings of Reform and the general Conservatives were not challenged – a dangerous fate since the Progressives usually had less seats then the Conservatives. It however did achieve the electoral goal since the Progressives were the Conservatives answer to the classic ‘Red Tory’ of York County and Toronto. Minorities didn’t end up being the swing votes – they were loyal to the Liberals. Rather, it was the high-income whites of Eglinton and North York who would decide elections. The rest of the province would enter a state of working class and minorities VS rurals and upper class common to the Great Lakes.
After all, who hasn’t heard the statement, “As goes Ontario, so goes The Nation.” When the fixed election act was passed in the 1960s, Ontario ended up voting 3 months before the chosen date for the general election. Those first years established a tradition that Ontario would unanimously dissolve itself to always have an election 3 months ahead of the nation, even when the government in Toronto had a majority. What once started as a simple coincidence now became de facto law – any prominent politician that called for its end found him/herself with tanking approvals. The goal of course was originally financial, Ontario’s permanent position brought national politicians, ad money, and party infrastructure to the region. But as before, it became tradition. If Ontario wasn’t clearly competitive nationally to begin with then perhaps the tradition wouldn’t have lasted. But it thrived.
The downside of such a system was that it neutered the Ontarian political parties. The parties would become unofficial subsidiaries of their national cousins, arguing national messages. Local issues like rent, healthcare, and infrastructure were not totally forgotten, but then took a backseat to Philadelphia. This led to Ontario usually matching the eventual national picture. While local issues could sometimes lead to divergences between the province and the nation, the two were often very similar. (this mirrors PA, which likes to vote for opposite governments to the national one) The gradual movement of Ontario from a marginal province to one that was left-of-center made divergences even more common, weakening the usefulness of the province acting as a national barometer.
The national parties passed down solutions to this supposed crisis – solutions that were only loosely implemented. The federals called for leveling seats that would ‘correct’ for the minor parties now popping up, or perhaps a rapid expansion of the contestable seats to give the minors more opportunities. To keep the Tories viable, the Coalition called for more moderate policies that could attract minorities in Toronto. Neither exactly happened as planned – the local parties finally were exerted some independence. The provincial seat total was increased, but the block system remained. This was thanks to the ‘additional’ seats not really incentivizing minor parties. Instead of say, 20% of the seats being leveling, Ontario decided that every relevant block below official party status (15 seats, or 10% of the vote) would get one seat to argue with in Toronto. Relevancy was defined as 1 seat, >1% of the vote, or coming in second in at least 2% of seats. Why start a minor party when your end result was likely 1 seat in opposition?
The Coalition similarly ‘reformed’ their system: moderate leaders were not nominated, instead the Coalitions leader would now come from the Progressive Party. The extreme wings of Reform and the general Conservatives were not challenged – a dangerous fate since the Progressives usually had less seats then the Conservatives. It however did achieve the electoral goal since the Progressives were the Conservatives answer to the classic ‘Red Tory’ of York County and Toronto. Minorities didn’t end up being the swing votes – they were loyal to the Liberals. Rather, it was the high-income whites of Eglinton and North York who would decide elections. The rest of the province would enter a state of working class and minorities VS rurals and upper class common to the Great Lakes.
The 2016 Election best symbolized all the classic trends of Ontario. Caroline Mulroney’s Coalition majority voted to dissolve itself to keep in line with the nation, and contested the province on national issues. Donald Trump found an ally in Toronto councilor Doug Ford, who would lead the American National Party in a sweep of the province. Their goal of course wasn’t power, but simply a full sweep of the rural south, one that would force the Alliance or the Coalition to enter a deal with Fords Nationals.
Just like the national election though, Trump did not end up being the story of the evening. Instead, it was a punishing of Tory moderates and a minor party proliferation that handed the Alliance a minority government – just like the nation. The American Nationals did win a good few seats, but failed to make headway in the many seats held by Reformists. Ford failed to win his seat in Etobicoke, forcing him to end up as the parties ‘+1.’ Their most notable effect was the transformation of the once dead-red Niagara region into once that was highly competitive. The key ‘Red Tories’ swung Left, but also partially to John Tory’s new localist, internationalist party. The Greens made gains at the expense of Bob Rae’s Alliance, but the general left-wing trend neutered their potential. Overall though, the results continued to match the typical political reality in Ontario. The left ruled minorities and the working class, the right ruled with whites, typically those possessing high levels of income.
Alliance: 85 Seats (Leader Bob Rae – Labor)
Labor: 51 Seats – General left-leaning party. Typically appeals more to poor minorities in Mississauga and other lower level working class groups. The left member that aligns more with the Great Lakes identity.
Liberal: 34 Seats – Similar to the federal Liberals, yet weaker. Does better in areas with high income, urban liberals, and has a loyal following with the Chinese in Toronto. The left member that aligns more with the Mid-Atlantic urban identity.
Coalition: 67 Seats (Leader Caroline Mulroney – Progressive)
Conservative: 29 Seats – The Federalists in all but name. For along time, the Conservatives had to compete with the other members of their block for leadership, until the position became an almost permanent throne for the Progressives. This move has led to a growth in the right wing of the Conservatives, who argue they should have the position, regardless of whether it would weaken the party electorally. They after all have the most seats. The most ‘Great Lakes’ identifying of the coalition parties.
Progressive: 20 Seats – Nationally, the Progressives are not part of the Coalition. However, the prominence of the Red Tory and the dominance of the moderate ideology in Toronto and her environs always meant the Progressives were a force in Ontarian politics. Once they were their own block, but repeated elections saw the potential right vote cut to pieces, transforming potential wins into Left landslides thanks to FPTP. Ontario Progressives are internationalists and identify with the Mid-Atlantic identity.
Reform: 12 Seats – Branch of the federal Reform Party. Never really had too big of a following in Ontario until the moderation of the Coalition, leading to Reform becoming a home for various members further to the right. Still generally remains loyal to the lower taxes and less government ideology, but their anti-establishment streak insolated the party against the Trump movement.
Rassemblement pour la Liberté: 6 Seats – The latest iteration of Ontario’s French party is closely tied to the Federal party. The French in Ontario hug the Quebec border, and their identity is tied to said neighbor. The party works hard to preserve Dual Language programs in Ontario and every now and again raises a fuss over a social conservative wedge issue.
Minor Parties
American National Party: 9 + 1 Seats – Doug Ford was hand-picked by Donald Trump to wave the banner of populism in Ontario. They however largely failed to make true headway – other anti-establishment parties like Reform limited potential southern gains. The urban working class’s loyalty in Ontario to the left didn’t help. The fact that about 60% of the population lived in the Greater Toronto Area also ended up nullifying potential gains – the only seat the party actually came close in within the region was Ford’s target in central Etobicoke. Even though they focus more on economic issues rather then outright racism, the parties association with Trump prevents them from making inroads into the globalist metropolis.
Ontario Greens: 6 + 1 Seats – Typical Green Party. The base of the Ontario Greens in the gentrifying and diverse areas at the center of Toronto, but other wealthy liberal urban regions ended up going Green. The party has a hard focus on renewable energy: everything from the Niagara hydro plants to Solar panels at Toronto Bus stops. Currently provides supply for the Alliance.
York Liberal Alliance: 2 + 1 Seats – John Tory is a bit of an oddity, best summarized as a true Red Tory. He was an independent last session, but decided to form his own party to appeal specifically to wealthy Red Tories in central Toronto and the York Neighborhoods. The party is internationalist and truly Liberal.
American Heritage: + 1 Seats – Unlike the agrarian plains, the Heritage party never really took of in Ontario. Despite this, the federal party sponsors a local branch to because of the ‘first-in-the-nation’ effect. Most voters come from rural seats in Central and Northern Ontario.
Socialist Workers: + 1 Seats – Similar to Heritage the Workers sponsor a local branch despite really lacking the possibility of winning a seat. Voters come from urban Toronto, Waterloo, and Hamilton.
Solidarity and Justice Party: + 1 Seats – Minor Ontarian Party for Indians and other South Asians in Mississauga. Fiercely Social Conservative, but big on welfare and integration programs. Mostly wins votes off of abusing the contrast between the poverty of Peel and the rest of the region.
Ontarian Party: + 1 Seats – A supposedly centrist party, but they only really have one issue. Ontario in their minds is am English province, and any other language or integration programs should be eliminated. Hates the French. Wins votes in most seats, and gets this ‘bonus’ seat always from passing 1%.
Independents: 1 Seat - Portuguese localist politician with a popular following.
Labor: 51 Seats – General left-leaning party. Typically appeals more to poor minorities in Mississauga and other lower level working class groups. The left member that aligns more with the Great Lakes identity.
Liberal: 34 Seats – Similar to the federal Liberals, yet weaker. Does better in areas with high income, urban liberals, and has a loyal following with the Chinese in Toronto. The left member that aligns more with the Mid-Atlantic urban identity.
Coalition: 67 Seats (Leader Caroline Mulroney – Progressive)
Conservative: 29 Seats – The Federalists in all but name. For along time, the Conservatives had to compete with the other members of their block for leadership, until the position became an almost permanent throne for the Progressives. This move has led to a growth in the right wing of the Conservatives, who argue they should have the position, regardless of whether it would weaken the party electorally. They after all have the most seats. The most ‘Great Lakes’ identifying of the coalition parties.
Progressive: 20 Seats – Nationally, the Progressives are not part of the Coalition. However, the prominence of the Red Tory and the dominance of the moderate ideology in Toronto and her environs always meant the Progressives were a force in Ontarian politics. Once they were their own block, but repeated elections saw the potential right vote cut to pieces, transforming potential wins into Left landslides thanks to FPTP. Ontario Progressives are internationalists and identify with the Mid-Atlantic identity.
Reform: 12 Seats – Branch of the federal Reform Party. Never really had too big of a following in Ontario until the moderation of the Coalition, leading to Reform becoming a home for various members further to the right. Still generally remains loyal to the lower taxes and less government ideology, but their anti-establishment streak insolated the party against the Trump movement.
Rassemblement pour la Liberté: 6 Seats – The latest iteration of Ontario’s French party is closely tied to the Federal party. The French in Ontario hug the Quebec border, and their identity is tied to said neighbor. The party works hard to preserve Dual Language programs in Ontario and every now and again raises a fuss over a social conservative wedge issue.
Minor Parties
American National Party: 9 + 1 Seats – Doug Ford was hand-picked by Donald Trump to wave the banner of populism in Ontario. They however largely failed to make true headway – other anti-establishment parties like Reform limited potential southern gains. The urban working class’s loyalty in Ontario to the left didn’t help. The fact that about 60% of the population lived in the Greater Toronto Area also ended up nullifying potential gains – the only seat the party actually came close in within the region was Ford’s target in central Etobicoke. Even though they focus more on economic issues rather then outright racism, the parties association with Trump prevents them from making inroads into the globalist metropolis.
Ontario Greens: 6 + 1 Seats – Typical Green Party. The base of the Ontario Greens in the gentrifying and diverse areas at the center of Toronto, but other wealthy liberal urban regions ended up going Green. The party has a hard focus on renewable energy: everything from the Niagara hydro plants to Solar panels at Toronto Bus stops. Currently provides supply for the Alliance.
York Liberal Alliance: 2 + 1 Seats – John Tory is a bit of an oddity, best summarized as a true Red Tory. He was an independent last session, but decided to form his own party to appeal specifically to wealthy Red Tories in central Toronto and the York Neighborhoods. The party is internationalist and truly Liberal.
American Heritage: + 1 Seats – Unlike the agrarian plains, the Heritage party never really took of in Ontario. Despite this, the federal party sponsors a local branch to because of the ‘first-in-the-nation’ effect. Most voters come from rural seats in Central and Northern Ontario.
Socialist Workers: + 1 Seats – Similar to Heritage the Workers sponsor a local branch despite really lacking the possibility of winning a seat. Voters come from urban Toronto, Waterloo, and Hamilton.
Solidarity and Justice Party: + 1 Seats – Minor Ontarian Party for Indians and other South Asians in Mississauga. Fiercely Social Conservative, but big on welfare and integration programs. Mostly wins votes off of abusing the contrast between the poverty of Peel and the rest of the region.
Ontarian Party: + 1 Seats – A supposedly centrist party, but they only really have one issue. Ontario in their minds is am English province, and any other language or integration programs should be eliminated. Hates the French. Wins votes in most seats, and gets this ‘bonus’ seat always from passing 1%.
Independents: 1 Seat - Portuguese localist politician with a popular following.
Canada and US have two different systems, with different ethnic groups swearing different loyalties. I tried to viably merge the two, with an understanding that the system wouldn’t be replicated nationally. The result is one that kind of resembles the OTL NDP – strongholds in Hamilton, Windsor, and other Working-Class regions. However, it also takes from every other province and the national system; minorities are loyal to the left rather then divided like OTL. Unlike the divided Mississauga and Scarborough of OTL, these areas are strongholds – in addition to minority cities like Ajax. Other Whiter areas like north/west York County and Halton are more Tory then OTL. The key swing region in not the minority communities in East/West Toronto, but the whiter, wealthier north-center (North York) loosely analogous to Chicago’s North Shore.
Nazi Space Spy
Banned
Another update on my status: this project is going flawlessly on autopilot, and I no longer believe I have the moral authority to use my veto after my extended absence. I still look forward to participating from time to time and will be more active this coming semester.
Also, has West Florida’s parties been set yet?
Also, has West Florida’s parties been set yet?
ST15RM
Banned
Looking at the sheet they haven’t yet.
Oh and @Oryxslayer can you make electoral maps of the northern territories?
No, west Florida has not been set, go right ahead. I unfortunately would probably prefer to map everything except four of the five north territories - it was already hard enough to find data for the Yukon. Ungava is an option though since I already have Quebec data. Any requests for that?
Edit: Unless by northern territory you mean TTL territories congruent with the OTL Northwest Territory. If so, no.
Edit: Unless by northern territory you mean TTL territories congruent with the OTL Northwest Territory. If so, no.
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ST15RM
Banned
probably Ungava and Athabasca (i’m assuming that’s the one you could do), besides, all the others you could do on a table/graphic.
I can see what i can do. I know its spanish mainly but what about demographics etc. Like i'm guessing its a mostly catholic country correct and their is a significant German minority?
What is the standard of living as well there? (I know California is the upper end of developing/middle power, closer to otl Argentina right?)
ST15RM
Banned
There are Anglo and (a few) Cajun settlers out east, German settlers in OTL Hill country. The Western and Southern areas are a Hispanic majority.
Alright I'll give it a shot and edit it from there (note, the spanish here is all google translate so its almost guaranteed to be wrong). This is sorted by membership numbers and not seats by the way.
All parties officially go by both their Spanish and English name (though they're most commonly referred to their Spanish names or the spanish acronym's i.e. PDC.
Political Parties of Tejas (Texas):
Dominant Party:
Partido Demócrata Cristiano (Christian Democratic Party) - Right Wing (Social Conservatism, Christian Democracy, National Conservatism, Tejas Nationalism, Right-Wing Populism, Economic Populism)
The Dominant Party in Tejas and the one that more often then not forms power. Their attitudes match that of the majority of the people, socially conservative and a bit economically populist (however leaning to the right most of the time). The party has a strict anti-communist past as well. They're spending their first term out of power in decades after this years election.
Major Party:
Liberales (Liberals) - Centre (Neoliberalism, Economic Liberalism, Social Liberalism, Third Way)
Usually the 2nd largest party in the parliament, they are a free market, neoliberal party that advocates FTA and a market free economy as well as some social reforms. Typically very popular in the inner metropolitan areas of Tejas such as Bexar, Buffalo and San Elizario (where the party's HQ is).
The party has won government for the first time in over 30 years with Beto O'Rourke leading the party to victory in coalition with La Izquierda, Deutsche Rechte and Partido Agricultores, with a 15% swing against the PDC (with the PDC winning 58% last election to Liberales 26%, this time PDC won only 43% and Liberales won 35%.
Minor Parties:
La izquierda (The Left) - Left-Wing (Progressivism, Social Democracy, Democratic Socialism, Green Politics, Eco Socialism, Green Socialism, Left-Wing Populism)
Founded 10 years ago by some students, La Izquierda began as a protest party but has become very popular with the under 30 vote, with the party representing the youth which want change in the traditionally conservative country. They advocate a wide range of social changes that are considered rather extreme by Tejas standards such as Same-Sex Marriage, Abortion Rights and Gun Control.
Deutsche Rechte (Derechos Alemanes, German Rights) - Big-Tent (German Minority Interests)
A Big tent party for the German minority. They're typically a more minor party (roughly the same size as La Izquierda) as most of the German minority either vote for the PDC or Liberales.
Partido Agricultores (Farmers Party) - Right-Wing (Agrarian Politics, Agrarian Conservatism)
Fairly self explanatory, represents farmers interests within Tejas. They typically caucus with the PDC, however have decided to enter into a coalition with the Liberales for this term (after dissatisfaction with the PDC's inaction and Liberales promising certain tariffs on international dairy and food products and subsidies for domestic produce). Typically are socially conservative, matching with the attitudes in rural areas.
Tiradores y Cazadores (Shooters and Hunters) - Right-Wing to Far-Right (Pro-Gun Rights, Anti-Gun Legislation, Anti-Animal Protection, Pro-Hunting)
Formed by a former PDC member, the party has a singular focus on protecting the rights that gun owners currently have. The party was formed in part because of the pressure applied from Liberales and to a lesser extent, La Izquierda and even Deutsche Recthe for some level of gun control.
Micro Parties:
El Movimento (The Movement) - Syncretic (Pirate Politics, Direct Democracy, E-Democracy, Freedom of Information, Network Neutrality, Open Government)
The movement is the other party of some significance that has found its way from student politics. The Party hosts a wide range of Pirate Politics, with the main one being more direct democracy and open government as well as regarding Freedom of Information and Net Neutrality crucial.
Partido Demócrata Nacional (National Democratic Party) - Far-Right (Tejas Nationalism, National Conservatism, Economic Nationalism, Protectionism, Right-Wing Populism, Anti-Immigration)
Formed by a former PDC member who thought that the CDP wasn't right-wing enough (which is rather hard to believe but that's another story), the party is very nationalistic and very protectionist in its economic policy, they also want an almost complete halt to immigration (despite the CDP having immigration at very low levels to begin with). The party hasn't gained that much traction, with the party rife with infighting, as well as being rather divisive in nature and rhetoric, even for Tejas (having a properly islamaphobic streak to them and being called outright racists by a sizeable amount of the people).
Partido Comunista de Tejas (Communist Party of Tejas) - Far-Left (Communism, Tejas Communism, Marxism-Leninism, Pacifism, Scientific Socialism)
The boogeyman of Tejan politics, the Communists are easily the most disliked political entity in the country (and thats mainly from the right, the left aren't that concerned with them). They want to abolish the traditional political system and want to introduce a fully socialist system. The Party was banned for a period between the 20's and 30's (during the height of the popularity of Socialism in Tejas) and then between the 50's and 80's (that was mainly due to a conservative government). The party for the large part is completely irrelevant however, having failed to gain more than 2% at any election since the late 90's (with them getting only 1.8% of the vote at the last election).
As for Information on Tejas. Basing it off Wolfram's info (also i'd imagine Tejas would be fairly rural, comparative to the likes of Portugal and Ireland perhaps):
Federal Republic of Tejas:
Population: 42,064,877
Official Language: Spanish
Recognised Languages: English, German
GDP: $1.011 Trillion (Nominal), $1.303 Trillion (PPP)
Per Capita: $24,057 (Nominal), $30,987 (PPP)
HDI: 0.83
Gini: 0.42
Largest Contributors to Economy: Oil, Natural Resources, Agriculture, Retail, Services
Demographics (Origins):52% Latino (Includes Spanish-Tejans), 25% Anglo-Saxon, German 15%, 3% Asian, 5% Other
Drives on the: Right
Measurement System: Imperial
ISO Code: TJ
Internet pld: .tj
Federal Republic of Tejas:
Population: 42,064,877
Official Language: Spanish
Recognised Languages: English, German
GDP: $1.011 Trillion (Nominal), $1.303 Trillion (PPP)
Per Capita: $24,057 (Nominal), $30,987 (PPP)
HDI: 0.83
Gini: 0.42
Largest Contributors to Economy: Oil, Natural Resources, Agriculture, Retail, Services
Demographics (Origins):52% Latino (Includes Spanish-Tejans), 25% Anglo-Saxon, German 15%, 3% Asian, 5% Other
Drives on the: Right
Measurement System: Imperial
ISO Code: TJ
Internet pld: .tj
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ST15RM
Banned
So, here's my attempt at naming all the countries of Africa:
1: Mauritania
2: West Sudan
3: Tschad
4: East Sudan
5: Senegal
6: Mandingaland
7: Guinea-Bissau
8: Guinea-Conakry
9: Malinkeland
10: Sierra Leone
11: Grain Coast
12: Gold Coast
13: Songhai
14: Eweland
15: Togo
16: Nigeria
17: Benin
18: Kamerun/Cameroon
19: Central Africa
20: Equatoria
21: Shiraland
22: Gabon
23: Congo
24: Busoga
25: Buganda
26: Bunyoro
27: Acholi
28: Masai
29: Kenya
30: Tanganyika
31: Zanzibar
32: Barotseland
33: Rhodesia
34: Nyasaland
35: Makualand
36: Namibia
37: Tswana
38: Zambezia
39: Mozambique
2: West Sudan
3: Tschad
4: East Sudan
5: Senegal
6: Mandingaland
7: Guinea-Bissau
8: Guinea-Conakry
9: Malinkeland
10: Sierra Leone
11: Grain Coast
12: Gold Coast
13: Songhai
14: Eweland
15: Togo
16: Nigeria
17: Benin
18: Kamerun/Cameroon
19: Central Africa
20: Equatoria
21: Shiraland
22: Gabon
23: Congo
24: Busoga
25: Buganda
26: Bunyoro
27: Acholi
28: Masai
29: Kenya
30: Tanganyika
31: Zanzibar
32: Barotseland
33: Rhodesia
34: Nyasaland
35: Makualand
36: Namibia
37: Tswana
38: Zambezia
39: Mozambique
Hunters/Shooters, Farmers Party and National Democratic Party coalition headed by Alex Jones when?
Never probably. I doubt the Farmers and him would see eye to eye entirely (i mean they're in coalition with Liberales despite being right wing which i think shows something). Shooters and Hunters and NDP on the other hand, that is a coalition i could see, not a governing one but some kind of alliance.
@Nazi Space Spy
Do you mind if I post some stuff about TTL Poland?
For example an administrative division map.
Do you mind if I post some stuff about TTL Poland?
For example an administrative division map.
Administrative division of Poland:
Territory of Poland is divided into ten Voivodships and the Warsaw Capital City (Miasto Stołeczne Warszawa) - which de facto functions as the eleventh Voivodship.
The ten Voivodships are as follow (in alphabetical order):
- Częstochowa Voivodship (województwo częstochowskie);
- Kalisz Voivodship (województwo kaliskie);
- Lublin Voivodship (województwo lubelskie);
- Lesser Poland Voivodship (województwo małopolskie);
- Mazovian Voivodship (województwo mazowieckie);
- Piotrków Voivodship (województwo piotrkowskie);
- Płock Voivodship (województwo płockie);
- Subcarpathian Voivodship (województwo podkarpackie);
- Podlasie Voivodship (województwo podlaskie).
Territory of Poland is divided into ten Voivodships and the Warsaw Capital City (Miasto Stołeczne Warszawa) - which de facto functions as the eleventh Voivodship.
The ten Voivodships are as follow (in alphabetical order):
- Częstochowa Voivodship (województwo częstochowskie);
- Kalisz Voivodship (województwo kaliskie);
- Lublin Voivodship (województwo lubelskie);
- Lesser Poland Voivodship (województwo małopolskie);
- Mazovian Voivodship (województwo mazowieckie);
- Piotrków Voivodship (województwo piotrkowskie);
- Płock Voivodship (województwo płockie);
- Subcarpathian Voivodship (województwo podkarpackie);
- Podlasie Voivodship (województwo podlaskie).
ST15RM
Banned
I really do wanna focus on the arts/culture aspect. But @Oryxslayer i wonder what's left of the "skeleton" TL?