The entire bad azimuth affair is pretty damming. What I have to wonder is why Mitchner remained in command. Others like Fletcher or Gormley, who did better under far worse circumstances were replaced. Mitchner carries on after a major multifaceted failure in a critical battle.
1. Mitscher was naval aviator #4 in the USN. As such he had immense seniority in "the air club" and powerful Congressional patronage. It would be hard to either deny him a command or prevent him from asserting influence as a matter of seniority through service rules or politics. However history has a way of catching up with these guys.
2. For some strange reason, Admiral King took a personal dislike to Admiral Fletcher. During the Battle of the Eastern Solomons where Fletcher was injured in action and had to rotate out, it was an opportunity for King to reassign Fletcher. There was a thoroughly screwed up command in Alaska where the American army and navy cincs had come to almost killing blows over who was in charge. Guess who King sent to straighten that mess out for the American navy? It was a wise choice, as far as interservice politics was concerned but being assigned to a backwater theater was the dead end for Fletcher.
3. Ghormley was a tragedy as far as public relations and health issues were concerned. For quite some time he had a serious debilitating medical condition with his teeth that drove him almost mad with pain. The dentists who tried to treat him may have hooked him on pain killers, but something was badly affecting his mental judgment so he had to be relieved. We just do not know for sure, because the records were fudged to protect his public reputation and that of the American navy.
4. I have a lot of heartburn about Halsey, but give the man credit, when he took over, no matter the many mistakes he made, somehow his command bounced back and carried forward with élan. You need that quality in a leader despite his other shortcomings.
My take is he did try, he moved his carrier force into strike range of the suspected enemy position, reconnaissance was sent, and the strike force was on the deck, armed, and ready to launch.
Granted, but I think Somerville was incredibly lucky that it never came off. based on what he thought he knew, I suggest that he seriously underestimated Japanese night fighting ability as the Americans did. Also, hitting ships at sea at night as "Braindead" Takagi tried to do to Fletcher at Coral Sea, can have catastrophic consequences, as Fletcher taught the Japanese.
As I understand it the rehearsals involved the strike force retiring out of range before dawn.
As I understand it, Somerville disposed his forces into what Americans would recognize as two task groups and intended to operate them in mutual support. The "fast force" {Force A contained Warspite and Indomitable), was the maneuver force which he intended to strike, while the slow force (Force B which contained Hermes and the R-class battleships) would be base force upon which he would fall back once he had attacked and the Japanese pursued. Here is what I think Somerville failed to understand about tactical speed and the nature of aircraft carrier warfare. He obviously thought in terms of an air strike, followed by gunnery decision. However, he was either unaware or did not recognize, that an aircraft carrier centered task force; especially one with longer ranged aircraft, would refuse to enter gun range for a surface action. The only way to pace such a force is with fast carriers. And as was shown at Philippine Sea, if the other side has the weather gage and a knot or two advantage, then he can accept or refuse battle as he wills. THAT is why I emphasize what the weather was in the Indian Ocean. It appears Somerville had the weather gage, but did not know how to use it!
I don't know if Sommerville or his staff had direct influence over the PBY reconnaissance plans. Those were launched from bases ashore & presumably outside Sommervilles fleet command. Perhaps I'm misunderstanding he Brit command structure here.
I'm not sure about this one myself. It does seem that Somerville had some control over search plans, because he reports he ordered a search to the northeast off Sri Lanka as well as to the southeast using all 6 PBYs he did have about the 1st April. These searches did turn up Japanese contacts by the way, which formed the basis of some of Somerville's dispositions.
Possibly the information I have is imperfect, but what I am seeing is that each time Sommerville maneuvered to set up a night attack (Which he tried twice?) the carrier group was tactically separated from the slower battleship group. If I am reading the various accounts correctly the carrier group at those moments was maneuvering independently and at times over the horizon from the BB group. Maybe a more detailed account or course plot would clarify this, but it appears Sommerville was operating the carrier group seperately from the battle group, but usually close enough that support to the CG could be had in a hour or two. There appear to be exceptions to this. Possibly when he risk was assessed as low and other times when the risk seemed worth gain.
This is correct, except that Hermes remained with Force B unless I am misreading Somerville's record?
Another question I have is if Sommerville had knowledge of the composition of Nagumos group. If so the paucity of battleships with the raiding force may have influenced his thinking. The Kongo class were built in Britain, & even with the upgrades may not have impressed the RN at all.
Based on the confused and erroneous scouting reports he received from shore based air, and from contact reports (Agar of the Cornwall / Dorsetshire force was badly amiss in not promptly and accurately reporting the air attack on the cruisers.) I am convinced that ADM Somerville had an incomplete and woefully inaccurate picture of what he faced. Certainly like the Americans at Coral Sea, he would have been astounded at the size and ferocity of the 50+ aircraft strike package that killed Cornwall and Dorsetshire. One must remember, that the RN up to that raid still badly underestimated Japanese aircraft carrier plane capacity and op-tempo cycles by about 30% and 50% respectively. The Americans only knew better because they had been Pearl Harbored and had some idea about how fast and far the Japanese had to fly and cycle their strikes that terrible Sunday morning. Even so, the size, speed and precision of the strike package that did in Lexington shocked Fletcher at Coral Sea.
Add to the problem ADM Somerville faced, that he had about 42-45 Fulmars (slow and rather short ranged) to throw against Nagumo's 5 flattops. His Martlets were equally short ranged, were not matched to cruise speed and
were not trained for night operations. The Fulmars would have to launch, travel 100 minutes out, find Nagumo, attack the Japanese who were capable of night fighter operations, manage to torpedo carriers dodging and jinking at night, and the survivors would have to travel back to Homeplate using the British equivalent of American Y homing radio. Now that distance of separation? About 150 nautical miles maximum. This is well within the 250 nautical mile strike radius of the First Air Fleet. Somerville, with Force A in 3 hours just might be able to outrun Nagumo's air power circle, but with Force B within 25-30 nautical miles tactical support as Somerville planned, against Japanese torpedo bombers come the dawn? Dead meat. And there is no guarantee that Force A will make it either. The Fulmars still have to be recovered. Radar gives Somerville a slight dodge and weave advantage and he uses it, but if he has to hang around to recover aircraft, then he's signed his own death warrant. Not a good choice; flee and lose your strike package or hang around and face First Air Fleet come the dawn?
But then again, as I have written, I need to finish with Andrew Boyd and see if his revisions change that understanding I have of the situation as I outline above.