Alternate Wikipedia Infoboxes V (Do Not Post Current Politics Here)
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Why do you assume the event sof the late '70s are the same as IOTL?
Still, I don't really think a party would be able to remain in power that long.
IDK, I'm pretty sure we've had infoboxes that have had Democrats remaining in power for decades, and I believe it has happened in the past in OTL.
So AARs are just play-by-play accounts of preexisting media, or alternate history written in that format?
More accurately, play-by-play of interactive media, like video games, where the player makes the decisions. If it’s a history game, the result is often alternate history.
I don’t need them as of yet, I’m making an AAR for Kaiserreich in a couple months.
Uhura's Mazda: List of Alliance MPs
Uhura's Mazda
Banned
Something a little different, although still - alas - political.
List of Alliance MPs
The victory of Al Gore in 2000 brought to an end the short-lived post-Cold-War orthodoxy that America was the world's policeman: bent on kicking the shit out of non-white people. Instead, peaceful transitions of power were achieved in Iraq and Afghanistan by the end of his second term and the world began to work together to combat the threat of climate change.
The impact of this on New Zealand was the growth in confidence of the Left, which had already won power in 1999. Supporting the Labour government was the Alliance coalition of parties - namely the leftist NewLabour Party, the Democrats for Social Credit, the Maori rights party Mana Motuhake, and until 2002 the remnants of the utterly pointless Liberal Party. The Alliance had included the Green Party until 1997, but at that point the Green MPs elected on the Alliance ticket 'waka-jumped' to form their own independent party and failed to enter Parliament in 1999, receiving a tragic 4.96%. Another 10,000 party votes, or another 12 votes in the Coromandel electorate, would have seen them through.
Now that the Alliance were in coalition with a Labour government and holding several ministerial positions, internal battles became fiercer. The Leader, Jim Anderton of NewLabour, rapidly gained a reputation as Helen Clark's lapdog, and this angered the more doctrinaire leftists. Perhaps if the Government had been led into some sort of retread of the Gulf War or a similar exercise in Middle East imperialism, the Alliance would have split asunder, but as it was, the only major result of the civil war was that a few of the thinner-skinned MPs retired in 2002. Despite the ructions and the inevitable loss of popularity due to forming part of a Government, Jim Anderton's approachable charm in the debates resulted in the loss of only two seats. Now, however, the balance of power in caucus was more on the side of the hard-liners (Laila Harre of NewLabour, Willie Jackson of Mana Motuhake and Matt McCarten, who went from NewLabour to Mana Motuhake in 2004, being the party's heavy-hitters, versus a collection of oddities and nonentities) and after 2002 the Alliance voted merely to give Labour supply and confidence, without chaining themselves with a coalition.
This essentially ended Anderton's ministerial career and he resigned from the leadership and from Parliament in 2005. He was replaced in the Wigram electorate by his protege Megan Woods and as Leader by Laila Harre, who had the backing of a new convert to the Alliance - former Labour Minister Tariana Turia. During the early 2000s, the issue of Maori rights had become more and more divisive and more and more emotive, with National Leader Don Brash attacking Maori in his Orewa Speech. Labour were also engaged in alienating their hitherto monolithic Maori support base with the Seabed and Foreshore controversy, and Turia defected to Mana Motuhake in 2004, going on to stand in a by-election for her own seat. She brought a cadre of Maori activists and voters with her, which thoroughly changed the balance of the party. The initial dominance of the white, working class NewLabour supporters had been weathered away by fatigue and Anderton's support of Labour, and now - partly by increased membership, partly by superior talent - the head honchos were now Mana Motuhake.
This is not to say that the Alliance was now solely a vehicle for supporters of Maori sovereignty. Matt McCarten, the Party President as well as an MP, was clear that his primary focus was on the class disparity between Maori and middle class Pakeha, not on enriching tribal elites for the sake of it. But this was the source of much of their popularity, which explains why Harre and the (white, middle class) members of the Democrats for Social Credit were progressively sidelined. Harre resigned as Leader as a sort of fait accompli in 2007, two years after getting rid of Jim Anderton and a year before retiring to go into local politics, and was followed by Tariana Turia. One of her strategic masterstrokes was to invite the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party to join the Alliance, a move which increased the Alliance's vote while also gaining several quality people such as Metiria Turei. In 2008, despite the fall of Phil Goff's Labour-led government to John Key, the Alliance came out smiling, having gained two seats, including a third electorate - Te Tai Tokerau.
During the Fifth National Government, a string of pale, male and stale Labour leaders threw the diverse Alliance caucus into a better light, thus helping their electoral prospects. Mama Tere Strickland was New Zealand's second trans MP, while the Maori caucus could always be relied upon for a barn-storming speech - even Matt McCarten, who had struggled with a stammer since childhood and yet was always listened to. The internal pressures of the Alliance were moving against Mana Motuhake, though: simply because of an aging caucus. Most Mana Motuhake MPs had been activists for decades and some were moving into the ambit of the hierarchical tribal interests that McCarten had tried to avoid. As such, a lot of young progressives moved to Legalise Cannabis instead as the cause du jour. This eventually enabled Metiria Turei to oust Turia as leader in 2013, and she went on to win a record high number of votes and seats in 2014.
In 2017, however, two things happened: Metiria Turei admitted to having been a benefit fraudster in the 1990s in an attempt to siphon off Labour voters, and Jacinda Ardern replaced David Parker as Labour Leader in the middle of the campaign. This stopped the Alliance surge in its tracks, with soft Alliance supporters going Labour. Additionally, most of the Legalise Cannabis Party betrayed their leader by defecting en masse to the Green Party, led now by multi-millionaire tax wonk Gareth Morgan. If it hadn't been for Jacindamania, it is quite possible that the Greens would have finally entered Parliament in 2017, but it was not to be. The Alliance, meanwhile fell down to just 7 seats and lost major players such as John Minto and Annette Sykes, as well as failing to elect rising stars like Curwen Rolinson.
On the plus side for the Alliance, the election of a Labour-United Future Government with the Alliance as a support partner means that Metiria Turei is able to present a referendum on legalising cannabis in her role as Health Minister, while Paula Gillon is bringing Social Credit economic ideas to the table as Associate Minister of Finance.
List of Alliance MPs
The victory of Al Gore in 2000 brought to an end the short-lived post-Cold-War orthodoxy that America was the world's policeman: bent on kicking the shit out of non-white people. Instead, peaceful transitions of power were achieved in Iraq and Afghanistan by the end of his second term and the world began to work together to combat the threat of climate change.
The impact of this on New Zealand was the growth in confidence of the Left, which had already won power in 1999. Supporting the Labour government was the Alliance coalition of parties - namely the leftist NewLabour Party, the Democrats for Social Credit, the Maori rights party Mana Motuhake, and until 2002 the remnants of the utterly pointless Liberal Party. The Alliance had included the Green Party until 1997, but at that point the Green MPs elected on the Alliance ticket 'waka-jumped' to form their own independent party and failed to enter Parliament in 1999, receiving a tragic 4.96%. Another 10,000 party votes, or another 12 votes in the Coromandel electorate, would have seen them through.
Now that the Alliance were in coalition with a Labour government and holding several ministerial positions, internal battles became fiercer. The Leader, Jim Anderton of NewLabour, rapidly gained a reputation as Helen Clark's lapdog, and this angered the more doctrinaire leftists. Perhaps if the Government had been led into some sort of retread of the Gulf War or a similar exercise in Middle East imperialism, the Alliance would have split asunder, but as it was, the only major result of the civil war was that a few of the thinner-skinned MPs retired in 2002. Despite the ructions and the inevitable loss of popularity due to forming part of a Government, Jim Anderton's approachable charm in the debates resulted in the loss of only two seats. Now, however, the balance of power in caucus was more on the side of the hard-liners (Laila Harre of NewLabour, Willie Jackson of Mana Motuhake and Matt McCarten, who went from NewLabour to Mana Motuhake in 2004, being the party's heavy-hitters, versus a collection of oddities and nonentities) and after 2002 the Alliance voted merely to give Labour supply and confidence, without chaining themselves with a coalition.
This essentially ended Anderton's ministerial career and he resigned from the leadership and from Parliament in 2005. He was replaced in the Wigram electorate by his protege Megan Woods and as Leader by Laila Harre, who had the backing of a new convert to the Alliance - former Labour Minister Tariana Turia. During the early 2000s, the issue of Maori rights had become more and more divisive and more and more emotive, with National Leader Don Brash attacking Maori in his Orewa Speech. Labour were also engaged in alienating their hitherto monolithic Maori support base with the Seabed and Foreshore controversy, and Turia defected to Mana Motuhake in 2004, going on to stand in a by-election for her own seat. She brought a cadre of Maori activists and voters with her, which thoroughly changed the balance of the party. The initial dominance of the white, working class NewLabour supporters had been weathered away by fatigue and Anderton's support of Labour, and now - partly by increased membership, partly by superior talent - the head honchos were now Mana Motuhake.
This is not to say that the Alliance was now solely a vehicle for supporters of Maori sovereignty. Matt McCarten, the Party President as well as an MP, was clear that his primary focus was on the class disparity between Maori and middle class Pakeha, not on enriching tribal elites for the sake of it. But this was the source of much of their popularity, which explains why Harre and the (white, middle class) members of the Democrats for Social Credit were progressively sidelined. Harre resigned as Leader as a sort of fait accompli in 2007, two years after getting rid of Jim Anderton and a year before retiring to go into local politics, and was followed by Tariana Turia. One of her strategic masterstrokes was to invite the Aotearoa Legalise Cannabis Party to join the Alliance, a move which increased the Alliance's vote while also gaining several quality people such as Metiria Turei. In 2008, despite the fall of Phil Goff's Labour-led government to John Key, the Alliance came out smiling, having gained two seats, including a third electorate - Te Tai Tokerau.
During the Fifth National Government, a string of pale, male and stale Labour leaders threw the diverse Alliance caucus into a better light, thus helping their electoral prospects. Mama Tere Strickland was New Zealand's second trans MP, while the Maori caucus could always be relied upon for a barn-storming speech - even Matt McCarten, who had struggled with a stammer since childhood and yet was always listened to. The internal pressures of the Alliance were moving against Mana Motuhake, though: simply because of an aging caucus. Most Mana Motuhake MPs had been activists for decades and some were moving into the ambit of the hierarchical tribal interests that McCarten had tried to avoid. As such, a lot of young progressives moved to Legalise Cannabis instead as the cause du jour. This eventually enabled Metiria Turei to oust Turia as leader in 2013, and she went on to win a record high number of votes and seats in 2014.
In 2017, however, two things happened: Metiria Turei admitted to having been a benefit fraudster in the 1990s in an attempt to siphon off Labour voters, and Jacinda Ardern replaced David Parker as Labour Leader in the middle of the campaign. This stopped the Alliance surge in its tracks, with soft Alliance supporters going Labour. Additionally, most of the Legalise Cannabis Party betrayed their leader by defecting en masse to the Green Party, led now by multi-millionaire tax wonk Gareth Morgan. If it hadn't been for Jacindamania, it is quite possible that the Greens would have finally entered Parliament in 2017, but it was not to be. The Alliance, meanwhile fell down to just 7 seats and lost major players such as John Minto and Annette Sykes, as well as failing to elect rising stars like Curwen Rolinson.
On the plus side for the Alliance, the election of a Labour-United Future Government with the Alliance as a support partner means that Metiria Turei is able to present a referendum on legalising cannabis in her role as Health Minister, while Paula Gillon is bringing Social Credit economic ideas to the table as Associate Minister of Finance.
Ive always thought about "what if the Alliance was still around" and this is amazing. What was the Alliance's electoral fates in 2014 and 2017?
Hulkster'01: Johnson is elected President in 1960 and is assassinated instead of Kennedy.
Johnson is elected President in 1960 and is assassinated instead of Kennedy.
wolfram: 1942 Texas & California elections (Divided We Stand)
On April 6, 1941, Senator Morris Sheppard of Texas died of a stroke. He had held his office for twenty-seven long years, in which he had had an immense impact - the Eighteenth Amendment, the Federal Credit Union Act, antitrust laws, women's suffrage, all had come into law with Sheppard's assistance. But now he was leaving office the only way Southern senators ever did - feet-first.
It was now up to Governor Ernest Thompson to appoint his replacement. Soon after news reached Washington, Thompson's phone rang twice in quick succession. Nobody knows what Governor Thompson talked with Alvin Wirtz, political boss and Undersecretary of the Interior, about. The same is the case for his conversation with President Roosevelt. But by the end of the day, you could probably guess.
Lyndon B. Johnson had served in Congress for only four years, and had no other experience in elected office. He was only 33 years old. But he, nevertheless, made his way into the United States Senate. And his star was still on the rise.
Johnson's election in the special election of 1941, and his re-election to a full term a year later, were among the only pieces of good news for the Democrats. Across the nation, incumbent Democrats were getting their asses kicked.
One example of that happened concurrently with Johnson's re-election. Ernest Thompson was a mostly unobjectionable two-term Governor. But many saw him as a "do-nothing Governor", and in a wave year, residual goodwill could only carry him so far.
Omicron Pi Lockhart was a former teacher and businessman with an impressively improbable name which was usually rendered as O. P. Lockhart. He was also a close confidant of Pappy O'Daniel who had served as O'Daniel's campaign manager in 1938 and the chairman of his Lone Star Party since then.
Some say that, had Lyndon Johnson wanted to, he would have won the election for Thompson. Given how close Thompson's margin was in '38, that is hardly uncontroversial. But I would be remiss in not pointing out that Johnson had his own base of support now, one which didn't need Johnson to prove himself for Roosevelt.
That base included Populists who remembered Sam Ealy Johnson. And his ideological match was not the happily corporate Ernest Thompson, but the man who railed against the insurance companies and promoted a state pension everywhere he went.
Governor Frank Merriam was no more popular in his first term than in his second. As a rising tide of progressivism swept the Assembly, his cheerful vetoing of pension and healthcare bills galvanized opposition. As public opinion soured on the war, Merriam's efforts to put Japanese-Americans in internment camps aroused protests across the state. And as new media like the San Francisco-based Labor Action and the Los Angeles Observer (which featured the column Universe, written by Assemblyman Robert Heinlein) began to overtake the old papers, Merriam's friendship with paper barons like William Randolph Hearst and Los Angeles Times editor Harry Chandler became less and less relevant.
Even for those who recalled the painful loss four years earlier, Merriam's downfall seemed to be a story in search of a protagonist. Culbert Olson had had a heart attack and passed away less than a week after he would have been inaugurated. Upton Sinclair declined to run, content in his status as a respected "elder statesman" and as a bestselling author. Francis Townsend was widely blamed for splitting the vote in 1938, and seemed content himself to promote his pension idea. Parley Christensen was focused on his job as Mayor of Los Angeles. Augustus F. Hawkins was considered unlikely to be elected, largely because he was black. Robert Heinlein was too young, and decided not to run for his seat in 1942 anyway, instead going to work for the Navy.
But there was one option the California Democrats and Frontier League (many of whom would form the "Golden Dawn" Party in December 1942) could find. John Steinbeck was many things - an avowed leftist, a bestselling author, an OSS asset and war correspondent who had been shot in the leg in Australia. And on January 4, 1943, he added "Governor of California" to that resume.
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It was now up to Governor Ernest Thompson to appoint his replacement. Soon after news reached Washington, Thompson's phone rang twice in quick succession. Nobody knows what Governor Thompson talked with Alvin Wirtz, political boss and Undersecretary of the Interior, about. The same is the case for his conversation with President Roosevelt. But by the end of the day, you could probably guess.
Lyndon B. Johnson had served in Congress for only four years, and had no other experience in elected office. He was only 33 years old. But he, nevertheless, made his way into the United States Senate. And his star was still on the rise.
Johnson's election in the special election of 1941, and his re-election to a full term a year later, were among the only pieces of good news for the Democrats. Across the nation, incumbent Democrats were getting their asses kicked.
One example of that happened concurrently with Johnson's re-election. Ernest Thompson was a mostly unobjectionable two-term Governor. But many saw him as a "do-nothing Governor", and in a wave year, residual goodwill could only carry him so far.
Omicron Pi Lockhart was a former teacher and businessman with an impressively improbable name which was usually rendered as O. P. Lockhart. He was also a close confidant of Pappy O'Daniel who had served as O'Daniel's campaign manager in 1938 and the chairman of his Lone Star Party since then.
Some say that, had Lyndon Johnson wanted to, he would have won the election for Thompson. Given how close Thompson's margin was in '38, that is hardly uncontroversial. But I would be remiss in not pointing out that Johnson had his own base of support now, one which didn't need Johnson to prove himself for Roosevelt.
That base included Populists who remembered Sam Ealy Johnson. And his ideological match was not the happily corporate Ernest Thompson, but the man who railed against the insurance companies and promoted a state pension everywhere he went.
Governor Frank Merriam was no more popular in his first term than in his second. As a rising tide of progressivism swept the Assembly, his cheerful vetoing of pension and healthcare bills galvanized opposition. As public opinion soured on the war, Merriam's efforts to put Japanese-Americans in internment camps aroused protests across the state. And as new media like the San Francisco-based Labor Action and the Los Angeles Observer (which featured the column Universe, written by Assemblyman Robert Heinlein) began to overtake the old papers, Merriam's friendship with paper barons like William Randolph Hearst and Los Angeles Times editor Harry Chandler became less and less relevant.
Even for those who recalled the painful loss four years earlier, Merriam's downfall seemed to be a story in search of a protagonist. Culbert Olson had had a heart attack and passed away less than a week after he would have been inaugurated. Upton Sinclair declined to run, content in his status as a respected "elder statesman" and as a bestselling author. Francis Townsend was widely blamed for splitting the vote in 1938, and seemed content himself to promote his pension idea. Parley Christensen was focused on his job as Mayor of Los Angeles. Augustus F. Hawkins was considered unlikely to be elected, largely because he was black. Robert Heinlein was too young, and decided not to run for his seat in 1942 anyway, instead going to work for the Navy.
But there was one option the California Democrats and Frontier League (many of whom would form the "Golden Dawn" Party in December 1942) could find. John Steinbeck was many things - an avowed leftist, a bestselling author, an OSS asset and war correspondent who had been shot in the leg in Australia. And on January 4, 1943, he added "Governor of California" to that resume.
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InfernoMole: Warriors of Prosperity
"All enemies of Hawaii shall choke with the ash of Kīlauea and the tears of our motherland."
~ The most famous version of the "Ash and Tears" chant, first delivered by Talia Williams during a speech on 17 March 2402
The Warriors of Prosperity was a militant Hawaiian nationalist group that dominated the Hawaiian islands and terrorized the Pacific Ocean throughout the 25th and 26th centuries. Founded and led by Aloisi Gabbard, a Hawaiian revolutionary and cult leader, the Warriors of Prosperity was a designated terrorist organization in several dozen countries, including the United States of America, Japan and Australia. Originating as the Hawaiian National Movement, the Warriors of Prosperity have their roots in the Hawaiian Wars of Governorship, the ancient strife between the Hawaiians and the American government, and the enmity between Aloisi Gabbard and his older brother Joseph Gabbard, prominently known as "the Peacemaker" for his efforts to peacefully and nonviolently accelerate the full independence of Hawaii, at that point an autonomous state in all but name, from the United States.
Born in 2343, Aloisi Gabbard grew up in a time of technological stagnation, subtle ethnic strife and dissatisfaction. He did not achieve any prominent position in the Hawaiian government, despite being a member of the age-old Gabbard political dynasty, and his upbringing may have contributed to his mental issues. While working as a bureaucrat in the First Hawaiian Center, Gabbard frequently read nationalist classics like The Undivided Civilization of Bharat by I Gede Ganjah Ketu and was heavily influenced by prominent Hindutva thinkers, among them Chatur Barigai and Rura Seth, and Hawaiian nationalists such as Hikialani Keli'i, a monarchist who was arrested and executed by the "American cronies" in November 2288. However, his brother, Joseph Gabbard, was Attorney General of Hawaii and a bulwark against American oppression and revolutionary chaos, which Aloisi did not appreciate. Like all "Yankee imperialists", Aloisi saw his brother Joseph as a puppet of the overseas American tyrants, embezzling from the oppressed people of Hawaii and appeasing the Yanks in order to give himself a higher position. To say the least, Aloisi and Joseph did not have a friendly relationship.
At some point in the 2380s, Aloisi Gabbard joined a closed Hindu community upon invitation by his younger cousin, Talia Williams. In 2390, after the death of Joseph at the hands of an unknown assailant and the re-election of Governor Rico Matsui, Aloisi issued a pamphlet called "The Prosperity of Hawaii", in which he called out the Hawaiian leadership for "selling out their home isles to America for some bucks". Following the spread of his supporters, Aloisi ran in the 2394 elections, promising the Hawaiians "a reborn Hawaiian nation, safe from the degenerate Yankee menace". Aloisi was mostly supported by poor and radicalized Native Hawaiians and Samoans, and lost by a heavy margin to middle-class urbanite Devin Cabral. Nonetheless, Aloisi was in luck: Devin considered Aloisi a potential ally. Devin also ran on an "unity" ticket and, fearful of a radical bloodshed, made Aloisi Gabbard the head of State Department of Hawaiian Home Lands. Later, on July 2396, the Washington Place was destroyed by a set of bombs, killing the beleaguered Governor and his family instantly. The open animosity between the mostly-Democratic Government of Hawaii and the nationalist Aloisi Gabbard set off the Hawaiian Wars of Governorship, which the Hawaiian National Movement would just barely win, storming the State Capitol.
Rechristened the Warriors of Prosperity, Aloisi and his supporters had little control over Hawaii, their organization becoming increasingly cult-like and despised by the majority of the Hawaiian people. In the meanwhile, the Warriors dealt with the lackluster intervention of the American government and the resistance of the Hawaiian people against the Warriors of Prosperity. It is then that the Warriors began to utilize Ash and Tears flags, which almost always incorporated the Hindu swastika and the color red. The Warriors of Prosperity became infamous for their routine slaughter and torture of dissenters, and Gabbard himself became infamous for his ways of dealing with potential rivals; Talia Williams, once one of Aloisi's closest allies and his chief propagandist, started to disagree with Aloisi on certain points. After a chance meeting with her cousin, she would become schizophrenic and, much later, effectively braindead until her disappearance in 2415. During these years, the demented, aging Gabbard would order his soldiers to carry out the "Enlightened Purges", a series of concentrated attacks against the "peoples who weren't culturally Hawaiian", which included Japanese, Europeans and Native Hawaiians that did not support the Gabbard regime. An estimated 3,000,000 perished in the Purges, with the entire Japanese-Hawaiian population systematically wiped out save for some two thousand people. Gabbard would die in 2424, succeeded by Minister of Demographics, Eme Maile, who would proceed to boost the decimated birth rate through ambitious and inane genetic programs, while raiding neighboring nations "in the name of Hawaiian prosperity".
Although the Warriors of Prosperity would be deposed in 2465, they would continue to exist, enacting atrocities in the Pacific, until the annihilation of their major leadership by cyber-Gurkhas in 2560. Their effects on Hawaii are still felt today, with thousands of memorials to the "Enlightened Purges" across the Hawaiian Islands and the Pacific Region, visited by people of mostly Hawaiian-Samoan extraction, followed by Balinese, European and other minorities.
Part of A New Dark Age
~ The most famous version of the "Ash and Tears" chant, first delivered by Talia Williams during a speech on 17 March 2402
The Warriors of Prosperity was a militant Hawaiian nationalist group that dominated the Hawaiian islands and terrorized the Pacific Ocean throughout the 25th and 26th centuries. Founded and led by Aloisi Gabbard, a Hawaiian revolutionary and cult leader, the Warriors of Prosperity was a designated terrorist organization in several dozen countries, including the United States of America, Japan and Australia. Originating as the Hawaiian National Movement, the Warriors of Prosperity have their roots in the Hawaiian Wars of Governorship, the ancient strife between the Hawaiians and the American government, and the enmity between Aloisi Gabbard and his older brother Joseph Gabbard, prominently known as "the Peacemaker" for his efforts to peacefully and nonviolently accelerate the full independence of Hawaii, at that point an autonomous state in all but name, from the United States.
Born in 2343, Aloisi Gabbard grew up in a time of technological stagnation, subtle ethnic strife and dissatisfaction. He did not achieve any prominent position in the Hawaiian government, despite being a member of the age-old Gabbard political dynasty, and his upbringing may have contributed to his mental issues. While working as a bureaucrat in the First Hawaiian Center, Gabbard frequently read nationalist classics like The Undivided Civilization of Bharat by I Gede Ganjah Ketu and was heavily influenced by prominent Hindutva thinkers, among them Chatur Barigai and Rura Seth, and Hawaiian nationalists such as Hikialani Keli'i, a monarchist who was arrested and executed by the "American cronies" in November 2288. However, his brother, Joseph Gabbard, was Attorney General of Hawaii and a bulwark against American oppression and revolutionary chaos, which Aloisi did not appreciate. Like all "Yankee imperialists", Aloisi saw his brother Joseph as a puppet of the overseas American tyrants, embezzling from the oppressed people of Hawaii and appeasing the Yanks in order to give himself a higher position. To say the least, Aloisi and Joseph did not have a friendly relationship.
At some point in the 2380s, Aloisi Gabbard joined a closed Hindu community upon invitation by his younger cousin, Talia Williams. In 2390, after the death of Joseph at the hands of an unknown assailant and the re-election of Governor Rico Matsui, Aloisi issued a pamphlet called "The Prosperity of Hawaii", in which he called out the Hawaiian leadership for "selling out their home isles to America for some bucks". Following the spread of his supporters, Aloisi ran in the 2394 elections, promising the Hawaiians "a reborn Hawaiian nation, safe from the degenerate Yankee menace". Aloisi was mostly supported by poor and radicalized Native Hawaiians and Samoans, and lost by a heavy margin to middle-class urbanite Devin Cabral. Nonetheless, Aloisi was in luck: Devin considered Aloisi a potential ally. Devin also ran on an "unity" ticket and, fearful of a radical bloodshed, made Aloisi Gabbard the head of State Department of Hawaiian Home Lands. Later, on July 2396, the Washington Place was destroyed by a set of bombs, killing the beleaguered Governor and his family instantly. The open animosity between the mostly-Democratic Government of Hawaii and the nationalist Aloisi Gabbard set off the Hawaiian Wars of Governorship, which the Hawaiian National Movement would just barely win, storming the State Capitol.
Rechristened the Warriors of Prosperity, Aloisi and his supporters had little control over Hawaii, their organization becoming increasingly cult-like and despised by the majority of the Hawaiian people. In the meanwhile, the Warriors dealt with the lackluster intervention of the American government and the resistance of the Hawaiian people against the Warriors of Prosperity. It is then that the Warriors began to utilize Ash and Tears flags, which almost always incorporated the Hindu swastika and the color red. The Warriors of Prosperity became infamous for their routine slaughter and torture of dissenters, and Gabbard himself became infamous for his ways of dealing with potential rivals; Talia Williams, once one of Aloisi's closest allies and his chief propagandist, started to disagree with Aloisi on certain points. After a chance meeting with her cousin, she would become schizophrenic and, much later, effectively braindead until her disappearance in 2415. During these years, the demented, aging Gabbard would order his soldiers to carry out the "Enlightened Purges", a series of concentrated attacks against the "peoples who weren't culturally Hawaiian", which included Japanese, Europeans and Native Hawaiians that did not support the Gabbard regime. An estimated 3,000,000 perished in the Purges, with the entire Japanese-Hawaiian population systematically wiped out save for some two thousand people. Gabbard would die in 2424, succeeded by Minister of Demographics, Eme Maile, who would proceed to boost the decimated birth rate through ambitious and inane genetic programs, while raiding neighboring nations "in the name of Hawaiian prosperity".
Although the Warriors of Prosperity would be deposed in 2465, they would continue to exist, enacting atrocities in the Pacific, until the annihilation of their major leadership by cyber-Gurkhas in 2560. Their effects on Hawaii are still felt today, with thousands of memorials to the "Enlightened Purges" across the Hawaiian Islands and the Pacific Region, visited by people of mostly Hawaiian-Samoan extraction, followed by Balinese, European and other minorities.
Part of A New Dark Age
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Deleted member 100251
I doubt LBJ would pick JFK to be his veep. AFAIK the two kind of hated each other.Johnson is elected President in 1960 and is assassinated instead of Kennedy.
And some of the years for the presidents are off like 9 years, 10 years, 7 years -when the max at the time was already set to be 8.
It's an interesting list though.
Uhura's Mazda
Banned
13 seats, then down to 7. The Greens (now quite centrist and in alliance with Outdoor Recreation and Ban 1080 and people like that) have been getting between 1 and 4% since 1999 and haven't broken through, however they still have a minority of left-Greens involved and split the left-of-Labour vote. This harms the Alliance, although the Democrats for Social Credit aspect appeals to some former NZF voters. Most NZF support goes to United Future (under Murray Smith, natch) once Winston retires post-2008.
Probably a stupid question but is there a reason why it was called NewLabour as opposed to New Labour?
Uhura's Mazda
Banned
To be down with the kids, I think.
They also probably thought that 'NewLabour' was a more concrete stance than merely being oppositional to Labour, as 'New Labour' seemed to imply. A Matt McCarten quote from 1989: "But danger also lies within the name New Labour. That danger is the tendency to see our party only in relation to “Old Labour”. Instead of forging our own programme, we are at risk of ending up with party policy courtesy of the Labour Government or simply settling for being our enemy’s enemy"
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