Chapter 30
Chapter 30
February 16, 1984
New York City, NY
There was a major chill in the air, and it wasn't just the weather. The City That Never Sleeps was on edge. The 42nd Infantry Division was formed up, and the New York Guard was in the streets. The CPUSA had been arrested and raided. Al Sharpton and company were in the streets protesting that they would be left for dead in a nuclear attack. The news headquarters for every network was in New York City, and the anchors for those networks had been running ragged with all of the breaking news in the past few weeks. CBS had asked Walter Cronkite, still employed as a "special correspondent," to come in and take over some coverage so Dan Rather could get a break (Rather had become rather cranky in recent days, snapping at everyone in sight, and CBS execs worried the temperamental Texan would end up throwing a punch at someone if matters continued). NBC was using John Chancellor and Connie Chung to supplement Brokaw, and Ted Koppel was backing Jennings at ABC. More and more, regular programming was being pre-empted or interrupted by news programs, including ABC airing the documentary about civil defense and nuclear war that had originally aired on BBC's Panorama program, If The Bomb Drops. There was additional footage added to it for the American perspective, narrated by Hugh Downs, featuring interviews with personnel from the Kennedy and Eisenhower administrations that had worked on civil defense planning. The effect on national morale was not considered helpful, and Roone Arledge received a very unpleasant phone call from White House Chief of Staff Jim Baker, chewing him out. Arledge released a one sentence statement after the kerfuffle, saying, "The people have a right and a need to know what we are facing, whether it is pleasant or not."
As Koppel was at his desk in the news division's offices behind the studio, the wire service dot-matrix printer in his office began chattering to life. This was typically nothing new, except the ten-bell notice sounded, signalling FLASH traffic from the wires. FLASH traffic was the most urgent, and Koppel spun around in his chair to pick up the page from the Associated Press teletype and read.
**************************AP FLASH**************************
1200 HOURS GMT
BRUSSELS, BELGIUM
NATO HEADQUARTERS
NATO REPORTS RECEIPT OF COMMUNIQUE FROM SOVIET POLITBURO. SOVIETS DEMAND NATO WITHDRAW ALL FORCES FROM WEST GERMANY BY 0600 HOURS MOSCOW TIME (0300 HOURS GMT) ON 18 FEBRUARY OR "THE STERNEST CONSEQUENCES WILL RESULT, WHICH WE CANNOT BE HELD RESPONSIBLE FOR." SHAPE COMMANDER GENERAL ROGERS HAS NOT ISSUED COMMENT. NATO AMBASSADORS CURRENTLY MEETING IN CLOSED SESSION. SOVIET AMBASSADOR TO BELGIUM REFUSED COMMENT ON POLITBURO DEMANDS VIA TELEPHONE, EMBASSY GATES LOCKED.
************************END AP FLASH************************
Koppel jumped up, quickly grabbing his coat and fixing his tie. He speedwalked to the director's booth outside the studio and thrust the dispatch into his hands. Thirty seconds later, the director exhaled, "Holy shit," and picked up the phone, calling up to Arledge's office. "Hi, Debra, it's Jack, I need to speak to Roone immediately," the director said. It only took a ten-count: "Arledge speaking." "Roone, it's Jack, we just got a hot AP flash off the wire. The Soviets just told NATO to get the fuck outta Germany by 6 am Saturday morning or else." There was a short silence, then "OK, Jack, get to air. Who's on deck?" "Ted's right here, he brought me the wire story and he's ready to go," the director replied. "Good, send the alert to the affiliates. Five minute warning." Arledge hung up, while Koppel sat down at the Teleprompter and quickly typed out an outline of what he wanted to say, followed by dictating who he wanted to interview after breaking the news. Jack the director made a phone call to the Washington, D.C. residence of retired four-star General Andrew Goodpaster, who quickly drove to WJLA, the DC affiliate for ABC.
*****
Miami, Florida
The television, as always, was on in the conference room for the Rivera Task Force, and the interruption was, like so many others in recent weeks, unwelcome. Klima and his colleagues put down their bagels, donuts and coffee to listen.
"This is ABC News with a special report. From New York, Ted Koppel."
"Good morning, I'm Ted Koppel with breaking news from the Associated Press reporters in Brussels, Belgium. The Soviet Ambassador to Belgium delivered a diplomatic note from the Politburo in Moscow to NATO headquarters today. The text of the note has not been made public, but the AP reports that it included a demand that all NATO forces withdraw from West Germany by six AM, Moscow time, on Saturday, February 18, or, quote, "the sternest consequences will result, which we cannot be held responsible for." The Supreme Allied Commander in Europe, General Bernard Rogers, did not have any comment as we came to air, and the AP reports that the Soviet Ambassador not only refused comment, but that the gates of the Soviet Embassy have been locked. We are currently awaiting a statement from the Reagan administration, who has alerted our White House correspondent Sam Donaldson that they have received the Politburo's demands and are currently evaluating them, and will respond at the appropriate time.
For some insight on this, I turn to Washington, where the former White House staff secretary and former NATO commander General Andrew Goodpaster has come in to our local affiliate on short notice to help understand the situation. General, if the report is accurate, it sounds as if a demand of surrender is being made before a shot has been fired. Does such a demand guarantee shots will be fired and war will break out in Europe again?"
"Ted, as you know, I served in a number of national security positions over the past thirty years, and I've been around the block a few times. I was seven when the First World War broke out, and I learned at West Point how that war began. For all the rancorous, confrontational moments we had with the Soviet Union, nothing they've sent us matches the tone of this document. The reason I bring up World War I, Ted, is that this note sounds like the one that was sent to Serbia in 1914, demanding their total subjugation to the Austro-German forces as the only way to avoid a war. The Allies did their best to talk the Germans and Austrians out of their demands, but those nations wanted a war and they got their war. We saw how those nations ended up, and how that war caused the next war, and if war breaks out again, we can trace its roots to Yalta, Potsdam, and the Korean War. We've been in one long, uninterrupted cycle of war and recrimination, but now, the superpowers have weapons capable of wiping out virtually all life on Earth. I do not feel that we will avoid a war with this tone coming from the Soviets."
"General, I do not mean to argue, but haven't we faced this sort of belligerence before from Premier Khrushchev during the late 1950s and early 1960s? The Soviets threatened to crush us, subjected our ambassadors to blistering tirades, and even went nose-to-nose with the Vice President, not to mention the Berlin Wall and its immediate aftermath in 1961. How is this any different from, say, the Cuban Missile Crisis?"
"Ted, in 1961-62, I was commander of the 8th Infantry Division in West Germany. While there would have been substantial casualties if the Soviets launched their intermediate range missiles in Cuba, the fact is that it would have been considered more than survivable at the time. Some of our largest cities would be in ruins, but much of our farming and industry would have been unharmed, and America would have come out better than the Soviets, owing to substantial supremacy in our nuclear arsenal. That's not the case today, unfortunately. During the 1970s, the Soviets embarked on a program to build massive missiles with MIRV's, multiple independent re-entry vehicles. It was a way of avoiding the limits of the SALT treaty, which restricted missiles, not warheads. They deployed the SS-18, which now holds up to ten nuclear warheads on a single missile. To clarify the difference, during the Cuban Missile Crisis, a maximum of forty missiles would have been in Cuba, so forty targets would be hit. Many of those would be aimed at stopping our bombers, submarines, and missiles, so only a few cities would be struck. Now, forty missiles can hit up to four hundred different targets. The Soviets have 150 SS-18s, representing as many as 1500 targets, and as many as 330 SS-19s, representing as many as 1,980 targets, according to the CIA. The majority of those missiles are aimed at the United States. Do you understand now, Ted? From 1949, when the Soviets exploded their first atomic weapon, to roughly 1970, we could survive a Soviet attack without our losses being unrecoverable. It would have been loss unimaginable to us, but it wouldn't be enough to destroy our entire nation. That is no longer the case. If a nuclear war happens, there will not be many of us left, and God help those that are."
Koppel's confident anchor face sagged. The numbers staggered him, now that the threat of war was very immediate. There was a heavy silence for almost ten seconds.
"General Goodpaster, what would you recommend to the American people? If it is as bad as it sounds, are we supposed to just wait to die? This sounds terribly gruesome, and we are a hopeful, optimistic people. Is there anything we can do?" The veteran newsman almost pleaded in that last sentence.
"Well, there are some notes of hope, I would say. The first is that I don't believe anybody is crazy enough to use nuclear weapons. The Soviets know they'll all die in a nuclear war. We know America would be devastated. That should hopefully be enough to keep us safe. Second, I would prepare, just in case. Have food and water stored. Have a shelter, or a place out of the city, to go to, and don't wait until the sirens go off. No matter how dire things may be, panic will kill people as surely as a nuclear missile. Clogged roads mean that nobody gets to safety in case of the worst. And finally, I would suggest that people pray, for God promised Noah that he would never again allow humankind to be eradicated after the great flood in biblical times. Prayer never hurts anyone, and we could use as much of it as possible."
"General Goodpaster, thank you for your time this morning. We'll have more tonight on ABC World News Tonight with Peter Jennings. This has been an ABC News special report. We now return you to your local programming."
It was a very shaky detective's hand that turned the volume down. "Christ, guys, what the fuck do we do now?"
That question was answered for him by the door opening, and the appearance of Major Ron Simmons, the Miami PD equivalent of a brigadier general. "Listen up. This task force, by order of the chief, is on hold from the police end. Ms. Reno will speak to the ASA's later, but meanwhile, we need to get every cop in uniform and on the streets. Chief thinks this Soviet demand is going to cause massive protests or rioting, and he doesn't want us caught off guard. Everyone goes out in pairs, nobody patrols alone. We're going to have patrolmen on foot and detectives in cars. Klima, since Cárdenas is out of action, chief wants you in the ops center. We may need that infantry thinking of yours if a riot breaks out. We clear?"
Klima raised his hand. "Sir, Rivera is dangerous. We have reason to believe that he has some ex-CIA guys on his payroll, and they're probably all armed to the teeth now. With respect, why is the chief pulling us away from this?"
"Klima, this is the FBI's problem now. Our job is to maintain a semblance of law and order in this city. Mayor is talking about extending the governor's curfew longer, keeping everyone indoors more. We're right in Castro's crosshairs if he decides to throw in with his Commie buddies. We are here to serve and protect, and right now, a riot is a much greater concern than a drug lord, spy buddies or not. Do you understand me, son?" Simmons was an African-American, one of the first black officers to make high rank in the Miami PD, and because of all the discrimination and hatred he'd faced, he had the ability to make George S. Patton himself look like a shrinking violet. Jan Klima had no desire to see that side, and he nodded his understanding. "Alright, let's saddle up. Eyes open, radios on, four-hour patrols, then you'll be off for four hours, then back on. We're doing this Navy style." Simmons walked out the door briskly.
Everyone looked at each other. Nobody said anything. Their faces told the story.
February 16, 1984
New York City, NY
There was a major chill in the air, and it wasn't just the weather. The City That Never Sleeps was on edge. The 42nd Infantry Division was formed up, and the New York Guard was in the streets. The CPUSA had been arrested and raided. Al Sharpton and company were in the streets protesting that they would be left for dead in a nuclear attack. The news headquarters for every network was in New York City, and the anchors for those networks had been running ragged with all of the breaking news in the past few weeks. CBS had asked Walter Cronkite, still employed as a "special correspondent," to come in and take over some coverage so Dan Rather could get a break (Rather had become rather cranky in recent days, snapping at everyone in sight, and CBS execs worried the temperamental Texan would end up throwing a punch at someone if matters continued). NBC was using John Chancellor and Connie Chung to supplement Brokaw, and Ted Koppel was backing Jennings at ABC. More and more, regular programming was being pre-empted or interrupted by news programs, including ABC airing the documentary about civil defense and nuclear war that had originally aired on BBC's Panorama program, If The Bomb Drops. There was additional footage added to it for the American perspective, narrated by Hugh Downs, featuring interviews with personnel from the Kennedy and Eisenhower administrations that had worked on civil defense planning. The effect on national morale was not considered helpful, and Roone Arledge received a very unpleasant phone call from White House Chief of Staff Jim Baker, chewing him out. Arledge released a one sentence statement after the kerfuffle, saying, "The people have a right and a need to know what we are facing, whether it is pleasant or not."
As Koppel was at his desk in the news division's offices behind the studio, the wire service dot-matrix printer in his office began chattering to life. This was typically nothing new, except the ten-bell notice sounded, signalling FLASH traffic from the wires. FLASH traffic was the most urgent, and Koppel spun around in his chair to pick up the page from the Associated Press teletype and read.
**************************AP FLASH**************************
1200 HOURS GMT
BRUSSELS, BELGIUM
NATO HEADQUARTERS
NATO REPORTS RECEIPT OF COMMUNIQUE FROM SOVIET POLITBURO. SOVIETS DEMAND NATO WITHDRAW ALL FORCES FROM WEST GERMANY BY 0600 HOURS MOSCOW TIME (0300 HOURS GMT) ON 18 FEBRUARY OR "THE STERNEST CONSEQUENCES WILL RESULT, WHICH WE CANNOT BE HELD RESPONSIBLE FOR." SHAPE COMMANDER GENERAL ROGERS HAS NOT ISSUED COMMENT. NATO AMBASSADORS CURRENTLY MEETING IN CLOSED SESSION. SOVIET AMBASSADOR TO BELGIUM REFUSED COMMENT ON POLITBURO DEMANDS VIA TELEPHONE, EMBASSY GATES LOCKED.
************************END AP FLASH************************
Koppel jumped up, quickly grabbing his coat and fixing his tie. He speedwalked to the director's booth outside the studio and thrust the dispatch into his hands. Thirty seconds later, the director exhaled, "Holy shit," and picked up the phone, calling up to Arledge's office. "Hi, Debra, it's Jack, I need to speak to Roone immediately," the director said. It only took a ten-count: "Arledge speaking." "Roone, it's Jack, we just got a hot AP flash off the wire. The Soviets just told NATO to get the fuck outta Germany by 6 am Saturday morning or else." There was a short silence, then "OK, Jack, get to air. Who's on deck?" "Ted's right here, he brought me the wire story and he's ready to go," the director replied. "Good, send the alert to the affiliates. Five minute warning." Arledge hung up, while Koppel sat down at the Teleprompter and quickly typed out an outline of what he wanted to say, followed by dictating who he wanted to interview after breaking the news. Jack the director made a phone call to the Washington, D.C. residence of retired four-star General Andrew Goodpaster, who quickly drove to WJLA, the DC affiliate for ABC.
*****
Miami, Florida
The television, as always, was on in the conference room for the Rivera Task Force, and the interruption was, like so many others in recent weeks, unwelcome. Klima and his colleagues put down their bagels, donuts and coffee to listen.
"This is ABC News with a special report. From New York, Ted Koppel."
"Good morning, I'm Ted Koppel with breaking news from the Associated Press reporters in Brussels, Belgium. The Soviet Ambassador to Belgium delivered a diplomatic note from the Politburo in Moscow to NATO headquarters today. The text of the note has not been made public, but the AP reports that it included a demand that all NATO forces withdraw from West Germany by six AM, Moscow time, on Saturday, February 18, or, quote, "the sternest consequences will result, which we cannot be held responsible for." The Supreme Allied Commander in Europe, General Bernard Rogers, did not have any comment as we came to air, and the AP reports that the Soviet Ambassador not only refused comment, but that the gates of the Soviet Embassy have been locked. We are currently awaiting a statement from the Reagan administration, who has alerted our White House correspondent Sam Donaldson that they have received the Politburo's demands and are currently evaluating them, and will respond at the appropriate time.
For some insight on this, I turn to Washington, where the former White House staff secretary and former NATO commander General Andrew Goodpaster has come in to our local affiliate on short notice to help understand the situation. General, if the report is accurate, it sounds as if a demand of surrender is being made before a shot has been fired. Does such a demand guarantee shots will be fired and war will break out in Europe again?"
"Ted, as you know, I served in a number of national security positions over the past thirty years, and I've been around the block a few times. I was seven when the First World War broke out, and I learned at West Point how that war began. For all the rancorous, confrontational moments we had with the Soviet Union, nothing they've sent us matches the tone of this document. The reason I bring up World War I, Ted, is that this note sounds like the one that was sent to Serbia in 1914, demanding their total subjugation to the Austro-German forces as the only way to avoid a war. The Allies did their best to talk the Germans and Austrians out of their demands, but those nations wanted a war and they got their war. We saw how those nations ended up, and how that war caused the next war, and if war breaks out again, we can trace its roots to Yalta, Potsdam, and the Korean War. We've been in one long, uninterrupted cycle of war and recrimination, but now, the superpowers have weapons capable of wiping out virtually all life on Earth. I do not feel that we will avoid a war with this tone coming from the Soviets."
"General, I do not mean to argue, but haven't we faced this sort of belligerence before from Premier Khrushchev during the late 1950s and early 1960s? The Soviets threatened to crush us, subjected our ambassadors to blistering tirades, and even went nose-to-nose with the Vice President, not to mention the Berlin Wall and its immediate aftermath in 1961. How is this any different from, say, the Cuban Missile Crisis?"
"Ted, in 1961-62, I was commander of the 8th Infantry Division in West Germany. While there would have been substantial casualties if the Soviets launched their intermediate range missiles in Cuba, the fact is that it would have been considered more than survivable at the time. Some of our largest cities would be in ruins, but much of our farming and industry would have been unharmed, and America would have come out better than the Soviets, owing to substantial supremacy in our nuclear arsenal. That's not the case today, unfortunately. During the 1970s, the Soviets embarked on a program to build massive missiles with MIRV's, multiple independent re-entry vehicles. It was a way of avoiding the limits of the SALT treaty, which restricted missiles, not warheads. They deployed the SS-18, which now holds up to ten nuclear warheads on a single missile. To clarify the difference, during the Cuban Missile Crisis, a maximum of forty missiles would have been in Cuba, so forty targets would be hit. Many of those would be aimed at stopping our bombers, submarines, and missiles, so only a few cities would be struck. Now, forty missiles can hit up to four hundred different targets. The Soviets have 150 SS-18s, representing as many as 1500 targets, and as many as 330 SS-19s, representing as many as 1,980 targets, according to the CIA. The majority of those missiles are aimed at the United States. Do you understand now, Ted? From 1949, when the Soviets exploded their first atomic weapon, to roughly 1970, we could survive a Soviet attack without our losses being unrecoverable. It would have been loss unimaginable to us, but it wouldn't be enough to destroy our entire nation. That is no longer the case. If a nuclear war happens, there will not be many of us left, and God help those that are."
Koppel's confident anchor face sagged. The numbers staggered him, now that the threat of war was very immediate. There was a heavy silence for almost ten seconds.
"General Goodpaster, what would you recommend to the American people? If it is as bad as it sounds, are we supposed to just wait to die? This sounds terribly gruesome, and we are a hopeful, optimistic people. Is there anything we can do?" The veteran newsman almost pleaded in that last sentence.
"Well, there are some notes of hope, I would say. The first is that I don't believe anybody is crazy enough to use nuclear weapons. The Soviets know they'll all die in a nuclear war. We know America would be devastated. That should hopefully be enough to keep us safe. Second, I would prepare, just in case. Have food and water stored. Have a shelter, or a place out of the city, to go to, and don't wait until the sirens go off. No matter how dire things may be, panic will kill people as surely as a nuclear missile. Clogged roads mean that nobody gets to safety in case of the worst. And finally, I would suggest that people pray, for God promised Noah that he would never again allow humankind to be eradicated after the great flood in biblical times. Prayer never hurts anyone, and we could use as much of it as possible."
"General Goodpaster, thank you for your time this morning. We'll have more tonight on ABC World News Tonight with Peter Jennings. This has been an ABC News special report. We now return you to your local programming."
It was a very shaky detective's hand that turned the volume down. "Christ, guys, what the fuck do we do now?"
That question was answered for him by the door opening, and the appearance of Major Ron Simmons, the Miami PD equivalent of a brigadier general. "Listen up. This task force, by order of the chief, is on hold from the police end. Ms. Reno will speak to the ASA's later, but meanwhile, we need to get every cop in uniform and on the streets. Chief thinks this Soviet demand is going to cause massive protests or rioting, and he doesn't want us caught off guard. Everyone goes out in pairs, nobody patrols alone. We're going to have patrolmen on foot and detectives in cars. Klima, since Cárdenas is out of action, chief wants you in the ops center. We may need that infantry thinking of yours if a riot breaks out. We clear?"
Klima raised his hand. "Sir, Rivera is dangerous. We have reason to believe that he has some ex-CIA guys on his payroll, and they're probably all armed to the teeth now. With respect, why is the chief pulling us away from this?"
"Klima, this is the FBI's problem now. Our job is to maintain a semblance of law and order in this city. Mayor is talking about extending the governor's curfew longer, keeping everyone indoors more. We're right in Castro's crosshairs if he decides to throw in with his Commie buddies. We are here to serve and protect, and right now, a riot is a much greater concern than a drug lord, spy buddies or not. Do you understand me, son?" Simmons was an African-American, one of the first black officers to make high rank in the Miami PD, and because of all the discrimination and hatred he'd faced, he had the ability to make George S. Patton himself look like a shrinking violet. Jan Klima had no desire to see that side, and he nodded his understanding. "Alright, let's saddle up. Eyes open, radios on, four-hour patrols, then you'll be off for four hours, then back on. We're doing this Navy style." Simmons walked out the door briskly.
Everyone looked at each other. Nobody said anything. Their faces told the story.
.
