Reds fanfic
- Thread starter E. Burke
- Start date
Redshank Galloglass
Banned
I was thinking Arabia or UAE. Speaking of which, in the modern day I think those countries might be nicer places to live.
Bookmark1995
Banned
ITTL, the fact that the powerful nation on Earth is a nation heavily dedicated to labor rights means that international labor groups will be more influential. Which means the kafala system would, thankfully, not exist.
I doubt it would be one of the Middle Eastern countries. Even if places like Trasnjordan, the UAE, or Hashemite Arabia are much better off than OTL comparatively speaking they're still going to primarily be oil-based economies. That will still give them an insane amount of wealth like OTL but I can't really see them being known for a fully diversified economy.
My gut guess would perhaps be Brazil. It fits the description of "devastated post-war country seeing an almost miraculous resurgence politically and financially after a nigh apocalyptic conflict" and it would fulfill Brazil's OTL problem of never really achieving superpower status. If not Brazil, then perhaps another Asian country such as Thailand or the Philippines (I believe it was hinted that ITTL the Philippines are something of a jewel in the AFS crown out in the Pacific).
Redshank Galloglass
Banned
yeah, Brazil is probnably going to be the Japan of the Redsverse. They'll be bigger, sure, but probably closer.
The Phillipines might work as well, if you want a natio that is closer to Japan levels of power.
I still think the Middle East will be a better place to live.
Bookmark1995
Banned
There is also that fact that like OTL Japan, ITTL Brazil might be very reluctant to admit to war crimes. Also ITTL, it is a constitutional monarchy.
But truth is, it is hard for me to imagine Brazil, with its Samba and Carnival, as a nation that could be full of salarymen.
The Big Three (The main political parties of Turkey)
Republican Labor Party (Cumhuriyetçi İşçi Partisi)
Founded: 1980
Ideology: Left Kemalism, Socialism, Civic Nationalism (Fractions - Cultural Nationalism, Moderate Islamism).
Political position: Right-centrist (Turkey), Left (Internationale).
International Affiliation: Socialist International
Youth Wing: CIP-Gençlik Kolları
General Description: CIP by its own statements are "heirs of the great Ataturk" and "custodians of the dignity of the Turkish people." Formed after the emergence of the nationalist wing of the Communist Party. Most of all put a "free Turkish state". The basis of the electorate is military, officials.
Capital Punishment: They support the death penalty against traitors, pedophiles, traffickers, and sexual abusers.
Civil Defense: Promote civil defense programs and civil service as a means of educating the Turkish youth.
Cultural Stance: Opponents of the "decadent perversions" of the Cultural Leap. Active champions of femenism, and the further emancipation of women. They consider it necessary to prohibit the "propaganda of homosexuality".
Defense: A strong, centralized army.
Drug Policy: Absolutely against.
Economy: A centralized planned economy, where the state controls the main spheres of production, and the cooperatives produce consumer goods, food and provide small-scale services.
Education: Universal free education. Proponents of universal state standards, and compulsory study of the Turkish language.
Environment: Consider such concern harmful to the Turkish economy.
Foreign Aid: Consider such wastes harmful to the economy.
Foreign Alliances: Supporters of participation in international alliances to promote the interests of the Turkish nation.
Health Policy: Free state medicine.
Immigration: Visa regime.
National Policy: Supporters of a unitary state, where every citizen is part of a single Turkish nation. Individual members of the party favor the Turkization of minorities.
Social Welfare: They support the Turkish Welfare state.
Taxation: Status quo
Trade: Autarky
Communist Party of Turkey (Türkiye Komünist Partisi)
Founded: 1920
Ideology: Marxism-Leninism, Internationalism, Neoconservatism (Fractions - Left Kemalism)
Political position: Centrism (Turkey), Far Left (Internationale).
International Affiliation: The Comintern
Youth Wing: İlerici Gençler Derneği
General Description: TKP is the oldest of the existing political parties in modern Turkey. For a long time it was the only party in the country. After democratization and split, declared "the need to follow the Leninist course to the end, getting rid of the nationalist elements." It is oriented towards the Soviet Union. Moderately anti-Kemalist (believes that his reforms were progressive, but he was a protege of the Turkish bourgeoisie). Nevertheless, there is a broad Kemalist current within the party.
Capital Punishment: They are supported as an extreme measure against counter-revolutionary crimes, and crimes against humanity.
Civil Defense: supports a strong, state-sponsored military training program for minors
Cultural Stance: Moderate support for the Cultural Leap Forward (with the exception of an identity policy that is seen as a manifestation of "idealism" in matters of gender).
Defense: They emphasize the need for the development of armed forces to confront the Hashemite fanatics.
Drug Policy: They support the decriminalization of some light drugs and extensive rehabilitation programs for drug addicts.
Economy: Proponents of a balance between workers' self-management at enterprises and state planning.
Education: Universal free education.
Environment: Support state measures to prevent environmental degradation.
Foreign Aid: They support the use of foreign aid to support the revolutionary movement in the Middle East.
Foreign Alliances: Supporters of deepening cooperation with the USSR. They emphasize the need to prevent the aggression of the imperialist powers.
Health Policy: Free state medicine.
Immigration: Moderate restrictions.
National Policy: Turkey as a free federation of equal peoples. Empowerment of national minorities. Expanding the use of national languages.
Social Welfare: the ТСР have been the architects of the modern welfare state, from child support subsidies, universal healthcare and public ownership of housing programs
Taxation: Status quo
Trade: Autarky
People's Liberation Party of Turkey (Türkiye Halk Kurtuluş Partisi)
Founded: 1965 (as Revolutionary Youth Federation of Turkey), 1970 (as an underground political party), 1980 (legalized).
Ideology: Left Communism, Anti-Kemalism (Factions: Social-Ecology, Anarcho-Syndicalism).
Political position: The Left (Turkey), Far Left (Internationale).
International Affiliation: The Comintern
Youth Wing: Türkiye Devrimci Gençlik Federasyonu
General Description: Has arisen on the basis of the youth dissident organization, and on the first parliamentary elections figured first of all as a youth party. It is popular with national minorities. Focuses on UASR.
Capital Punishment: support using the death penalty against counterrevolutionary crimes and opposes efforts of provincial governments to abolish it
Civil Defense: supports a civilian-run military training program, financied by the workers' councils
Cultural Stance: Strong support for the Cultural Leap Forward. Libertarians (including in relation to polygamy, for which he is criticized by conservatives and Kemalists).
Defense: The replacement of the universal appeal by the volunteer army.
Drug Policy: total decriminalization of all drugs, combined with programs to combat addiction
Economy:universally opposes any government role in the economy, which is to be run by workers' councils
Education: increased support for regional control of schools and universities
Environment: Strongly in favor of increased environmental controls.
Foreign Aid: They support the use of foreign aid to support the revolutionary movement in the Middle East.
Foreign Alliances: Deepening of the alliance with America. They emphasize the need to prevent the aggression of the imperialist powers.
Health Policy: support a council workers'-run health system.
Immigration: generally favoring open borders
National Policy: Full revision of the national policy. Transition to "democratic confederalism." Turkey's redeployment to Anatolia. Refusal of the state language. Transition from national to regional identity.
Social Welfare: supports transfering social programs from the central government to the provincional governments.
Taxation: The THKP have remained categorically opposed to the institution of individual income taxes or general sales taxes, favoring union and provincial revenue to be derived from rents to publicly owned enterprises.
Trade: The THKP have championed the development of free-trade blocs among socialist nations.
PS - this is not all Turkish parties .... but I had to finish this on the phone.
Maybe the Benelux countries or South Italy?Or no parallels?I kinda remember that the FBU political system is said to resemble OTL Japan.
I'm actually more interested on Japan itself developing.Bit biased because i'm a Touhou trash,but i really hope the Comintern won't intentionally destroy temples in Japan.
Redshank Galloglass
Banned
I think the FBUs buisness system is mean to resemble OTL Japan.
Hell, maybe even Indonesia becomes the TTL Japan equivalent. Pretty big nation, one of the largest markets in Southeast Asia OTL, and it has the benefit of hardcore Keynesianism, FBU power, and increased power of labor groups to raise its standard of living.
I could see Indonesia becoming the Asian Tiger of the Capitalist World in the Redsverse.
On other hand it's nice Indonesia having better living standards ITTL.
On the other hand...Tan Malaka,i've failed you.
(My granddad from mom was part of the PKI.He got interned after the 1965 incident/coup.)
Redshank Galloglass
Banned
Ahh, I see.
My family were a Mic of indos and dutch colonialists, so they probably derserved to get kicked out.
Bookmark1995
Banned
The Free American State: The Grim Story of American Nazis (Part 1)
History Magazine
March 10, 2017
Two names have become synonymous with treason in American culture: Benedict Arnold and Henry Ford. The latter has become a quintessential example of how far man can delude himself into committing atrocities for pure profit. But to find the greatest extent of Nazi collaboration by a non- capitalist, one can look at the terrifying story of the American Free State.
The birth of the Free American State, though established during the uncertain years of the Second World War, was already being forged in the reactionary political environment of the 1920s. Two Mid men, William Dudley Pelley and Virgil Effinger, like many men of the period, developed a sharp aversion to big three forces they believed to be menacing the American way of life: socialism, Judaism, and Catholicism.
Effinger, nicknamed Bert by his followers, expressed his personal hatred, first by joining the Ku Klux Klan, and then by becoming the leader of the Black Legion, a quasi-terrorist organization that by 1932, had thousands of members scattered throughout the Midwest. The Legion was little more than a collection of hoodlums who harassed minorities and Communist organizers.
William Dudley Pelley's transition to his own fascism, however, was more gradual than Effinger's. His childhood as the son of a Southern Methodist had planted seeds of fascism, but Pelley only developed an antipathy toward Communism and Judaism while serving as a volunteer to the reactionary forces of the Soviet Revolutionary War. During the 1920s, Dudley had a mostly respectable career as screenwriter. But after a near death experience in 1928, Pelley's bigotry took on increasingly deranged and spiritual levels. His imagined himself as a mighty spiritual leader, and his beliefs also saw Jews and Communism being lumped into one malicious evil.
It was not until the dying days of Old Republic, however, the two men would be able to join together, and act the name of their sick and twisted cause.
History Magazine
March 10, 2017
Two names have become synonymous with treason in American culture: Benedict Arnold and Henry Ford. The latter has become a quintessential example of how far man can delude himself into committing atrocities for pure profit. But to find the greatest extent of Nazi collaboration by a non- capitalist, one can look at the terrifying story of the American Free State.
The birth of the Free American State, though established during the uncertain years of the Second World War, was already being forged in the reactionary political environment of the 1920s. Two Mid men, William Dudley Pelley and Virgil Effinger, like many men of the period, developed a sharp aversion to big three forces they believed to be menacing the American way of life: socialism, Judaism, and Catholicism.
Effinger, nicknamed Bert by his followers, expressed his personal hatred, first by joining the Ku Klux Klan, and then by becoming the leader of the Black Legion, a quasi-terrorist organization that by 1932, had thousands of members scattered throughout the Midwest. The Legion was little more than a collection of hoodlums who harassed minorities and Communist organizers.
William Dudley Pelley's transition to his own fascism, however, was more gradual than Effinger's. His childhood as the son of a Southern Methodist had planted seeds of fascism, but Pelley only developed an antipathy toward Communism and Judaism while serving as a volunteer to the reactionary forces of the Soviet Revolutionary War. During the 1920s, Dudley had a mostly respectable career as screenwriter. But after a near death experience in 1928, Pelley's bigotry took on increasingly deranged and spiritual levels. His imagined himself as a mighty spiritual leader, and his beliefs also saw Jews and Communism being lumped into one malicious evil.
It was not until the dying days of Old Republic, however, the two men would be able to join together, and act the name of their sick and twisted cause.
Other national parties.
Party of National Virtues (Ulusal Fazilet Partisi)
Founded: 1998
Ideology: Islamic Conservatism, Pan-Turkism, Neo-Ottomanism, Anti-Communism.
Political position: Ultra right (Turkey), Far right (Internationale).
Youth Wing: Genç Yeniçeri
General Description: The extreme nationalist party, known in the people as "Erdogan's gang". It arose as a union of marginal organizations of fundamentalist and right-wing nature. Declare themselves "heirs of the Ottomans" - which causes irritation in the overwhelming majority of the population (because they are reactionary to both the Kemalist and socialist revolutions).
Capital Punishment: Promote the use of the death penalty for all serious crimes.
Civil Defense: Mandatory military training for boys. Exclusion of women from the Civil Defense programs.
Cultural Stance: Islamic Fundamentalists; They demand strict observance of Sharia law.
Defense: Strong Turkish Army, to protect the interests of the state.
Drug Policy: Absolutely against.
Economy: Considerable scaling back of the central planning, including the privatization of the automotive, aircraft, construction and steel industries; remains in favour of keeping defense nationalized .
Education: Revision of educational standards. Revival of private and parochial schools.
Environment: the UFP considers efforts to limits climate change and ecological devastation to be harmful to the communities' economic well-being
Foreign Aid: Consider such wastes harmful to the economy.
Foreign Alliances: Break the relationship with the "red". Construction of alliances with countries "entering the Turkish sphere of interest." Support Islamist and nationalist movements in the Turkic-speaking regions of the USSR, for "the liberation of fraternal peoples from the tyranny of the Red Atheists."
Health Policy: Privatization of state and provincial owned hospitals and treatment clinics.
Immigration: Closed borders.
National Policy: One and indivisible Turkey, as the state of the peoples professing Islam.
Social Welfare: The party considers the national policy of supporting rural and urban communal living projects to be detrimental to the cooperative sectors of the housing and construction industry and advocates some restrictions on the provision of welfare.
Taxation: Has supported the implementation of a sales and income tax.
Trade: Free trade.
Reformist National Party (Reformcu Ulusal Partisi)
Founded: 1984
Ideology: Kemalism, Corporatism, Nationalism (Anatolism), Neoconservatism.
Political position: Far right (Turkey), Right-centrist (Internationale).
Youth Wing: Atatürk'ün çocukları
General Description: Right-wing Kemalist Party, oriented towards Europe. They consider themselves "the only heirs of the Atatürk case" and "keepers of the traditions of the Turkish statehood."
Capital Punishment: Supports use for severe crimes, such as serial murder, rape, and treason
Civil Defense: Supports training and watch programs in the event of an invasion
Cultural Stance: Ardent opponents of the Cultural Leap. They support the achievements of Turkey in the field of women's emancipation, adequately loyal to sexual minorities.
Defense: Strong Turkish Army, to protect the interests of the state.
Drug Policy: Legalization of light drugs for medical needs.
Economy: Promote corporate welfare and pro-capitalist "business unions" to subtly orient markets, creating a quasi-corporatist system of government and large private enterprises controlling the economy.
Education: Combination of indpendent schools, parochial schools, and government back school.
Environment: The RUP would rather use incentives to encourage more private means of seeking peace with the planet.
Foreign Aid: Consider such wastes harmful to the economy.
Foreign Alliances: Break the relationship with the "red". Rapprochement with the Alliance of Free States and the European Continental System.
Health Policy: Privatization of state and provincial owned hospitals and treatment clinics.
Immigration: Open borders for the European Continental System.
National Policy: Assimilation of national minorities in order to strengthen the Turkish state.
Social Welfare: The party considers the national policy of supporting rural and urban communal living projects to be detrimental to the cooperative sectors of the housing and construction industry and advocates some restrictions on the provision of welfare.
Taxation: Supports basic welfare, supported by basic universal income.
Trade: Autarky
Party of Justice (Adalet Partisi)
Founded: 1980
Ideology: Big tent Islamic socialism.
Political position: Left-centrist (Turkey), Left (Internationale).
Youth Wing: Genç İslam Demokratları
General Description: The party representing the interests of Muslims in the government.
Capital Punishment: Universally opposed
Civil Defense: Universally Opposed
Cultural Stance: Different factions support different points of view - from neoconservative to radical.
Defense: Reduction of the army. The demilitarization of Turkish society.
Drug Policy: Rehabilitation for hard drug users, legalization for soft drug
Economy: Status quo
Education: Universal free education. Focuses on the development of Muslim universities.
Environment: Strongly advocates regulations to deter the pollution problem and climate change
Foreign Aid: Aid to developing nations, capitalist or communist, though opposes aid to dictatorships, especially Rhodesia.
Foreign Alliances: Proponents of detente between the blocs.
Health Policy: Universal free medicine.
Immigration: Open borders.
National Policy: Unification of the peoples of Turkey around Islam. Broad autonomy for minorities.
Social Welfare: They support the Turkish welfare state.
Taxation: The AP favors taxing socially destructive activities as part of its overall theme of social justice.
Trade: Fair trade
Green Left Party (Yeşil Sol Parti)
Founded: 2008
Ideology: Social-Ecology, Communalism (Fractions: Anarcho-Collectivism).
Political position: Far Left (Turkey), Ultra-Left (Internationale)
Youth Wing: Ekolojik Öğrenci Birliği
General Description: A relatively young but fast-growing radical party.
Capital Punishment: Universally opposed
Civil Defense: Universally Opposed
Cultural Stance: Liberterian; the YSP is a strong advocate of free love, free religion (and strong secularism), anti-racism, pro-feminism, and pro-LGBTQ policy and has argued successfully for polygamous civil unions.
Defense: Reduction of the army. The demilitarization of Turkish society.
Drug Policy: Total decriminalization, combined with awareness programs and programs to combat addiction.
Economy: Strongly in favor of participatory planning, though central planning to maintain ecological standards is often supported.
Education: The party advocates increased local control of educational policy, in keeping with the party’s strong support for participatory democracy.
Environment: Strongest advocate for the environment; strongly supports any efforts to curb climate change and halt continued pollution.
Foreign Aid: The YSP advocates using foreign aid to promote ecologically sound economic policy in developing socialist nations.
Foreign Alliances: the biggest proponents of genuine socialist internationalism.
Health Policy: The YSP supports public policy initiatives to promote healthier eating, as well as promoting exercise for both students and workers.
Immigration: Open borders.
National Policy: Full revision of the national policy. Transition to "democratic confederalism." Turkey's redeployment to Anatolia. Refusal of the state language. Transition from national to regional identity.
Social Welfare: The YSP has advocating using social welfare policy to promote ecological sustainability, such as massive renovation programs in public housing projects to reduce their ecological footprint.
Taxation: The YSP has supported the institution of a carbon tax to promote sustainable economic policy.
Trade: The YSP prefers to advocate ecologically sustainable production both within and abroad, advocating the implementation of taxes of products that fail to meet environmental standards.
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Redshank Galloglass
Banned
Honolulu Labor Standard Exclusive Column
By: Hazel Rivington
June 26th, 2017
Legend: The Life of Japanese Communist Akiro Nakamura
Akiro Nakamura, former American ambassador to the Socialist Republic of Japan, has died in his home today after a devastating heart attack. He was 95 years old. The Beloved Statesman and writer's death was announced Tuesday by his surviving children, who released a statement to writers of the Honolulu Labor Standard.
"It is with a heavy heart that we must announce our loving father, Akiro Nakamura, has passed away today in Honolulu." his children Jason, Alexia and Kenji said in the statement.
For millions of science fiction fans around the world, it is a day of heavy hearts. Nakamura, better known to his fans as the Iron Samurai, was the writer of several science fiction books, including many collaborations with his friend Robert Heinlein, the most famous of which is Starship Troopers, the novel featuring Jonnie Rico and the Mobile Infantry of Star Trek fame. But perhaps Nakamura's most famous work is his military science fiction novel Winds of Ash, a novel loosely based upon his experiences in the Second World War, set within a universe very similar to Starship Troopers.
Outside of his work as a writer, he was also a Politician, namely, the ambassador to Japan from 1982-1985. He was well known for normalizing Japanese relations with the Socialist West and speaking out for the survivors of the Invasion of Japan. He was a figure beloved by the people of the Comintern for his advocacy of human rights, and his support of the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s.
Yet, for all his imagination, creativity, and brevity, the incredible tale of Nakamura's life surpasses all of his creations. This is his story.
Akiro Nakamura was born on January 23rd, 1922, in Kyoto, Japan, the fourth and youngest son of an affluent merchant and his wife. Due to his wealthy background, he was taught English and French in his schoolings, alongside advanced academics such as science and mathematics. His father, a devoted supporter of the status quo in Imperial Japan, harshly disciplined his children, which Nakamura claimed was one of the reasons why he began to flirt with the ideals of the Radical Left. He spoke fondly of his days as a rebellious teen, where he would sneak out at night and visit underground gathering places where Japanese Communists were forced to meet after the Peace Preservation Law of 1925 officially banned the party. Even Though such things were incredibly dangerous, Nakamura couldn't care less. He saw the teachings of the JCP as a cause worth listening to, and, if necessary, fighting for.
However, this all changed with the Empire of Japan's National Preservation Law of 1939, issued in the years of the Second American Revolution. Facing a very real threat of Communist invasion of their holdings on the Continent and Communist Naval Invasion from the East, Japan cracked down even harder on labor and the Left. Nakamura was forced to cut any ties with the Japanese Communists as the Kenpeitai, the Japanese Secret Police, arrested and even shot anyone they suspected of having links to organized labor. In an interview in 1963, Nakamura spoke of a personal experience involving the cruelty of the Kenpeitai. "One afternoon, the military police marched down the street where i lived and grabbed a homeless man. I knew the man: he was a former laborer for the Yasuda zaibatsu, down in Edo. He was not affiliated with us, due to his mental state, but from time to time our organization would bring him food on the street. It turns out that the Military knew who was giving him food. They didn't care if he was homeless, insane, or even crippled, they only cared that Communists had given him food. They shot him in the middle of the street and left him there. No one touched his body for two weeks, simply leaving it to rot amongst the filth of the earth."
During this time, Nakamura remained interested in Communism. Due to his status in society, he was able to hide in plain sight, going to affluent parties while simultaneously hiding Communist literature in his home. Despite the war with the Comintern, he found himself losing interest in current affairs, focusing more on personal relationships and educating himself more on leftism.
This all changed, however, when the Comintern was knocking at Japan's door in the year 1946. The Army had nearly run out of men to fight the Soviet and American onslaught, and were resorting to conscripting any able bodied men and women to fight. Nakamura was no exception, and was called into duty by the Army the day after his 24th birthday. He was handed a uniform, an old Murata rifle from the first Sino-Japanese war, and was given one order: fight, or be executed. Nakamura, inside, wished to resist the fascists, but in his own words, "was too much of a coward." Despite his rather harsh assessment of his younger self, Nakamura indeed complied with the Army's commands, and was sent to the Japanese Island of Kyushu to fight the American invasion force.
The months that followed would be, in Nakamura's own words, "The year where he saw hell itself." The fighting on Kyushu has been described as nothing less than apocayptic, and in Nakamura's eyes, the reality was that such descriptions were a gross understatement. In his autobiography, Ends and Beginnings, Nakamura describes the fighting in detail. "It was nothing less than staring into the face of he devil himself," he writes, "Our days were filled with the screams of incoming bombers, the pounding rain of artillery, and the chattering of machine guns. Both sides threw bodies at each other as the combat devolved into a situation comparable to the great struggle the European powers found themselves in less than three decades before. The violent melees that resulted from such warfare left an impression so deep within me as to suggest that all semblance of humanity leaves us in the heat of war."
What particularly disturbed Nakamura was the attitudes of the American soldiers towards the Japanese. Years of warfare against the IJA had left the Americans cold and bitter, as the brutal tactics and heavy casualties inflicted upon their Soldiers and Marines were often nothing short of criminal. Though propaganda depicted the Japanese as an exploited proletariat under the yoke of fascism that thier comrades were coming to liberate, the awful truth is that the average American soldier did not care if the Japanese lived or died as long as his or her friends came home. Americans were often incredibly brutal in their combat conduct against the Japanese, and the Pacific War is littered with stories of actions that would often be considered war crimes today. Nakamura, during the fighting on Kyushu, came to witness this firsthand, as he often saw American soldiers and Marines adopt "no quarter" policies, killing any Japanese soldiers they got their hands on, even if they were legitimately surrendering. The war continued with this policy enforced by both sides.
Following the defeat of the Japanese and Akiro's lucky capture by hesitant American soldiers, he was shocked to find that this prejudice ran much deeper than just in the heat of combat. The Americans would often treat Japanese prisoners poorly, and they even had developed fairly derogatory racial nicknames towards the Japanese, with the terms 'Jap' and 'Nip" being thrown around fairly commonly. In his writings, Nakamura often wrote about his time as a prisoner. "The Americans, contrary to what I had believed would happen, did not see the Japanese as human beings, but as a swarm of pests. Often times, the terms, "fucking Jap fascists" and "Dirty Nip bastards" were thrown around like it was common dinner conversation. I was shocked when I was younger. How could these people. who promoted an ideology of brotherhood, portray such a barbaric attitude towards us? Now, as an older man, I know that war brings out the worst in a human being, and makes them think in ways that other experiences would not have given them. But as a younger man, I was foolish, and this experience shook me to the core."
What was probably the most blatant experience of this racism, however, was a night in September 1946. In his autobiography, Nakamura wrote:
"it was a cold night, as I lay in the prisoner's barracks, trying desperately to sleep. The window by my bunk was wide open, and I could hear a group of American soldiers conversing. "Damn, these Japs just don't fucking quit", one said. "I know," another replied, "these goddamn animals don't even act like they're human." "Do you think we'll... have to kill them all?" A third, younger soldier spoke. A fourth soldier, a grim, rough sounding man, spoke. "Yeah. I think we just might. Fuck politics, if these goddamn Japs keep acting the way they do, we'll keep killing them. If that means killing everyone in Japan, so be it.""
This experience, Nakamura wrote, shook the man to his foundations and left a lasting impression on him about war and it's crucible of hatred. While he admits that this particular incident is an isolated and unpopular opinion, this experience still haunted him over the years, and formed the basis for his standalone novel, Winds of Ash.
Following the end of the war, Nakamura battled with depression. He had lost everything: his brothers and friends had died in the Army, defending Kyushu against the Americans, and his parents had been killed during the American bombings. However, this all changes when he met his significant other, Jessica Morton. A Revolutionary Army Air Force pilot, Jessica met Akiro during the occupation of the Japanese home islands. Nakamura wrote of her often in his autobiography, describing her as "the redeeming force in my life... She is the only reason why I have not been dead for many decades now. " Following the end of her service in 1949, Nakamura and Morton left Japan for the UASR. Morton initially protested, but Nakamura insisted on leaving his homeland: he had very little left for him, after all. On November 1949, two months after Morton was decommissioned from the Army, Nakamura successfully immigrated to the Union of American Socialist Republics.
Nakamura was astounded by the cultural and political dissonance from Imperial Japan and Red America. "It is like stepping onto another world." Nalqmura wrote. "Men and women march as equals here, and the people control their own destinies.They choose their own leaders instead of following the orders of an emperor."
Of particular interest for Nakamura was the Science Fiction Genre in the UASR. After he viewed famous American science fiction film Destination Moon, based off of the novel The Rocket Ship Galileo by Robert Heinlein, Nakamura grew an undying love for the Science Fiction Genre. He wished to write such stories himself, and in 1954 bexame an educated writer, graduating from Oregon University with a bachelors degree in journalism. In several editions of the Weird Tales fiction magazine, he wrote several short stories, the most famous of which being a story called The Expedition, a story about a crew of privateers who act as scouts, exploring now worlds for the Communist World Government. Nakamura quickly became one of the most popular writers of weird tales, even earning the respect of Robert Heinlein, who often read his stories. Heinlein reached out to Nakamura to collaborate on several stories, and they quickly became friends. Despite their different opinions on militarism, Heinlein and Nakamura simply clicked: they were often described as being of the same mind. Eventually, once Heinlein became the lead writer of the new Star Trek television series, Nakamura joined along for the ride. He became one of the shows top writers, with many famous episodes being credited to the work of his writings. Alongside writing for the show, Heinlein and Nakamura continued to write collaborations, including Starship Troopers, the standalone novel of the Star Trek Federation's Mobile Infantry. It was critically acclaimed when it was released, hailed by many as the beginning of the Military Sci-Fi genre in literary fiction.
After Heinlein and Nakamura retired from the show to work on standalone projects, Nakamura began working on what is considered his magnum opus, Winds of Ash. The novel, a coming of age story and a novel on the prejudice of war, takes place in the backdrop of a fictional future war between the United Terran Socialist Republic and an expansionist, violent race of aliens known as the Sikaerii. While the book is known for its powered armor, known as MARS Rigs (Mechanized Assault Reactive Suit) but is also known for its explorations of battlefield prejudice amongst the soldiers of a world nation who promote unity and brotherhood for all. It is considered by many to be his best work, and received praise when it released in 1977, though it did not go unnoticed by controversy.
After Winds of Ash was written, Nakamura retired from the public limelight, until he ran for the central committee of the Liberation Communist Party in 1982. His popularity easily propelled him to the seat of ambassador, where he served for three years before retiring from politics in 1985. He was known for bettering Americans relations with the Japanese Socialist Republic, who had been relatively cold towards the Americans in the years following World War II. He also championed for surviving veterans of the Imperial Japanese Army, and petitioned for American history books to take more nuanced views of the average Japanese soldier in World War II.
Following his retirement from politics, Nakamura moved to Hawaii with his wife, where he wrote the occasional article for this very newspaper. He retired from work when his wife died in the year of 1998, preferring to spend more time with his children and grandchildren. He lived a peaceful life until his eventual death.
Nakamura's life and achievements may be filled with all manner of sorrow and heartbreak, but it is also packed to the brim with love and grandeur. His incredible story is living proof that sometimes, life proves to be more amazing than any work of fiction.
By: Hazel Rivington
June 26th, 2017
Legend: The Life of Japanese Communist Akiro Nakamura
Akiro Nakamura, former American ambassador to the Socialist Republic of Japan, has died in his home today after a devastating heart attack. He was 95 years old. The Beloved Statesman and writer's death was announced Tuesday by his surviving children, who released a statement to writers of the Honolulu Labor Standard.
"It is with a heavy heart that we must announce our loving father, Akiro Nakamura, has passed away today in Honolulu." his children Jason, Alexia and Kenji said in the statement.
For millions of science fiction fans around the world, it is a day of heavy hearts. Nakamura, better known to his fans as the Iron Samurai, was the writer of several science fiction books, including many collaborations with his friend Robert Heinlein, the most famous of which is Starship Troopers, the novel featuring Jonnie Rico and the Mobile Infantry of Star Trek fame. But perhaps Nakamura's most famous work is his military science fiction novel Winds of Ash, a novel loosely based upon his experiences in the Second World War, set within a universe very similar to Starship Troopers.
Outside of his work as a writer, he was also a Politician, namely, the ambassador to Japan from 1982-1985. He was well known for normalizing Japanese relations with the Socialist West and speaking out for the survivors of the Invasion of Japan. He was a figure beloved by the people of the Comintern for his advocacy of human rights, and his support of the Cultural Revolution of the 1960s.
Yet, for all his imagination, creativity, and brevity, the incredible tale of Nakamura's life surpasses all of his creations. This is his story.
Akiro Nakamura was born on January 23rd, 1922, in Kyoto, Japan, the fourth and youngest son of an affluent merchant and his wife. Due to his wealthy background, he was taught English and French in his schoolings, alongside advanced academics such as science and mathematics. His father, a devoted supporter of the status quo in Imperial Japan, harshly disciplined his children, which Nakamura claimed was one of the reasons why he began to flirt with the ideals of the Radical Left. He spoke fondly of his days as a rebellious teen, where he would sneak out at night and visit underground gathering places where Japanese Communists were forced to meet after the Peace Preservation Law of 1925 officially banned the party. Even Though such things were incredibly dangerous, Nakamura couldn't care less. He saw the teachings of the JCP as a cause worth listening to, and, if necessary, fighting for.
However, this all changed with the Empire of Japan's National Preservation Law of 1939, issued in the years of the Second American Revolution. Facing a very real threat of Communist invasion of their holdings on the Continent and Communist Naval Invasion from the East, Japan cracked down even harder on labor and the Left. Nakamura was forced to cut any ties with the Japanese Communists as the Kenpeitai, the Japanese Secret Police, arrested and even shot anyone they suspected of having links to organized labor. In an interview in 1963, Nakamura spoke of a personal experience involving the cruelty of the Kenpeitai. "One afternoon, the military police marched down the street where i lived and grabbed a homeless man. I knew the man: he was a former laborer for the Yasuda zaibatsu, down in Edo. He was not affiliated with us, due to his mental state, but from time to time our organization would bring him food on the street. It turns out that the Military knew who was giving him food. They didn't care if he was homeless, insane, or even crippled, they only cared that Communists had given him food. They shot him in the middle of the street and left him there. No one touched his body for two weeks, simply leaving it to rot amongst the filth of the earth."
During this time, Nakamura remained interested in Communism. Due to his status in society, he was able to hide in plain sight, going to affluent parties while simultaneously hiding Communist literature in his home. Despite the war with the Comintern, he found himself losing interest in current affairs, focusing more on personal relationships and educating himself more on leftism.
This all changed, however, when the Comintern was knocking at Japan's door in the year 1946. The Army had nearly run out of men to fight the Soviet and American onslaught, and were resorting to conscripting any able bodied men and women to fight. Nakamura was no exception, and was called into duty by the Army the day after his 24th birthday. He was handed a uniform, an old Murata rifle from the first Sino-Japanese war, and was given one order: fight, or be executed. Nakamura, inside, wished to resist the fascists, but in his own words, "was too much of a coward." Despite his rather harsh assessment of his younger self, Nakamura indeed complied with the Army's commands, and was sent to the Japanese Island of Kyushu to fight the American invasion force.
The months that followed would be, in Nakamura's own words, "The year where he saw hell itself." The fighting on Kyushu has been described as nothing less than apocayptic, and in Nakamura's eyes, the reality was that such descriptions were a gross understatement. In his autobiography, Ends and Beginnings, Nakamura describes the fighting in detail. "It was nothing less than staring into the face of he devil himself," he writes, "Our days were filled with the screams of incoming bombers, the pounding rain of artillery, and the chattering of machine guns. Both sides threw bodies at each other as the combat devolved into a situation comparable to the great struggle the European powers found themselves in less than three decades before. The violent melees that resulted from such warfare left an impression so deep within me as to suggest that all semblance of humanity leaves us in the heat of war."
What particularly disturbed Nakamura was the attitudes of the American soldiers towards the Japanese. Years of warfare against the IJA had left the Americans cold and bitter, as the brutal tactics and heavy casualties inflicted upon their Soldiers and Marines were often nothing short of criminal. Though propaganda depicted the Japanese as an exploited proletariat under the yoke of fascism that thier comrades were coming to liberate, the awful truth is that the average American soldier did not care if the Japanese lived or died as long as his or her friends came home. Americans were often incredibly brutal in their combat conduct against the Japanese, and the Pacific War is littered with stories of actions that would often be considered war crimes today. Nakamura, during the fighting on Kyushu, came to witness this firsthand, as he often saw American soldiers and Marines adopt "no quarter" policies, killing any Japanese soldiers they got their hands on, even if they were legitimately surrendering. The war continued with this policy enforced by both sides.
Following the defeat of the Japanese and Akiro's lucky capture by hesitant American soldiers, he was shocked to find that this prejudice ran much deeper than just in the heat of combat. The Americans would often treat Japanese prisoners poorly, and they even had developed fairly derogatory racial nicknames towards the Japanese, with the terms 'Jap' and 'Nip" being thrown around fairly commonly. In his writings, Nakamura often wrote about his time as a prisoner. "The Americans, contrary to what I had believed would happen, did not see the Japanese as human beings, but as a swarm of pests. Often times, the terms, "fucking Jap fascists" and "Dirty Nip bastards" were thrown around like it was common dinner conversation. I was shocked when I was younger. How could these people. who promoted an ideology of brotherhood, portray such a barbaric attitude towards us? Now, as an older man, I know that war brings out the worst in a human being, and makes them think in ways that other experiences would not have given them. But as a younger man, I was foolish, and this experience shook me to the core."
What was probably the most blatant experience of this racism, however, was a night in September 1946. In his autobiography, Nakamura wrote:
"it was a cold night, as I lay in the prisoner's barracks, trying desperately to sleep. The window by my bunk was wide open, and I could hear a group of American soldiers conversing. "Damn, these Japs just don't fucking quit", one said. "I know," another replied, "these goddamn animals don't even act like they're human." "Do you think we'll... have to kill them all?" A third, younger soldier spoke. A fourth soldier, a grim, rough sounding man, spoke. "Yeah. I think we just might. Fuck politics, if these goddamn Japs keep acting the way they do, we'll keep killing them. If that means killing everyone in Japan, so be it.""
This experience, Nakamura wrote, shook the man to his foundations and left a lasting impression on him about war and it's crucible of hatred. While he admits that this particular incident is an isolated and unpopular opinion, this experience still haunted him over the years, and formed the basis for his standalone novel, Winds of Ash.
Following the end of the war, Nakamura battled with depression. He had lost everything: his brothers and friends had died in the Army, defending Kyushu against the Americans, and his parents had been killed during the American bombings. However, this all changes when he met his significant other, Jessica Morton. A Revolutionary Army Air Force pilot, Jessica met Akiro during the occupation of the Japanese home islands. Nakamura wrote of her often in his autobiography, describing her as "the redeeming force in my life... She is the only reason why I have not been dead for many decades now. " Following the end of her service in 1949, Nakamura and Morton left Japan for the UASR. Morton initially protested, but Nakamura insisted on leaving his homeland: he had very little left for him, after all. On November 1949, two months after Morton was decommissioned from the Army, Nakamura successfully immigrated to the Union of American Socialist Republics.
Nakamura was astounded by the cultural and political dissonance from Imperial Japan and Red America. "It is like stepping onto another world." Nalqmura wrote. "Men and women march as equals here, and the people control their own destinies.They choose their own leaders instead of following the orders of an emperor."
Of particular interest for Nakamura was the Science Fiction Genre in the UASR. After he viewed famous American science fiction film Destination Moon, based off of the novel The Rocket Ship Galileo by Robert Heinlein, Nakamura grew an undying love for the Science Fiction Genre. He wished to write such stories himself, and in 1954 bexame an educated writer, graduating from Oregon University with a bachelors degree in journalism. In several editions of the Weird Tales fiction magazine, he wrote several short stories, the most famous of which being a story called The Expedition, a story about a crew of privateers who act as scouts, exploring now worlds for the Communist World Government. Nakamura quickly became one of the most popular writers of weird tales, even earning the respect of Robert Heinlein, who often read his stories. Heinlein reached out to Nakamura to collaborate on several stories, and they quickly became friends. Despite their different opinions on militarism, Heinlein and Nakamura simply clicked: they were often described as being of the same mind. Eventually, once Heinlein became the lead writer of the new Star Trek television series, Nakamura joined along for the ride. He became one of the shows top writers, with many famous episodes being credited to the work of his writings. Alongside writing for the show, Heinlein and Nakamura continued to write collaborations, including Starship Troopers, the standalone novel of the Star Trek Federation's Mobile Infantry. It was critically acclaimed when it was released, hailed by many as the beginning of the Military Sci-Fi genre in literary fiction.
After Heinlein and Nakamura retired from the show to work on standalone projects, Nakamura began working on what is considered his magnum opus, Winds of Ash. The novel, a coming of age story and a novel on the prejudice of war, takes place in the backdrop of a fictional future war between the United Terran Socialist Republic and an expansionist, violent race of aliens known as the Sikaerii. While the book is known for its powered armor, known as MARS Rigs (Mechanized Assault Reactive Suit) but is also known for its explorations of battlefield prejudice amongst the soldiers of a world nation who promote unity and brotherhood for all. It is considered by many to be his best work, and received praise when it released in 1977, though it did not go unnoticed by controversy.
After Winds of Ash was written, Nakamura retired from the public limelight, until he ran for the central committee of the Liberation Communist Party in 1982. His popularity easily propelled him to the seat of ambassador, where he served for three years before retiring from politics in 1985. He was known for bettering Americans relations with the Japanese Socialist Republic, who had been relatively cold towards the Americans in the years following World War II. He also championed for surviving veterans of the Imperial Japanese Army, and petitioned for American history books to take more nuanced views of the average Japanese soldier in World War II.
Following his retirement from politics, Nakamura moved to Hawaii with his wife, where he wrote the occasional article for this very newspaper. He retired from work when his wife died in the year of 1998, preferring to spend more time with his children and grandchildren. He lived a peaceful life until his eventual death.
Nakamura's life and achievements may be filled with all manner of sorrow and heartbreak, but it is also packed to the brim with love and grandeur. His incredible story is living proof that sometimes, life proves to be more amazing than any work of fiction.
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Redshank Galloglass
Banned
if it makes you feel better I was partially inspired by your Emile Dumont story. expect to see more soon.
Bookmark1995
Banned
First of all, I was feeling fine. But thank you for your concern for my well-being.
Secondly, I happy that my work inspired yours.
Redshank Galloglass
Banned
I apologize, I did not mean anything by that first bit. I'm not the soberest person right now, so don't take it to heart.
and i glad you happy.