What If - Finland had been prepared for the Winter War?

Hyperion

Banned
No, I'm not going to get into Taranto in this TL, adds to much complexity if I start to rework the whole of WW2. I'm trying to limit the butterflys and just keep this (relatively) tightly focused on Finland, altho there's a bit of a flow-on effect for Estonia and then for Poland as we get into WW2 (Poland plays a bigger part post-Winter War). But outside the confines of the Baltic I am trying not to influence or change anything.

Thing of the Finnish influence on Taranto as being "Hey chaps, that's a great ide by Jove. Why don't we do something like that to those damned Eyeties!"

Then you should move this to the ASB section, because with the changes you've put in place, the butterflies are going to be huge.

Don't get me wrong, I think your doing a good job so far, but your basically assuming that Finland exists in a bubble where nothing much outside it will change. At the moment, I don't see much incentive for major powers to do anything different.

That being said, your basic premise is to have Finland to better in the Winter War. Meaning the Soviets will likely do worse. Are you talking hold the Soviets off another two days and kill one or two more of their divisions worse, or hold them off another month or two and kill another quarter million to half million troops worse.

In the context of World War 2 as a whole, even killing a half million more Soviet troops isn't going to matter much in the end. That being said, half a million more Soviet troops dead in Estonia and Finland are half a million troops that aren't going to be around, one way or the other, when the Germans pay the Soviets a visit come 1941.
 
Then you should move this to the ASB section, because with the changes you've put in place, the butterflies are going to be huge.

Don't get me wrong, I think your doing a good job so far, but your basically assuming that Finland exists in a bubble where nothing much outside it will change. At the moment, I don't see much incentive for major powers to do anything different.

That being said, your basic premise is to have Finland to better in the Winter War. Meaning the Soviets will likely do worse. Are you talking hold the Soviets off another two days and kill one or two more of their divisions worse, or hold them off another month or two and kill another quarter million to half million troops worse.

In the context of World War 2 as a whole, even killing a half million more Soviet troops isn't going to matter much in the end. That being said, half a million more Soviet troops dead in Estonia and Finland are half a million troops that aren't going to be around, one way or the other, when the Germans pay the Soviets a visit come 1941.

At times I fear you may be correct. The deeper I get into this, the more the butterflies. What happens for example if the Italians are busy providing major assistance to Finland? Is this more likely to keep Mussolini neutral with regards to the UK and France, particularly if they encourage him? if that happens, Mussolini is likely to stay around like Franco. On the other hand, what the heck! I'm going to try and work around that without changing to much in the way of what really happened outside Finland as far as the Winter War is concerned.

That said, my intention is to minimise the butterflies and you're correct that there's not much incentive for major powers to do anything different. I'm going to more or less try and keep it like that. Once the fighting starts, there won't by much more assistance from the major powers than in OTL - a few small volunteer units like the ANZAC one I wrote up - which may grow in size to a Commonwealth Brigade once the Canuck and Brit battalions show up, but Finland's on their own, more or less as OTL. A bit more assistance from the minor league (Scandanavia, Italy, Spain, Hungary) and some changes with regard to Poland which I've mentioned here and there.

However, the earlier discussion on the Norway scenario cleared up a few things there which will lead me to minimise those particular butterflies and I'll try to keep up with that approach going forward. Basically throw out the ideas and see what you guys think before I go to far with it....

Re the Soviets, my plot has Stalin die towards the end of the Winter War (Sept 1940 to be more precise). Change of leadership will happen. The basic premise is the Soviets get toasted in the Winter War but the change in leadership lets them be more prepared, one offsets the other. But of course without Stalin the Red Army would likely fight more intelligently. As you said, butterflies.......

Anyhow, we'll see how it goes. That's a fair way down the tracks, its taken me 6 months to get this far, it'll probably be another 6 months of writing before we get to the start of the Winter War and thats only if I can keep up writing at this pace :eek:
 
A butterfly net is a perfectly legitimate tool for the forum when the goal is to study a very limited field.

Some people think the primary purpose of the ASB forum is to contain anything that is implausible, but we all know that's not what the ASB forum is in reality. In reality, the ASB forum is for any work that is non-serious. That's why the board saw fit to create the writers' forum.

However this TL doesn't exactly fit into the writers' forum either. Given its heavy focus on technical specs and the fact that its a serious piece of speculation, I think this is the correct place for the TL.
 
Observation, Army Co-operation and Medical Evac Aircraft - 1938

Arado Ar198 (Germany)

Development of this aircraft dated back to 1936 when the RLM issued a specification to the German aircraft industry calling for a plane specially suited to the short-range reconnaissance role. This specification was initially taken up by Arado, Blohm & Voss (Hamburger Flugzeugbau Division), Focke-Wulf, and Henschel. Each of these firms was able to base their design on previous aircraft and experience with this specific aircraft type and they were able to submit designs to the RLM within a short time. The requirement was to replace the Heinkel He 46 already in service with the Luftwaffe by an aircraft designed to make use of the most modern technology. This included on the one hand the use of a powerful engine, good characteristics over the speed range, optimal vision for the crew and, on the other hand, protective and defensive features for the crew.

After various changes to the basic design, a contract for a preproduction series AradoAr 198A-0 was finally granted in July 1937. For the Ar 198 a crew of three, consisting of pilot, gunner/radio operator, and observer, was planned. Due to the required optimal vision and high speed, a fully-enclosed crew compartment was built into the design. Tactical reconnaissance put a high emphasis on ground vision and the observer's position was positioned below the wing plane for unobstructed vision, while the pilot and rear gunner were enclosed in an extensively glazed cabin above the wing plane. In this generously laid-out crew compartment there was an accessible connection to each crew position which resulted in good communications between crew members.

The entire forward fuselage structure, inclusive of the crew compartment, was of steel tube construction with the engine bearer included in this construction. Formers, light-metal fillets and a light-metal skin allowed for an aerodynamically advantageous shape. The rear fuselage was of an all-metal monocoque construction and purely as a tail-boom with no equipment for tactical missions installed. The first flight of the Arado 198 V1 took place in March 1938 at the Arado factory airfield at Warnemünde. During the early flights a marked instability in the projected low-speed range about all axes was noticed. It was thought that this was due to the large extension of the lower fuselage and consequently the layout was markedly changed for the second and third prototypes. In order to correct the flight characteristics the wings of the Ar 198 V1 were fitted with automatic slats which resulted in noticeable improvement in flight characteristic which also demanded considerable experience of the pilot.

The joint Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat / VL evaluation team flew this first prototype in July 1938 and generally rated it highly. Althought it demanded considerable experience to fly, performamce was excellent, as was visibility.

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The Arado Ar 198 had a crew of 3 and was powered by a single BRAMO 323 A-1 Fafnir 900hp engine with a maximum speed of 223mph, a ramge of 672 miles and a service ceiling of 26,250 feet. Stall speed at sea level was approx. 70mph and landing speed with fully extended flaps was 55mph with a required runway fully loaded of 600 m and for landing from of 510 m

OTL Note: The assembly process for the aircraft also proved complex, with an associated high cost of production. Arado also had insufficient production capacity and this led the RLM to put a halt to the mass-production of the Arado Ar 198. Continued evaluation of the Ar 198 however, was not cancelled by that decision. The second prototype was completed and turned over to the Luftwaffe Flight Test Center at Rechlin. Soon after some very sucessful test flights this aircraft crashed on the landing approach when the starboard automatic slat came off, damaging the wing and forcing the pilot to make an emergency landing on rough ground. Damage to the airframe was such that restoration of the machine was not carried out. The Arado Ar 198 V1, however, after the elimination of a few faults, was flown for a long time with increasing enthusiasm on the part of its assigned crew. The third prototype was only 80 per cent completed and then used for static tests.

Blohm & Voss BV141 (Germany)

In 1937, the German Air Ministry - the Reichsluftfahrtministerium (RLM) - issued a specification for a single-engine reconnaissance aircraft with optimal visual observation characteristics. The preferred contractor was Arado, but the request prompted the Focke-Wulf company to work up an alternative idea - the Focke-Wulf Fw 189, a twin-boom design with two smaller engines and a central crew gondola, while the Chief Designof of Blohm & Voss, Dr. Richard Vogt, proposed something far more radical - the uniquely asymmetric BV 141. A perspex-glazed crew gondola on the starboard side strongly resembled that found on the Fw 189, and housed the pilot, observer and rear gunner, while the fuselage on the port side led smoothly from the 746 kW (1,000 hp) Bramo 123 radial engine to a tail unit. The tailplane was symmetrical in the BV 141 V1 prototype.

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At first glance, it would seem that the displacement of lift vs weight, and thrust vs drag, would have induced tendencies to yaw and roll requiring continual trimming to control, but the aircraft actually proved very stable and maneuverable. Indeed, Dr. Vogt had calculated that the greater weight on one side of the aircraft could be easily cancelled out by factoring in the torque of the propeller. The aircraft's design prompted a mixed response from the RLM and had no impact on their decision to build the Fw 189. Indeed, an urgent need for BMW 801 engines for use in the Fw 190 fighter aircraft further reduced any chance that the BV 141 would see production. Three further prototypes and an evaluation batch of five BV 141As were produced for the Luftwaffe, but the assessment was that they were underpowered. By the time a batch of 12 BV 141Bs were built with the more powerful BMW 801 engines, they were too late to make an impression, as production of the Fw 189 was already well along. The BV 141B had the starboard tailplane virtually removed to improve the rear gunner's field of view.

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The Blohm & Voss BV 141 had a crew of 3 (pilot, observer and rear-gunner) and was powered by a single BMW 801 radial piston engine of 1,560 hp. It had a maximum speed of 272mph and a range of 745 miles with a service ceiling of 32,800 ft. Defensive armament for the Luftwafee consisted of. 2 × 7.92 mm MG 17 machine guns and 2 × 7.92 mm MG 15 machine guns.

OTL Note: Several wrecked BV 141s were found by advancing Allied forces. One was recovered by British forces and returned to England for examination. None survive today.

The BV 141 prototype first flew in February 1938. The Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat / VL team evaluated this aircraft and conducted a series of test flights over April/May 1938. The performance was found to be good and the observation visibility excellent although STOL capability was lacking. Overall though, the design was rather too radical for the Finns and while it remained in consideration, it was as a “possibility” rather than up for firm consideration.

Fiesler Fi 156 Storch (Germany)

In the summer of 1935, Fiesler Chairman Gerhard Fieseler, Chief Designer Reinhold Mewes (who specialised in STOL aircraft) and Technical Director Erich Bachem (later the creator of the Ba 349 Natter VTO fighter) designed the ultimate in practical STOL aircraft, the Fieseler Fi 156. It was no mere exercise, and was seen as fulfilling numerous roles both in civil life and for the recently resurgent Luftwaffe. The Fieseler Fi 156 Storch (Stork) was a remarkable STOL (short take-off and landing) aircraft, a three-seat, high-winged machine with the wing liberally endowed with slats and flaps and a stalky landing gear arrangement, well suited to cushioning arrivals at unprecedentedly steep angles. Fieseler's chief designer, Reinhold Mewes, decided for ease of maintenance that the airplane should be completely conventional in its construction, and so utilized a steel tubing and fabric fuselage with wooden wings. The engine was the then-common Argus As 10C inverted V-8 aircooled 240-hp model.

Aerodynamically Mewes decided to go to the other extreme and use the most advanced techniques available to produce the ultimate in slow speed performance. Accordingly, the big 46-foot wing had full-length fixed slats (projected movable slats never materialized), Fowler-type flaps that increased wing area by 18 percent, and ailerons that drooped with the flaps when they were extended past 20 degrees. The wings could be folded back along the fuselage, allowing it to be carried on a trailer or even towed slowly behind a vehicle. The long legs of the landing gear contained oil and spring shock absorbers that compressed about 450 mm (18 inches) on landing, allowing the plane to set down almost anywhere. In flight they hung down, giving the aircraft the appearance of a very long-legged, big-winged bird, hence its nickname, Storch. With its very low landing speed the Storch often landed "in place" or sometimes even backwards, if the wind was blowing strongly from directly ahead.

The first Fi 156 V1 prototype flew in the spring of 1936, a braced high-wing monoplane of mixed construction, with a conventional braced tail unit and fixed tailskid landing gear with long-stroke main units, it was powered by an 240 hp (179 kW) Argus As 10C 8-cylinder inverted-Vee air-cooled piston engine, and its extensively glazed cabin provided an excellent view for its three-man crew. As with the Fi 97, the key to the success of this aircraft was its wing incorporating the company's high-lift devices, comprising in the initial production series a fixed slot extending over the entire span of the wing leading edge, with slotted ailerons and slotted camber-changing flaps occupying the entire trailing edge. The Argus As 10C V8 engine gave the plane a top speed of only 175 km/h (109 mph), enabling the Storch to fly as slow as 50 km/h (32 mph), take off into a light wind in less than 45 m (150 ft), and land in 18 m (60 ft). In response to the prototype, in 1937 the RLM (Reichsluftfahrtministerium, Reich Aviation Ministry) put out a tender for a new Luftwaffe aircraft suitable for liaison, army co-operation - today called Forward Air Control - and medical evacuation to several companies.

Designs from from Messerschmitt (the Bf 163) and Siebel (the Si 201) and an auto gyro from Focke-Wulf (the Fw 186) based on Cierva technology were submitted, but the Fieseler entry was by far and away the most advanced in terms of STOL performance, needing a take-off run of only about 200 ft (60 m) and landing in about one-third of that distance. The first Fi 156 prototype was followed up by the second V2 prototype and then the third V3 prototype, the ski-equipped V4, plus one V5 and ten Fi 156A-0 pre-production aircraft. Flight testing of the first three prototypes (Fi 156 V1, V2 and V3) showed that the capability of this aircraft more than exceeded its STOL expectations, with little more than a light breeze blowing it could take off inonly a few feet. One of these prototypes was demonstrated publicly for the first time at an international flying meeting at the end of July 1937 in Zürich, by which time the general-purpose Fi 156A-1 was in production. The Storch repeatedly demonstrated full-load take-offs after a ground run of never more than 148 ft (45 m), and a fully controllable speed range of 32-108 mph (51-174 km/h). Service tests confirmed that Germany's armed forces had acquired a superb 'go-anywhere' aircraft.

It was immediately ordered into production by the Luftwaffe with an order for 16 planes, and the first Fi 156A-1 production aircraft entered service in mid-1937. Fieseler then offered the Fi 156B, which allowed for the retraction of the leading edge slats and had a number of minor aerodynamic cleanups, boosting the speed to 208 km/h (130 mph). The Luftwaffe didn't consider such a small difference to be important, and Fieseler instead moved on to the main production version, the C. The Fi 156C was essentially a "flexible" version of the A model. A small run of C-0s were followed by the C-1 three-seater liaison version, and the C-2 two-seat observation type (which had a rear-mounted MG 15 machine gun for defense). Both models entered service in 1939. In 1941, both were replaced by the "universal cockpit" C-3, suited to any role. Last of the Cs was the C-5, a C-3 with a belly hardpoint for a camera pod or drop tank. Some were fitted with skis, rather than wheels, for operations on snow. Other versions of the Fi 156 were the C-3/Trop, which was a tropicalised version of the Fi 156C-5, and the Fi 156D which was an air ambulance version. The first two Fi 156D models were the D-0 pre-production aircraft, and the D-1 production aircraft, powered by an Argus As 10P engine. The designation Fi 156C-1 applied to a variant intended to be deployed in liaison and staff transport roles, and the Fi 156C-2 was basically a two-crew reconnaissance version carrying a single camera. Some late examples of the Fi 156C-2 were, however, euipped to carry one stretcher for casualty evacuation. The final production variant was an improved casualty evacuation aircraft with an enlarged loading/unloading hatch for a single stretcher. Ten unusual pre-production aircraft were built under the designation Fi 156E-0, intended for operation from rough terrain with the standard landing gear was replaced by main units that each incorporated two wheels in tandem, the wheels of each unit, being linked by pneumatic rubber track.

It must be admitted that the Storch was large for its job, and the US Army Piper L-4 Grasshopper, its mass-produced equivalent, did most of the same tasks on 65 hp (48 kW) instead of 240 hp (179 kW). On the other hand, it could be argued that the aircraft bought by the RAF for the same duties was the Westland Lysander which, despite the best efforts of Westland could not come anywhere near the German aircraft's STOL qualities even with nearly 1,000 hp (746 kW). The truest test is perhaps an aircraft's influence on history. Immediately, the Storch had emulators in at least 10 countries, US examples including the Ryan YO-51 Dragonfly, Vultee L-1 Vigilant and Bellanca O-50, and even a version adopted by the Soviet Union. It added up to a vehicle that could go almost anywhere and do a remarkable number of things. Tests against fighters appeared to confirm that, at around 34 mph (55 km/h), it was a very difficult target for fighters. There was almost trouble when Udet's camera-gun film showed not one picture of the elusive Storch. Another Fi 156A-0 was tested with three SC-50 (50 kg/110 lbs) bombs, with aim marks painted on the Plexiglas windows, while another did successful trials against a U-boat with inert 298 lbs (135 kg) depth charges. Less unexpected were supply-dropping tests and trials with smoke apparatus.

The Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat / VL Team evaluated the aircraft and carried out a series of flight tests early in 1938. As expected, the Fi 156 rated highly, with the STOL performance in particular impressing the the test team. Excerpts from the Flight Test reports written at the time reveal some of the impressions that aircraft made on the Test Pilots:

“…..nothing could possibly convey its general ungainliness. It stands so high off the ground that an average man can barely see in the side windows…”

“…..once in the cockpit, the nose didn't even begin to block my vision because I was sitting so high above it. The cockpit area is huge, big enough to stand up in, and it's cluttered with cranks, wheels and levers, all labeled in German. The stick and rudder are where they should be, but the rudders are big cast-aluminum footprints with safety straps of their own and the stick resembles a telephone pole. The flaps are lowered by a crank, not a dainty little crank, but a man-sized Model "T" Ford type crank that sticks out of the left wall. By winding in the Aus direction, wing-size boards flop out of the trailing edges and the ailerons race to catch up. In the spar carry-through structure over the pilot's head is a pointer that indicates how much flap is hanging out, and in this airplane, any flap at all is a lot……”

“….. I must have made at least 15 takeoffs and landings, all of them incredibly short and none of them where I wanted them to be. On takeoff, I found that even with the correct trim, I couldn't pull back hard enough to come even close to stalling it. As soon as I had a minimum of 35 knots, I could pull back all I wanted and do nothing but climb. I had absolutely no head-wind component and my initial climb angle was nearly 45 degrees. This airplane really will leap off the ground. Taking off three-point in a headwind, I doubt that it would need more than 20 feet to get off, although I was using close to 100 most of the time……”

“……To make short-field landings on a chosen spot, you usually like to get the airplane slow enough so you have to use power to drag it in. I was constantly frustrated in the Storch, because I never got it slow enough to need power. Almost every landing was power-off, and eventually I was so exasperated that I was approaching at 25 knots indicated. At that speed, I needed power to soften the touchdown, but it still wasn't slow enough to hang on the prop. …… the really hot-shot German Pilot that instructed us in the Fi 156 would come creeping in over the trees at practically zero airspeed, letting it fall on command and catching it at the last moment with a burst of power….."

“….. I tried to stall it while at altitude and found that it not only refuses to stall, but as long as I had the slightest amount of power in to give it elevator effectiveness, I could easily fly the airplane where I wanted while holding the stick all the way back. Once you master that kind of approach, you could land backwards on an outhouse roof…..”

“……I had a lot of silly things happen while flying this airplane but the silliest was when I tried slipping it. I was high, per usual, so I figured I’d just use a max deflection slip. It works on other airplanes, why not? As I leaned the aileron into it and got on the opposite rudder everything was going just fine until I got about half rudder. At that point, the rudder pressure disappeared and the rudder pedal sank to the floor with no effort from me and stayed there. So, there I was, coming down final sideways with a rudder that was stuck to the floor of its own accord. That scared the living hell out of me! I had to practically stand on the other rudder to get things straighted out. I guess the aerodynamic balance on the rudder is so big that when enough of it catches the wind, it overpowers the surface and yanks it to full deflection……”

“….Maneuvering in the Storch is a real physical workout. The controls feel the way the airplane looks—gawky and loose. The stick forces are anything but light and to keep it completely coordinated, your feet have to thrash in and out as if you were working a treadle sewing machine….”

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The Fieseler Fi 156 Storch (Stork) was a small two to five-seat mixed-structure high-winged army liaison aircraft with a fixed undercarriage. Photo taken of the V2 Prototype at the IV Internationales Flugmeeting, Zurich, 1937

OTL Note: The Storch could be found on every front throughout the European and North African theaters of operation in World War II. It will probably always be most famous for its role in Operation Eiche, the rescue of deposed Italian dictator Benito Mussolini from a boulder-strewn mountain top near the Gran Sasso, surrounded by Italian troops. German commando Otto Skorzeny dropped with 90 paratroopers onto the peak and quickly captured it, but the problem remained of how to get back off. A Focke Achgelis Fa 223 helicopter was sent, but it broke down en route. Instead, pilot Walter Gerlach flew in a Storch, landed in 30 m (100 ft), took aboard Mussolini and Skorzeny, and took off again in under 80 m (250 ft), even though the plane was overloaded.

A total of about 2,900 Fi 156s, mostly Cs, were produced from 1937 to 1945. When the main Fieseler plant switched to building Bf 109s in 1943, Storch production was shifted to the Mráz factory in Choceň, Czechoslovakia. A large number were also built at the captured Morane-Saulnier factory in France, starting in April 1942, as the M.S.500 Criquet. Both factories continued to produce the planes after the war for local civilian markets (in Czechoslovakia it was made as K-65 Čáp, 138 were made by 1949). Licenced production was also started in Romainia in 1943 at the ICAR (Īntreprinderea de construcţii aeronautice româneşti) factory in Bucharest. Only 10 were built by the time Romania switched sides, with a further 70 aircraft being built by the Romanians before production ended in 1946. During the war at least 60 Storchs were captured by the Allies, one becoming the personal aircraft of Field Marshal Montgomery.

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OTL Note: the Fieseler Fi 156 Storch in Finland: The Finnish Ministry of Defense ordered two Fieseler Fi 156 Storchs from Germany on 31 Dec, 1938. Those were delivered by sea in May 1939 and remained in service until 1960.

Focke-Wulf Fw189 (Germany)

The Focke-Wulf Fw 189 was designed in response to the German Air Ministry specification issued in February 1937. This called for an aircraft with a crew of three and better performance than the Hs 126, then about to enter service as the standard reconnaissance aircraft. Arado, Blohm und Voss and Focke Wulf each produced a design in response to this specification. The Arado Ar 198 was the most conventional - a shoulder-winged single-engined aircraft with a bulged, glazed belly - but with poor performance. Blohm und Voss designed the Bv 141, an asymmetrical aircraft with the crew in a glazed pod to the right of the engine. This offered a good view and acceptable performance but was rather too radical a design for the German Air Ministry.

Focke-Wulf's design was not as radical as it at first looks. The Fw 189 was a standard twin-bombed two engined monoplane. Its unusual looks were due to the heavily glazed central pod which contained the crew section, although it was originally designed to be used with a number of different centre sections, allowing use as a ground attack or as a training aircraft. At first the German Air Ministry was rather sceptical about the Fw 189. However, in April 1937 Focke-Wulf received a contract to produce a single prototype, which made its maiden flight in July 1938 and it was this prototype that was evaluated by the Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat / VL team in August of the same year.

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With a Crew of 3, the Focke Wulf Fw 189 was powered by two Argus As 410A-1 air cooled inline engines of 465hp each. Maximum Speed was 217 mph, Range was 416 miles and the service ceiling was 23,950 feet. Defensive armament consisted of four 7.92mm machine guns.

OTL Note: This unarmed prototype was followed by two further prototypes in the initial batch: the V2, which was the first armed prototype, with two machine guns in the wing roots and three 7.92mm MG 17s in the crew pod - one in front of the cabin, one in the conical rear gunner's position and one above the cabin; and the V3, which had automatic variable pitch propellers and the production versions of the Argus As 410 engines. The success of the first three prototypes was rewarded with an order for a second series of four prototypes. V4 was the prototype for the A series, with a modified engine cowling, semi-cowled main wheels, a larger main wheels and only two machine guns. The wing root guns remained, as did the upper and rear pod guns, although the front gun was removed. The V4 was used for tests with smoke-screen equipment and with equipment for using poisoned gas and chemical weapons. V5 was the prototype for the B series of training aircraft. V6 was the prototype for the planned series of heavily armoured ground attack aircraft and V7 was to be built as a prototype of a twin-float version of the aircraft, although it was completed as one of three B-0 trainers.

In the spring of 1940 Focke-Wulfe received an order for ten pre-production A-0s and twenty A-1s. The A-1 was armed with two fixed forward firing MG 17s and two flexibly mounted MG 15s. The first of these was carried in a circular glass turret on the roof of the cockpit, while the second was mounted in the conical rear cone of the pod, which could rotate through 360 degrees. The A-1 could also carry four 154lb/ 75kg bombs and an RB 20/30 camera as standard, with a wide range of other cameras available. Large scale production didn't get under way until late in 1940. Until the campaign in the west in 1940 the Luftwaffe believed that the Hs 126 was capable of carrying out the short range reconnaissance role, but it soon became clear that it lacked the performance required to operate effectively.

The Fw 189 was given a high production priority and was produced at several factories across Europe, with new production lines being established in Prague and around Bordeaux although production began at Focke-Wulf's own factory at Bremen. The type became the main German tactical reconnaissance aircraft from 1942 until the summer of 1944. Thirty eight aircraft were delivered by the end of 1940, sixty-one in 1941, fifty seven in 1942 and eleven in 1943. By this point production was being concentrated around Bordeaux, while the Bremen factory was focusing on the Fw 190. The second production line was in the Aero-Avia factory at Prague. This factory produced 151 aircraft in 1940-41, 183 in 1942 and three in 1943, for a total of 337. The final production line was set up around Bordeaux. At first the French factories assembled aircraft from German-built sub-assemblies, completing 87 aircraft in 1942. In 1943 the French factories were responsible for most remaining aircraft, before production of the Fw 189 was cancelled early in 1944. Eventually 864 Fw 189s were completed, 337 at Prague, between 250 and 300 in France (sources differ, and sub-totals often don't add up), and the rest at Bremen. Production reached its peak in 1942.

At the start of the war German short range reconnaissance was carried out by squadrons designated as Aufklärungsstaffeln (Heer), abbreviated to Aufkl.(H) or (H). Thirty six such squadrons existed in August 1939, and were under army control. Each squadron was self-supporting and fully mobile and could move from location to location under its own steam. The first few Fw 189s reached experimental sections of the Luftwaffe in the spring of 1940. At about the same time some aircraft reached the reconnaissance squadrons for service trials, but large-scale deliveries didn't really begin until the end of 1942. On 22 July 1941, at the start of the invasion of the Soviet Union, the number of reconnaissance squadrons had risen to 54, most of which were still using the Hs 126. Production of the Fw 189 increased in pace during the year, but even at the end of 1942 the Hs 126 still made up a significant proportion of the available aircraft. In the winter of 1941-42 the squadrons were organised into short-range reconnaissance groups, each of which was meant to contain three squadrons. On the southern sector there were nine groups with sixteen squadrons, of which six were still using the Hs 126. In the middle sector things were worse, with six groups and thirteen squadrons, of which nine still had the Hs 126. Finally both squadrons operating in the north were still using the older aircraft. Of a total of 31 short-range reconnaissance squadrons, 17, or just over half, were still using the older aircraft.

The Fw 189 was one of a long series of aircraft that owed their success to the air superiority won by fighter aircraft. This was brutally obvious in 1940, when the Fairey Battle and Westland Lysander suffered very heavy losses while the essentially similar Ju 87 Stuka and Fieseler Storch operated with great success. When the Fw 189 did appear in strength in the East it performed well. The air-cooled inline engines were more reliable in extreme cold weather than liquid cooled engines, while the aircraft itself proved to be very rugged. The heyday of the Fw 189 was probably 1942, which saw it operate in comparatively large numbers against weak opposition. After that things became increasingly difficult. The Germans found themselves on the opposite side of the situation – in the West, Allied control of the skies forced the Fw 189 to operate at night, while slow Allied army liaison and observation aircraft were able to operate in the skies above France with relative impunity while in the East, ever stronger Soviet fighter defences and ever-improving Soviet fighter aircraft made the skies increasingly dangerous for the Fw 189. Reconnaissance missions either needed an increasing number of fighter escorts, or took place at night. By the summer of 1944 the Fw 189 had been forced out of the daytime skies, and the surviving aircraft were forced to operate at night, or as training and liaison.

Focke-Wulf Fw 186 Autogyro

German helicopter development began with Focke Wulf’s acquisition of the rights to manufacture Cierva autogyros during the 1920’s. Over 30 Cierva C.19 and C.30 autogyros were built during the late twenties and early thirties, and from this experience, Heinrich Focke, the engineering half of the Focke Wulf organization, decided to develop an original autogyro design to compete in the Luftwaffe’s contest to provide a utility-liaison aircraft. The Focke-Wulf Fw 186 was a one-man autogyro built by Focke-Wulf in 1937 with backing from the RLM (ReichsLuftfahrtMinisterium - Reich Aviation Ministry).

The FW-186 was essentially a FW-56 “Stosser” parasol wing advanced trainer, with the wings removed, tail unit and landing gear redesigned and configured for two seats in tandem. The engine remained unchanged, with a clutch arrangement installed to start the blades rotating for takeoff. An autogyro uses the main powerplant for forward thrust while the rotors freewheel in flight. The aircraft could take off and land in very short distances, but it could not hover or take off and land vertically. Although the FW-186 was successfully flown it was beaten out by the Fieseler Fi-156 Storch for the Luftwaffe contract. Only one prototype of the aircraft was constructed, and the project was abandoned when the RLM preferred the Fieseler Fi 156 Storch over the Fw 186.

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The Fockewulf F2 186 Autogyro was powered by a single Argus As 10C 8 cylinder air cooled 90º inverted Vee piston engine producing up to 240 hp with a maximum speed of 112mph.

The ilmavoimat / Maavoimat team did evaluate the Fw-186 very early in 1938, and while it was considered not suitable for the intended role and was removed from consideration, one of the Maavoimat Officers on the evaluation team (who was also familiar with the Glider Program underway) considered the gyrocopter interesting enough to recommend further discussions with the FockeWulf company to his own immediate Command, with rather interesting results....

Fokker C.X Biplane Scout and Light Bomber (Netherlands / Finland)
The Fokker C.X was already in service in Finland with the Ilmavoimat - four C.X’s had been purchased as “pattern” aircraft in 1934 along with a manufacturing license and the Ilmavoimat had ordered a further 20 from VL, who built the C.X aircraft over the last half of 1934 through to mid-1935. A further 20 were built through 1935 and early 1936 but with the move of VL to Tampere and the startup of Fokker D.XXI and Bristol Blenheim manufacturing, production was discontinued as the emphasis was placed on the construction of more modern aircraft. In early 1938, the Ilmavoimat briefly considered resurrecting the C.X for the Army Co-operation role.

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The Ilmavoimat Fokker C.X had a maximum speed of 211mph, a range of 522 miles and a service ceiling of 27,230 feet. Armament consisted of 2x 7.9mm machine guns fixed on top of the front fuselage and a third manually aimed from rear cockpit. Underwing racks for two 385lb (175kg) or four 221lb (100kg) bombs were fitted.

However, the C.X had no real STOL capability and was not suitable for the intended multiple roles of casualty evacuation and army liaison. After an initial review, the aircraft was not considered further.

Hawker Hector (UK)

The Hawker Hector first flew in February 1936 and was intended by the RAF as a replacement for the Hawker Audax Army co-operation aircraft. At the time of the Finnish evaluation, the Hector equipped seven RAF army co-operation squadrons, although the Finns were also advised that it was intended to start replacing the Hectors in RAF service in 1938. The Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat / VL Team expressed considerable disbelief among themselves that in early 1938 the RAF was still flying an aircraft reminiscent of the first World War, particularly in light of the German aircraft designs they were also looking at. Their initial conclusion was that the aircraft was unreliable, obsolete and would be ineffective in its intended role. The Hector was eliminated from the evaluation with no further consideration.

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The Hawker Hector had a Crew of 2 and was powered by a single Napier Dagger III 24-cylinder air-cooled H-block engine of 805 hp, giving a maximum speed of 187mph with a ramge of 300 miles and a service ceiling of 24,000 feet. Armament consisted of one forward firing .303 in (7.7 mm) Vickers machine gun Mk.V and one rear-firing 303 in (7.7 mm) Lewis gun mounted in the rear cockpit.

OTL Note: One prototype and 178 production aircraft were built. After the Lysanders started entering service, the Hectors were transferred to RAF Auxiliary Air Force squadrons; 613 Squadron used theirs to attack German troops advancing through northern France in May 1940. Two aircraft were lost in combat over Calais, before the squadron was evacuated. Hectors were used by the RAF from 1940 as target-towers, and for towing the General Aircraft Hotspur training gliders. The type was deeply unpopular with ground crews due to the complicated nature of the engine, which had 24 cylinders, with 24 spark plugs and 48 valves, all of which required frequent maintenance.

Britain sold the Irish Free State 13 of the Hectors after the Dunkirk Evacuation. In general they were in poor condition. They were sold by the British War Office to the Irish Free State upon requests for aircraft. The Irish military were wholly unprepared for major warfare, but still relied almost totally on military supplies from Britain. The defence of Ireland was also in the British interest, but with the Battle of Britain raging in the skies, could afford to sell the Irish Government nothing better than the Hector.

RWD-14 Czapla (Poland)

The RWD-14 Czapla was a Polish observation, close reconnaissance and liaison aircraft, designed in the mid-1930s by the RWD team, and produced in the LWS factory from 1938. The aircraft was designed in response to a Polish Air Force requirement of 1933 for a new army cooperation plane, a successor of the Lublin R-XIII. The RWD team of the DWL workshops (Doświadczalne Warsztaty Lotnicze) initially proposed the RWD-12 project, based on the RWD-8 trainer. It was however considered as not as good as the R-XIII, and another aircraft, the RWD-14 was designed by Stanislaw Rogalski and Jerzy Drzewiecki. Designer Tadeusz Chyliński prepared its technical documentation. The aircraft was a mixed construction monoplane with a braced parasol high-wing. The fuselage was a metal and wooden frame, covered with canvas. Wooden two-spar wings were covered with canvas and plywood and fitted with slats and the stabilizers were also of wooden construction. The wings folded rearwards. The fixed landing gear was of conventional design with a rear tailwheel. The Crew of two sat in tandem open cockpits, with twin controls and individual windshields. The observer had a 7.7 mm Vickers K machine gun, the pilot had a fixed 7.92 mm wz.33 machine gun with interrupter gear. 9 cylinder air-cooled radial engine PZL G-1620B Mors-II with 430 hp (320 kW) nominal power and 470 hp (350 kW) take-off power and a two-blade wooden propeller. Two fuel tanks with total capacity of 315 litres (265 liter in the fuselage, 50 liter in the central wing). The aircraft could be fitted with a radio and camera.

The first prototype was flown in late 1935. It won the contest over the Lublin R-XXI project and the Podlaska Wytwórnia Samolotów factory project, but factory trials showed that its performance was still not satisfactory. Between 1936 and 1937 two modified prototypes were built, designated RWD-14a, but both crashed during trials due to steering mechanism faults (the pilots survived). Finally, in early 1938 the fourth prototype, designated RWD-14b, was built. It was ordered by the Polish Air Force, receiving the name Czapla (Heron), but due to the long development process, it was regarded as only an interim model, to replace the R-XIII until the advent of the more modern LWS-3 Mewa. In return for refunding the development costs, DWL gave the rights to produce the RWD-14b to the state factory LWS (Lubelska Wytwórnia Samolotów - Lublin Aircraft Works, a successor of the Plage i Laśkiewicz).

The fourth prototype was tested by the Ilmavoimat evaluation team but the only feature that rated highly was the short take-off (140 m) and landing (120 m) distances which enabled it to operate from fields and meadows.

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The RWD-14 Czapla had a crew of two (Pilot and Observer) and was powered by a single PZL G-1620B Mors-II air-cooled 9-cylinder radial engine of 470 hp with a maximum speed of 153 mph, a range of 421 miles and a service ceiling of 16,728 feet. Defensive armament consisted of 1 × fixed, forward-firing 7.92 mm wz.33 machine gun and 1 × flexible, rearward-firing 7.7 mm Vickers K machine gun for the observer.

OTL Note: LWS built a series of 65 RWD-14b Czapla’s by February 28, 1939. The Czaplas entered service in the Polish Air Force in the spring of 1939, equipping a number of observation squadrons (eskadra obserwacyjna). Due to its long development, it was not a modern aircraft, only a little better than the Lublin R-XIII. Its advantage was its short take-off (140 m) and landing (120 m), enabling it to operate from fields and meadows. Its modern successor, the LWS-3 Mewa, did not manage to enter operational units due to the war. In the invasion of Poland in 1939, the Polish Air Force had 35 Czaplas in five observation squadrons (out of 12): No.'s 13, 23, 33, 53 and 63. Each squadron had seven aircraft. Squadrons were distributed among the field Armies.

The remaining 30 Czaplas were in reserve (probably only four supplemented combat units during the campaign). Like the R-XIII, the Czapla was no match for any Luftwaffe fighter, bomber, or even reconnaissance aircraft encountered, being much slower, and armed with only two machine guns. In spite of this, they were actively used for close reconnaissance and liaison tasks. Most RWD-14b’s were destroyed during the campaign. About ten were withdrawn to Romania (there are quoted numbers from 10 to 16) and one probably to Hungary. They were taken over by the Romanian Air Force and used for auxiliary duties. No RWD-14b has survived.

ATL Note: Ten Polish Air Force Czaplas escaped from Poland to Sweden as the Polish resistance to the German and Soviet invasions collapsed. On arrival in Sweden after flying across German-held territory and then a wavetop flight across the Baltic, they were quickly refueled and flew on to Finland, eventually landing at Turku. These aircraft were incorporated into the Ilmavoimat.

Siebel Si201 (Germany)

The Siebel Si-201 was designed and built by Siebel in response to the German Air Ministry specification issued in February 1937 for an air observation / army co-op aircraft that had superlative Short Take-off/Landing (STOL) capabilities, excellent slow-flight performance and all-round visibility. Three aircraft were designed and built to meet this particular specification – the Fiesler Fi-156 (already being tested before the specifications were released), the Bayerische Flugzeugwerke designed and built Bf-163 and the Siebel Si-201, these latter two flying in 1938. While the Bf-163 was more like the Fi-156, the Si-201 was a rather unorthodox design with its Argus As10 V-8 air-cooled engine mounted above the wing as a pusher, driving a four-bladed fixed-pitch airscrew which rotated above a slim, circular-section tailboom. It had a boxy, fully glazed forward fuselage with room for a pilot and observer in tandem and was a high-wing braced monoplane with a tail-wheel landing gear.

This design allowed superlative vision from the forward cockpit and so the pilot was seated towards the rear of the cockpit. The aircraft had high lift devices such as full span automatic leading edge slots and four section Fowler-type flaps with the outermost flaps also acting as ailerons and which occupied almost the entire trailing edges, the outboard sections serving as ailerons. The fuselage was of welded steel-tube construction with metal skinning and the plywood-covered wing was of wood. The pilot and observer were seated in tandem in the extensively-glazed forward fuselage, the observer being positioned ahead of the pilot with his seat offset to starboard. The first of two prototypes of the Si-201 flew during the early summer of 1938, revealed excellent short take-off and landing characteristics, and was found to possess acceptable slow-flying characteristics closely comparable with those of the Storch, but at the upper end of the speed scale tail flutter proved troublesome. Considerable effort was expended in damping out oscillation in the tailboom which developed under certain flight conditions, and the second prototype, which featured some simplification of the high-lift devices, was flown with a somewhat sturdier tailboom. The most serious shortcoming of the Si-201 proved to be the extremely limited cg travel permitted by its configuration, and when Siebel was ordered to abandon further development of the aircraft the problem of tail flutter remained largely unsolved.

The Si-201 was evaluated against the Fieseler Fi 156 and Messerschmitt Bf 163 but did not compare well to these aircraft. The Si-201 was also flown by General Ernst Udet, then head of the Reich Air Ministry's technical department. He was unimpressed with its ground handling and landing characteristics, essential elements in the success of the Storch. The Si 201 would also have been more costly to construct than the Fi 156 Storch. The Si-201 had a higher top speed than the Storch, but speed wasn't an important consideration for its expected roles, and work on the Si 201 stopped after two prototypes had been built.

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The Siebel Si 201 was an unconventional looking aircraft with a Crew of two (Pilot and Observer) powered by a single Argus As 10C eight-cylinder inverted-vee air-cooled piston engine of 179 kW (240 hp) in a “pusher” configuration giving a maximum speed of 115mph with a range of 280 miles and a service ceiling of 18,000 feet.

The Ilmavoimat evaluation team test-flew the aircraft and experienced the same issues at the upper end of the speed scale with tail flutter. While this was a concern, the aircraft remained under consideration until the decision by the Reich’s Air Ministry not to order the aircraft into production put a halt to further consideration.

Westland Lysander (UK)

In 1934, the British Air Ministry issued Specification A.39/34 for an army co-operation aircraft to replace the Hawker Hector. Initially, Hawker Aircraft, Avro and Bristol were invited to submit designs, but after some debate within the Ministry, a submission from Westland was invited as well. The Westland design, internally designated P.8, was the work of Arthur Davenport under the direction of W.E.W. (Teddy) Petter. It was Petter's second aircraft design and he spent considerable time interviewing Royal Air Force pilots to find out what they wanted from such an aircraft. There was no clear idea of what the new aircraft needed to be able to do, and so in 1935 Petter spent some time with the army co-operation squadrons. Even there he found no consensus, but most pilots agreed that the most important requirements for the new aircraft were to be able to operate from small spaces, be able to fly at low speeds without stalling or losing control and that the pilot needed a clear forward view. Davenport and Petter worked to design an aircraft around these features: the result was unconventional and looked, by its 15 June 1936 maiden flight, rather antiquated. However, it was also the first custom-designed army cooperation aircraft to be built for the RAF since the Armstrong Whitworth Atlas of the late 1920s. The army cooperation aircraft was a rather unclear category. Its roles included artillery spotting, reconnaissance, message pickup (using a hock to scoop message bags off the ground) and some limited bombing. Specification A.39/34 called for an aircraft capable of performing all of these duties and with a short take off and landing capability.

The Lysander was a two seater, powered by a Bristol Mercury air-cooled radial engine, metal structured with top mounted wings and a fixed undercarriage inside large, streamlined spats. In appearance it was similar to the Polish LWS-3 Mewa. The wings had an unusual reverse taper towards the root, which gave the impression of a gull wing, although in fact the spars were perfectly straight. The wings were supported by V struts that linked to the undercarriage and had a girder type construction with a light wood frame around that to give the aerodynamic shape. The forward part was duralumin tube joined with brackets and plates,and the after part welded stainless steel tubes. Plates and brackets were cut from channel extrusions rather than forming from sheet steel. The front spar and lift struts were extrusions. The wing itself was fabric covered. The wheels were contained within streamlined spats, which also contained the forward firing guns. The spats also had mountings for small, removable stub wings that could be used to carry light bombs or supply canisters.

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The Lysander’s small, removable stub wings that could be used to carry light bombs or supply canisters. This picture shows the landing light at the front of the spat and the winglet bomb rack, which in this photo has a food container attached, designed to drop supplies to isolated troops.

Despite its appearance, the Lysander was aerodynamically advanced; it was equipped with automatic wing slats, slotted flaps and a variable incidence tailplane. These refinements gave the Lysander a stalling speed of only 65 mph (104 km/h, 56.5 knots). It also featured the largest Elektron alloy extrusion made at the time: a single piece inside the spats supporting the wheels. The Air Ministry requested two prototypes of the P.8. The first prototype made its first taxiing test on 10 June 1936 and its first flight five days later at Boscombe Down. The Air Ministry preferred the Lysander to the competing Bristol Type 148, quickly selecting the Westland aircraft for production, issuing a contract in September 1936. On 11 December 1936 Westland received a first order for 169 Lysanders. The first production aircraft appeared in March 1938, and were delivered to No. 16 squadron, at Old Sarum. This base was also the home of the School of Army Cooperation, another early recipient of the aircraft. Early aircraft were also sent to No. 5 Squadron in India for tropical trials. Like other British army air co-operation aircraft, it was given the name of a military leader; in this case, the Spartan General, Lysander.

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With a Crew of two (Pilot and Observer), the Lysander was powered by a single Bristol Mercury XX radial engine, 870 hp (649 kW). Maximum speed was 212 mph, Combat radius was 300 miles (range of 600 miles) and the Service ceiling was 21,500 feet. Armament consisted of two forward-firing .303 in (7.7 mm) Browning machine guns in the wheel fairings and two .303 Lewis guns for the observer. The Lysander could also carry four 20 lb (9 kg) bombs under the rear fuselage and 500 lb (227 kg) of bombs on the stub wings if these were fitted.

OTL Note: The Lysander was a total failure in its primary role. The skies over France and Belgium in May and June 1940 were simply too dangerous for the large and slow army cooperation aircraft (the very similar Henschel Hs 126 would suffer in a very similar way). Four Lysander squadrons moved to France during the phoney war period (Nos. 2, 4, 13 and 26). When the Germans attacked in May 1940, their armies were supported by swarms of Bf 109s. Allied fighters were overwhelmed. While the Fairey Battle was the most famous victim of this period, the four Lysander squadrons suffered very nearly as badly. Of 174 Lysanders sent to France, 88 were lost in aerial combat and 30 were destroyed on the ground. 120 crewmen were lost. Only 50 aircraft survived to return to Britain. The concept of the army cooperation aircraft, capable of reconnaissance, artillery spotting and a bit of light bombing was quickly abandoned. Artillery spotting and tactical reconnaissance would later be performed by much smaller aircraft (mainly the British Taylorcraft Auster Series), while the ground attack role would be take over by high performance fighter aircraft (the Curtiss P-40 Tomahawk soon reequipped army cooperation squadrons). They made very easy targets for the Luftwaffe unless escorted by Hurricanes.

The majority of Lysander squadrons were actually formed after the fall of France, performing vital air-sea rescue duties. Its low speed allowed it to drop dinghies and supplies close to downed aircrew. The Lysander was also used for radar calibration and as target tugs. Of the (probably) 1,670 aircraft built, some 964 were Mk III aircraft, which first appeared in August 1940. The Lysander is most famous for its work with the Special Operations Executive. Two squadrons were formed to support the SOE, first No. 138 (Special Duties) squadron in August 1941 and then No. 161 (SD) squadron. These squadrons were given a mix of aircraft, including Hudsons, Whitleys and Halifaxes as well as the Lysander. The larger aircraft were used for parachute drops, either of agents or supplies. The aircraft's exceptional short-field performance made possible clandestine missions behind enemy lines that placed or recovered agents, particularly in occupied France. For this role, the Mk IIIs were fitted with a fixed entry/exit ladder over the port side to hasten access to the rear cockpit and a large drop tank under the belly. In order to slip in unobtrusively, the Lysanders were painted matt black, and operations were often planned for moonless nights. Flying without any navigation equipment other than a map and compass, Lysanders would land on short strips of land, such as fields, marked out by four or five torches. They were only designed to carry one passenger in the rear cockpit, but in case of urgent necessity, two could be carried in extreme discomfort. The Lysander proved to be a success in this role and continued to undertake such duties until the liberation of France. Between August 1941, when No. 138 squadron began Lysander operations, and the end of 1944 when the fighting had moved out of France, the Lysanders made at least 400 sorties. No. 161 squadron along took 293 people into France and retrieved 500.

ATL Note: After the outbreak of the Winter War, 17 Lysander aircraft were ordered from England on 8 Jan, 1940. The first 9 were shipped to Gothenburg, Sweden, on 24 Feb. 1940. These were assembled at the Götaverken factory in Torslanda and were flown to Finland between 21 March and 3 May. The rest of the order were flown directly from England to Finland, with 2 arriving on 8 March. One of these was damaged near Stavanger, Norway.

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A destroyed Ilmavoimat Westland Lysander LY-124 on the island of Buoy, close to Stavanger, Norway

The remaining Lysanders from the order left England in early March and arrived in Finland on the 15th of the same month. The Lysanders that entered service remained in use until 1945, although some were lost in action.

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Ilmavoimat Westland Lysander in service in the Winter War

Still to come......

Heinkel He 46 (Germany)
Henschel Hs 126 (Germany)
Lublin R-XII (Poland)
LWS-3 Mewa (Poland)
Meridiomali Ro.37(Italy)
Messerschmitt Bf108 (Germany)
Messerschmitt Bf163 (Germany)
Piper J3 (USA)
Potez 39 (France)
 
Finally managed to catch up with your timeline. I have to say I'm impressed, especially with the level of detail.
Then again, I am looking forward to more experimental projects after so many aircraft.
 
Yes! The Lysander!

All we need now is Finnish Short Sunderlands and Lancasters. :D

Urk! If you can think of a good way to work them in, I'll go with the flow but in all honesty, the Lancaster was a strategic rather than a tactical bomber, and the Ilmavoimat isn't doing strategic..... and as for the Sunderland, we already have a few PBY Catalina's, the Sunderland came a little later timewise.....

Finally managed to catch up with your timeline. I have to say I'm impressed, especially with the level of detail.
Then again, I am looking forward to more experimental projects after so many aircraft.

Hey, glad you're enjoying. After the observation aircraft there's going to be a section on fire fighting and the use of aircraft in fire fighting patrols and early attempts at water bombing and then a look at the experimental gyrocopter program before leaving the Ilmavoimat and moving on to other subjects..... should be enough experimental stuff there, esp when we look at fire-fighting and the possible military applications thereof :D
 
Observation Aircraft for the Ilmavoimat - 1938 - continued

Heinkel He 46 (Germany)

During the early 1930s, the German military was beginning to build up in strength - the RLM (German Air Ministry) wanted aircraft that could be rapidly built and would be able to swell the Luftwaffe's inventory with large numbers of aircraft for training. Ernst Heinkel designed many of these early aircraft, with the He 46 being created to fill this short-range reconnaissance and army co-operation role for the Luftwaffe. The Heinkel He 46 was designed in 1931 for the close reconnaissance and army co-operation roles. The first prototype, the He 46a, was an unequal-span (sesquiplane) two-seat biplane with a small lower wing. It was otherwise a conventional biplane, with a mixed construction consisting of metal framework and fabric covering, and a slightly swept back (10°) upper wing, powered by a 450hp Siemens-built Bristol Jupiter radial engine. The tailplane was mounted high and braced by struts. The undercarriage was fixed, and the tail was fitted with a skid rather than a wheel. The aircraft and made its first flight in late 1931.

The aircraft handled well, but the small lower wing restricted the downward view, a major handicap in a reconnaissance aircraft, and so it was decided to change the aircraft into a parasol monoplane. A second prototype, the He46b, had the lower wing removed, and the upper wing increased in length by 8ft 2 ½ in (overall the upper wing area was increased by 22%), and braced to the fuselage with strut-braces. It was also given a more powerful engine, the 660hp Siemens SAM 22B (later Bramo 322B) nine-cylinder radial. The He46b first flew in early 1932. A third prototype followed later in 1932, the He 46c, with the more powerful Seimens engine, the monoplane parasol-wing configuration, normal operational equipment and a single 7.9mm MG 15 machine gun mounted in the rear cockpit.

Production began with the He 46C-1 in 1933. This was similar to the 46c, but with the ability to carry either a camera or 440lb of small bombs under the rear cockpit. This was followed by six pre-production He 46D-0s, with a number of minor changes, and by the He 46E-1, which introduced a NACA engine cowling that increased maximum speed by 16mph but that made maintenance rather more difficult and was often removed. A small number of He 46Fs were built, powered by the 560hp Armstrong Siddeley Panther, and were used by training units. Production continued until 1936, with a total of 478 He46’s having been built, 200 by Heinkel, 83 by MIAG, 24 by Gotha and 12 by Fieseler. By the time production finished in 1936 the He 46 was the main equipment of the Luftwaffe's Auflärungsstaffeln (H), but early in 1938, at the time of the Ilmavoimat’s evaluation, it had begun to be replaced by the Henschel Hs 126A-1. As such, the aircraft was cheap and readily available and there had already been export sales to Bulgaria and Hungary (eighteen He 46C-2s (C-1s but with engine cowling) were sold to Bulgaria, while Hungary purchased a number of He 47E-2s.

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The Heinkel He 46 had a Crew of 2 (Pilot and Observer/Gunner), was powered by a single Bramo SAM 22B (later called 322B) radial piston engine, 493 kW (660 hp). Maximum speed was 155mph, range was 621 miles and the service ceiling was 19,680 feet. Armament consisted of 1 × 7.92 mm (0.312 in) MG 15 machine gun for the rear seat position and up to 20 × 10 kg (22 lb) bombs carried internally.

At the time the Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat evaluation team looked at the He 46, it was already largely phased out of front-line service with the Luftwaffe. The aircraft were offered for sale “as is” at an attractive per-unit cost far below any of the newer aircraft on the market and available. Serious consideration was in fact given to this offer, particularly as delivery was immediate.

OTL Note: A few were still in use in September 1939 two units were still equipped with the He 46 at this stage), and saw service in Poland. By the time Germany invaded France in 1940, all He 46 aircraft had been withdrawn from operational service, although they did continue service in training units. A final period of front-line service came in 1943, when a shortage of more suitable aircraft meant that the Luftwaffe was forced to take the aircraft from the training units and used a number of He 46s on night harassment missions on the Eastern Front. The He 46 saw service in Spain, twenty He 46C-1s given to the Spanish Nationalists in September 1938. The Hungarian aircraft took part in the invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941, equipping the 1st Short-Range Reconnaissance Squadron, and with the 3/2 Short-Range Reconnaissance Squadron in 1942. The Hungarian aircraft were also used as bombers, before being replaced with the Focke-Wulfe 189 during 1943.

Henschel Hs 126 (Germany)

The Henschel Hs 126 was a German two-seat reconnaissance and observation aircraft derived from the Henschel Hs 122. The pilot was seated in a protected cockpit under the parasol wing and the gunner in an open rear cockpit. The prototype aircraft frame was that of a Hs 122A fitted with a Junkers engine. The aircraft was of all-metal construction, the wing was a high lift parasol wing was designed by Friedrich Nicolaus and this allowed the Hs 126 to use short and rough landing strips. The wheels had long struts which gave it a nose high appearance on the ground. To reduce drag, spats were sometimes fitted. Cockpit access was via a ladder on the side and the rear of the cockpit was open to the elements. The gunner/observer had a handheld camera and also operated a Zeiss Rb topographic camera that was located in a bay behind him. The canopy had deflector panels to shield the gunner's gun from the slipstream. The Hs 126 was well received for its good short takeoff and low-speed characteristics which were needed at the time. It was put into service for a few years, but was soon superseded by the general-purpose, STOL Fieseler Fi 156 Storch and the medium-range Focke-Wulf Fw 189 "flying eye".

The first prototype was not entirely up to Luftwaffe standards; it was followed by two more development planes equipped with different engines. Following the third prototype, ten pre-production planes were built in 1937. The Hs 126 entered service in 1938 after operational evaluation with the Legion Kondor contingent to the Spanish Civil War (in 1938 six were delivered to the Condor Legion and served in Aufklarungsgruppe 88. Five of these survived to be turned over to Spain at the end of the Civil War).

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With a Crew of 2 (Pilot and Observer/Gunner), the Henschel He 126 was powered by a single Bramo 323 9-cylinder radial engine, 634 kW (850 hp) giving a maximum speed of 221mph, a range of 1240 miles and a service ceiling of 28,000 feet. Armament consisted of 1 × forward-firing 7.92 mm (.312 in) MG 17 machine gun, 1 × flexible rear-facinng 7.92 mm (.312 in) MG 15 machine gun for the observer/gunner and up to 150 kg (330 lb) of bombs (10 x 22lb/10kg bombs in the fuselage bay and one 110lb bomb under the port wing strut).

The Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat evaluation team considered the Henschel Hs 126 and rated it highly, with excellent STOL capability and good overall performance. It was also in production and Henschel and the German government advised that, if ordered by the Ilmavoimat, the aircraft could be delivered in a short timeframe.

OTL Note: By the time the Hs 126A-1 joined the Luftwaffe, the re-equipping of reconnaissance formations was already well advanced, and by the start of World War II in September 1939, Germany already had several good short range observation and long range recon aircraft. Some 13 squadrons were equipped with the He 126 in the invasion of Poland, where it was able to operate as a bomber and ground attack aircraft, as well as in its normal army co-operation, reconnaissance and artillery spotter roles. Once the fighting was over in Poland the reconnaissance groups began to move west. The Hs 126 began to be seen over the Maginot Line, and it was present in large numbers during the Allies campaign in the west in May 1940. For the first time the Hs 126 came up against large numbers of modern fighters, and was found to be vulnerable - twenty were lost between 10-21 May. It was decided to put the Focke-Wulf Fw 189 into production, but that aircraft wouldn't appear in large numbers until 1942.

By June 1941, there were 48 squadrons of the aircraft in service - in the aftermath of the campaign in France one squadron, 2.(H)/14 took the Hs 126 to North Africa, where it remained in service until August 1942. This left forty-seven squadrons equipped with the Hs 126 for the invasion of the Soviet Unit. The aircraft was still vulnerable, and began to suffer heavy losses. In the spring of 1942 the Fw 189 began to replace it, and by the end of the year it had gone from use in the front line. From 1942 on, most of the surviving Hs 126s were used as training aircraft but some were used as a glider tug and for night-fighting units (Nachtschlachtgruppen) in specialized close-support and ground attack roles. The Hs 126 was used by NSGr 7 in the Balkans, 3./NSGr 11 in Estonia and 2./NSGr 12 in Latvia. It remained in use in the Balkans until April 1945 and the German collapse. Production of the Hs 126 ended in 1941 and the type was retired from the front line in 1942. Some 800 in total were produced.

Lublin R-XIII (Poland)

The Lublin R-XIII was the main Polish army-cooperation plane (observation and liaison plane) of the Polish Air Force, designed in the early-1930s in the Plage i Laśkiewicz factory in Lublin. In 1927, the Polish aviation authorities announced a contest for an army-cooperation plane (in Polish: samolot towarzyszący, literally: "acompanying plane"). In Polish doctrine it was a close reconnaissance, observation and liaison aircraft, operating from casual airfields, providing big Army land units with information about the enemy. The PZL state factory proposed the PZL Ł-2, built in a series of 25 aircraft, while private factory Plage i Laśkiewicz in Lublin proposed the Lublin R-X, designed by Jerzy Rudlicki. It was flown on February 1, 1929. Five aircraft were built for the Air Force as R-Xa, and one was built as a long-distance sports plane. The third competitor was the PWS-5t2.

The contest was won by the R-Xa, having the shortest take-off and landing, and good performance, but the factory was ordered to develop design further. At that time, Rudlicki was working upon an unarmed trainer aircraft R-XIV and an observation aircraft R-XV. Both were new designs, basing upon the R-X construction. Number XIII was initially omitted in designations as "unlucky". In February 1930, the Polish Air Force ordered 15 of R-XIV. The first serial plane was built in June 1930, without an earlier prototype, and all were delivered by July 1931. The R-XIV was a two-seater, parasol wing aircraft, with a 220 hp radial engine and fixed landing gear. The crewman sat in open cockpits in tandem. The R-XV was not ordered, but the Air Force demanded instead, that two R-XIV should be armed with an observer's machine gun, for testing. Thus armed, the R-XIV, fitted also with other minor modifications, most notably a changed shape of a tail fin, became the first prototype of the army-cooperation plane and was designated the Lublin R-XIII.

The aircraft was of mixed construction (steel and wood) and a monoplane, conventional in layout, with braced high wings, canvas and plywood covered (the front part of the fuselage was metal covered). A conventional fixed landing gear, with a tailskid was fitted. The Crew of two sat in tandem in an open cockpit, with twin controls. The observer had a 7.7 mm Vickers K or Lewis machine gun on a ring mounting (rarely, 2 machine guns). The aircraft could be fitted with racks for small bombs of 12–25 kg. A 9 cylinder air-cooled Wright Whirlwind J-5 radial engine (produced in Poland) with 162 kW (220 hp) nominal power and 176 kW (240 hp) take-off power (on 22 aircraft R-XIIIF, 250 kW (340 hp) engine Skoda G-1620A Mors-I wad fitted). A Two-blade wooden or metal propeller was also fitted. A 200 liter Fuel tank in the fuselage could be dropped in case of fire emergency (R-XIV - 135 liter tank).

On July 21, 1931, 50 aircraft R-XIII were ordered. The first series of 30 were designated R-XIIIA, the next 20 were R-XIIIB. Both variants differed mostly in a type of a machine gun ring mounting. The first serial R-XIII was built on June 7, 1932. By March 11, 1933, all were given to the Air Force. In 1932, next 170 aircraft were ordered. 48 were built in R-XIIIC variant with minor modifications, then 95 were built in a most numerous R-XIIID variant. It introduced visible changes, like a Townend ring on a radial engine, and a new engine cowling. It also had new type of a machine gun ring mounting. The first R-XIIID was tested in February, 1933. All aircraft were given to the Air Force by March 2, 1935. During repairs, older models A, B and C were modified to R-XIIID standard as well.

In 1933, Jerzy Rudlicki proposed a new design R-XXI, for a new contest for R-XIII successor, but it was not accepted (the contest was won by the RWD-14 Czapla). However, some of the R-XXI features, like the higher and rounded in cross-section fuselage and a changed tail fin shape, were found in later R-XIII variants. A single prototype of the R-XIIIE was built in 1934, fitted with a more powerful 360 hp engine Gnome-Rhone 7K Titan engine, but it was not produced. Another variant, the R-XIII-F introduced new, Polish-designed 340 hp engine Skoda G-1620A Mors-I engine. It had no Townend ring on cylinders of the radial engine. After one prototype (no. 56.101), a series of 50 R-XIII-F’s were ordered in 1934. After seven aircraft had been delivered, the Polish aviation authorities refused to buy a further 18 nearly-completed aircraft, as they were planning to completely nationalize the aviation industry in Poland. As a result, the Plage i Laśkiewicz factory went bankrupt in late 1935, and it was next nationalized under the name LWS (Lubelska Wytwórnia Samolotów - Lublin Aircraft Works). The 18 R-XIIIF, were them bought at scrap price, were completed, and the next series of 32 was built. All R-XIII-F’s were delivered to the Polish Air Force by 1938. However, only 26 of them were completed with Mors engines (and these were mostly used for training or staff liaison), while 32 had standard 220 hp Wright engines, lowering their performance to R-XIII-D level.

In the early 1930s the R-XIII was quite a successful plane for its purpose. It had a very short take-off (68 m for R-XIIIA) and landing, enabling it to operate from rough fields and meadows. However, only some of R-XIIIs were equipped with a radio and a camera, which lowered their usefulness. In 1932-1936 they were used in three-aircraft liaison platoons, being the basic Polish army-cooperation plane. In 1937 they were formed into army-cooperation escadres (eskadra towarzysząca), in 1939 reformed into observation escadres (eskadra obserwacyjna). In 1939 some of the R-XIII’s were replaced by the RWD-14b Czapla, which was not much more modern. A planned replacement was a modern LWS-3 Mewa, but it was not introduced prior to the outbreak of war.

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With a Crew of 2 (Pilot and Observer), the Lublin R-XIII was powered by a single Wright Whirlwind J-5 9-cylinder radial engine, 162 kW (220 hp) giving a maximum speed of 115mph, a range of 450 miles and a service ceiling of 13,000 feet.
The aircraft was tested by the Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat evaluation team but the only feature that rated highly was the short take-off and landing distances which enabled it to operate from fields and meadows, and the rough field capability. Otherwise, the aircraft was rated as more or less obsolete, being intended to be replaced even in Polish Air Force service.


OTL Note: On the eve of the Invasion of Poland in September 1939, the Polish Air Force had about 150 R-XIII. Of these, 49 were in combat units, 30 in reserve, about 30 in training units and about 40 in repair workshops. In combat units, the R-XIII’s were used in 7 observation escadres (out of 12), with each escadre having 7 aircraft. The 16th Escadre was the C-in-C reserve, while the others were distributed among the Field Armies. The R-XIII was no match for any of the Luftwaffe fighters, bombers or even reconnaissance aircraft, being much slower, and armed with only one machine gun, but despite this they were actively used for close reconnaissance and liaison tasks. About 40 R-XIII from combat units were destroyed during the campaign, but only some of these were shot down by the German aircraft or flak. During the campaign, 9 aircraft were given to observation escadres as replenishment. Some planes were also used in wartime improvised units from different air bases. About 10 combat aircraft and 7 from other units were withdrawn to Romania. A number of aircraft were bombed by the Germans in air bases or burned by withdrawing Poles. None have survived to today.

LWS-3 Mewa (“Seagull”) (Poland)

The LWS-3 Mewa ("Seagull") was a Polish observation and close reconnaissance aircraft, designed in the late-1930s by the LWS factory as the successor to the now-obsolete Lublin R-XIII army cooperation aircraft. The first sketches were drawn up in 1936 by Zbysław Ciołkosz, the chief designer of the LWS factory (Lubelska Wytwórnia Samolotów). It was similar to the earlier light ambulance plane LWS-2, which itself was inspired by the RW-9 STOL aircraft wing design. After Ciołkosz left LWS in 1937, the project, named LWS-3 Mewa, was modified and further developed at the LWS bureau. In the same year, the Polish Air Force ordered three prototypes. The first prototype, the LWS-3/I was flown in November 1937. It revealed some handling deficiencies, but otherwise had good performance. Following tests, the design of the aircraft was improved. In 1938, the second prototype LWS-3/II was flown. It had a crank mechanism to lower the tailfin and rudder in order to increase the angle of rear machine gun fire, but as it proved impractical, the next prototype LWS-3/III which flew in autumn 1938 again had a classic tailfin design. The third prototype, with some further changes, among others to the engine cover and canopy, was the pattern for serial production. The first prototype was exhibited at the 16th International Paris Aviation Salon in November 1938 (as "PZL Mewa"), where it met with considerable interest.

The aircraft was a mixed construction (steel and wood) monoplane, conventional in layout, with canvas and plywood covered braced high wings. The wings folded rearwards. Conventional fixed landing gear, with a tailwheel. The crew of two sat in tandem in a glassed-in enclosed cockpit, with large transparent canopy surfaces. The crew had dual controls. Prototypes were armed with two forward-firing 7.92 mm machine guns fixed on the undercarriage covers, but it appeared, that their accuracy was low due to vibration, and (according to J. Cynk) production aircraft were intended to have twin machine guns fitted on the fuselage sides. The observer had a 7.92 mm wz.37 machine gun in a rear station, covered by an opening canopy. The engine was a Gnome-Rhône 14M01 14 cylinder air-cooled radial engine (prototypes) or 14M05 (serial) with 660 hp (490 kW) nominal power and 730 hp (540 kW) maximum power. Three-blade metal propeller (planned) or two-blade wooden propeller (installed on some aircraft). Fuel capacity about 380 liters in wing fuel tanks. The aircraft was fitted with a radio and cameras.

Contrary to its direct predecessor, RWD-14 Czapla, the Mewa was a modern close reconnaissance plane, comparable with leading foreign aircraft of that period, like Henschel Hs 126 or Westland Lysander. Its advantages were quite short take-off and landing, which enabled it to operate from fields. Official tests were satisfactory, and in 1938 the Polish Air Force ordered 200 aircraft of the production variant LWS-3A Mewa (or "Mewa A"). Production started in early 1939, and first aircraft were to be ready in the summer. In August 1939, about 30 aircraft were almost completed (10 ready, but lacking propellers, 7 in painting and 10 in final assembly). At the time the LWS-3B Mewa variant powered with a Fiat R74 860 hp (640 kW) engine was being developed for sale to Bulgaria, as was a floatplane LWS-3H (hydro) variant for Polish naval aviation. None were produced due to the outbreak of war.

The Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat evaluation team performed an extensive series of test flights with the the second Mewa prototype LWS-3/II in early 1938. The aircraft rated comparatively higher and remained in consideration up to the final decision being made. Speed and STOL performance were both excellent and the aircraft itself was rugged and well-constructed.

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The LWS-3 Mewa had a Crew of 2 (Pilot and Observer) and was powered by a single Gnome-Rhône 14M05 air cooled radial engine with a three-blade metal variable pitch propeller (planned) or two-blade wooden fixed pitch propeller (installed on some aircraft) rated at 492 kW (660 hp). Maximum speed was 224mph, range was 436 miles and the service ceiling was 27,880 feet. Armament consisted of 2× fixed, forward-firing 7.92 mm PWU wz.36 machine guns, 1× rearward-firing 7.92 mm PWU karabin maszynowy obserwatora wz.37 for the observer.

OTL Note: None of the aircraft entered service in the Polish Air Force before the outbreak of the World War II on September 1, 1939. The problem was with propellers, which had to be delivered from France. The first two aircraft were ready for delivery on September 2, but one of them was damaged on the factory airfield in Lublin by German bombers. The fate of the other one is not clear. Following that, some of the almost finished aircraft were hidden in Lublin park and in a forest nearby. A couple were modified to use wooden propellers with a fixed pitch. Two such aircraft were evacuated to an airfield near Lwów, and given over to the 26th Observation Escadre on September 12. One of them crashed during a night landing on Medyka airfield near Przemyśl on the same day, the other was burned on September 17, when it could not be evacuated. According to some sources, two other Mewas were assigned to the 23rd Observation Escadre on September 11, but this has not been confirmed. It is not clear whether any of these aircraft were armed. One of the aircraft was also seen during evacuation to Pinsk in mid-September. The rest of the uncompleted aircraft were seized by Germans and scrapped.

Further OTL Note: In 1939, the LWS-7 Mewa II was being designed at LWS as a further development of the LWS-3 Mewa. Complete technical drawings were apparantly prepared in summer 1939 and the first prototype was planned to be built in autumn 1939. The development schedule planned for a first flight in Spring or Summer 1940 and the start of production in Autumn/Winter 1940. The first production LWS-7 Mewa II was to be handed over to Polish Air Force in early 1941. The LWS-7 utilised new wings and a semi-monocoque fuselage with less drag and was also to be fitted with a more powerful 916 hp (683 kW) PZL Pegaz XX engine (Bristol Pegasus XX) or a planned 1000 hp (750 kW) PZL Waran. A maximum speed of 400–420 km/h (248-260mph) was estimated from tests performed by the Aerodynamic Institute of the Warsaw University of Technology. Before the war, only a wooden model for aerodynamics testing had been completed. Drawings of the LWS-7 were evacuated in September 1939 to the Polish embassy in Romania by the LWS director Aleksander Sipowicz. Many publications claim that they were handed over to the Bulgarians, but it is not clear whether or not this is correct (possibly, plans for the LWS-3B may have been turned over as the Bulgarian-built KB-11 Fazan reconnaissance plane bore more than a passing resemblance to the Mewa).

Meridionali Ro.37 (Italy)

Meridionali, then named Officine Ferroviarie Meridionali, first became involved in the Italian aircraft industry in 1923, beginning manufacturing activities two years later through the licence-construction of Fokker designs. In 1934 the Societa Anonima Industrie Aeronautiche Romeo was formed to takeover the aeronautical activities of the Officine Ferroviarie Meridionali (Aeroplani Romeo). In 1936, the Societa Anonima Industrie Aeronautiche Romeo absorbed all the industrial activities of the Officine Ferroviarie Meridionali and changed its name to Industrie Meccaniche e Aeronautiche Meridionali (IMAM).

In the early 1930’s, the Regia Aeronautica put out a requirement for a light reconnaissance aircraft and also a heavier reconnaissance aeroplane. The first should have a 350 km/h (190 knots/220 mph) maximum speed, five hours endurance, three machine-guns and a bomblets dispenser, armour, and the capability to operate from improvised airfields. The heavier one should have a 325 km/h maximum speed, at least 1,300 km (800 miles) endurance, 7,000 m (22,750 feet) ceiling, climb to 5,000m (16,000) in 19 minutes, three crew, five weapons, high wing and other details. IMAM proposed the IMAM Ro.30, an improved Ro.1 (the Ro.1 was actually a Fokker C.V built under license in Italy) with a defensive turret and better engine. Limited numbers were built but a larger order was rejected by the Regio Esercito and the aircraft was not chosen for mass production, being only capable of 200 km/h (110 knots), five hours endurance, a climb rate of 4,000 m (13,000 feet) in 20 minutes, and had three weapons.

IMAM did not give up and designed a new aircraft, the Romeo Ro.37, which first flew in 1933. The aircraft was an unequal-span single-bay biplane of mixed wood and metal construction. Its design included fixed tailwheel landing gear, all three wheels being provided with spats; a braced tail unit incorporating a variable-incidence tailplane; and accommodation for two in tandem enclosed cockpits, Power was provided by a 522kW Fiat A.30RA Vee engine of 560hp. It reached 300 km/h (162 knots) and perhaps even more with this engine, the same as that used by the Fiat CR.32. An improved Ro.37bis was developed subsequently, and this introduced an optional radial powerplant comprising either the Piaggio P. IX or P.X supercharged engine. The better reliability of this engine was considered more desirable and so this was the main version produced. The Ro.37 was generally liked by pilots, and the only complaint was that aircraft was prone to damage to the undercarriage, and had some engine faults.

It was similar in many ways to the Hawker Hind, rather than a light army co-operation aircraft, and its performance was similar to the later Westland Lysander, but the contemporary British design was the Hawker Hector. Both models proved popular for their day, with production of the Ro.37 and Ro.37bis exceeding 160 and 475 respectively. Ro.37 were also quite widely exported (ten to Uruguay, sixteen to Afghanistan, fourteen to Hungary, eight to Austria, and one to Ecuador) and around 280 were in service with the Regia Aeronautica in 1940 in thirty squadrons.

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The Ro.37 had a Crew of 2, was powered by a single Piaggio P.IX RC.40, 9-cylinder, air-cooled, radial, piston engine of 560 hp (418 kW) with a maximum speed of 205mph, a range of 696 miles and a service ceiling of 23,620 feet. Defensive armament consisted of three machine guns (two in the nose and one flexible mount machine gun in the rear cockpit) and very good agility. Bombload consisted of 397 lb (180kg) of bombs (twelve x 15 kg bombs) on underfuselage racks.

IMAM also built a successor to the Ro.37, the Ro.45. This was an enhanced Ro.37 that first flew as a prototype on 10 December 1935. The 820 hp Isotta-Fraschini Asso XI.RC40 engine boosted maximum speed slightly to 217mph, increased the ceiling to 26,200 feet, and endurance to 1,398 miles. Destined for long-range reconnaissance and light bombing, it remained a single prototype for unknown reasons: perhaps it was rated too costly or the improvements over the Ro.37 were not enough. At any rate, the Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat evaluated both the Ro.37 and the single Ro.45 prototype but, as with the British Hawker Hector, considered the design unsuitable for their overall requirement.

OTL Note: Ro.37 and Ro.37bis aircraft were involved in the Spanish Civil War from October 1936, when the first 10 arrived. Another 26 (possibly 58) went to this theatre and were used for many missions and tasks. They were used as assault aircraft, even though they were unarmoured. The results were satisfactory and some were even converted to a single-seat machine for use as attack fighters. The two-seat versions were used as heavy fighters, providing protection for S.81 bombers from Republican I-15s. It is not known if there were any air-to-air victories. They were also used extensively by the Regia Aeronautica during Mussolini's invasion of Abyssinia between October 1935 and May 1936 and during the Italian occupation of that country until 1941. Some 275 Ro.37bis aircraft were in service with the Regia Aeronautica when Italy became involved in World War II, and these saw first-line service in the East and North African campaigns and in the Balkans. Some were in service up to 1943 and perhaps even later. They were very vulnerable, but in the war Italy did not have sufficient resources to produce a better observation aircraft, not even the Ro.63, a superior aircraft, similar to the Storch, but with more endurance. After withdrawal from first-line service they found a variety of uses, but all had been retired before Italy's armistice with the Allies on 8 September 1943. The aircraft was produced until 1939 with a total of 569 (237 + 332bis) produced.

And a completely off-topic FYI for if you’re really interested in older aircraft: The remnants of the Ro.37’s sold to Afghanisatan were found northeast of Kabul by the Italian Army’s 132nd Artillery Regiment "Ariete". The link if you want to read more is http://www.paginedidifesa.it/2006/pdd_060331.html Of the 16 Ro.37bis sold to Afghanistan in 1938, 6 relics were recovered by an Italian / US team to the North East of Kabul and one of them is exhibited at Vigna di Valle Museum waiting to be completely restored. Tom Martin, LTC (Ret) of the US Army, recently sent the following interesting pictures of the recovery of the Ro.37 with the following explaination: “I was the garrison commander at the Kabul Military Training Center and “neighbor” to the Italian garrison at Camp Invicta. Their garrison commander, LTC Mauro D’ Ubaldi, and I became friends through mutual security needs and engineer projects. He approached me and asked if I would help his team come onto our site and remove from the boneyard the flight of planes where this plane came from (another photo shows how it was in the boneyard and a detail of a data plate).
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We also recovered wings and there were scraps of material with paint on some of the parts which showed the material and colors.”

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Messerschmitt Bf108 (Germany)

The Messerschmitt Bf 108 Taifun was a German single-engine sports and touring aircraft developed by Bayerische Flugzeugwerke (Bavarian Aircraft Works). The Bf 108 was of all-metal construction. Originally designated the M 37, the aircraft was designed as a four-seat sports/recreation aircraft for competition in the 4th Challenge de Tourisme Internationale (1934). The M 37 prototype flew first in spring 1934 powered by a 250 PS (247 hp, 184 kW) Hirth HM 8U inverted-V engine, which drove a three-blade propeller. Although it was outperformed by several other aircraft in the competition, the M 37's overall performance marked it as a popular choice for record flights. Particular among these traits was its extremely low fuel consumption rate, good handling, and superb takeoff and landing characteristics. One of the first major changes made to the production variants was to adapt the fuselage for a four-seat configuration.
The Bf 108A first flew in 1934, followed by the Bf 108B in 1935. The Bf 108B used the Argus As 10 air-cooled inverted V8 engine. The nickname Taifun (German for "typhoon") was given to her own aircraft by Elly Beinhorn, a well known German pilot, and was generally adopted. The Bf 108 was adopted into Luftwaffe service during World War II, where it was primarily used as a personnel transport and liaison aircraft. It was exported as a civilian aircraft or as a military passenger-carrying variant to a number of countries prior to WW2.

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With a Crew of 1 and seating for 3 Passengers, the Bf108 was powered by a single Argus As 10C air-cooled inverted V-8, 240 PS (174 kW) with a maximum speed of 190mph, a range of 620 miles and a service ceiling of 20,300 feet (with 4 people and luggage).

The Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat evaluated both the Bf108 but considered the design unsuitable for their overall requirement, correctly assessing the aircraft as a light passenger aircraft unsuitable for combat reconnaisance and without any real STOL capability.

Messerschmitt Bf163 (Germany)

During the autumn of 1935, the considerable potential of the Fieseler Fi 156 project for the tasks of short range reconnaissance and aerial observation had prompted the RLM to draw up a requirement for an army co-operation and observation aircraft with its performance parameters. The requirement stipulated the use of the Argus As 10 or the Hirth HM 508 engine and placed emphasis on short field performance, maximum possible all-round view for the two crew members, and a wide range of speed. It was intended that the resultant aircraft, which the Siebel Si 201 was also designed to compete for, would be evaluated in competition with the Fi 156. The Bf 163 followed closely the formula established by the Fi 156 in being a high-wing braced monoplane with a metal structure, automatic leading edge wing slots, double slotted flaps, and an exceptionally tall undercarriage. The aircraft's most interesting feature was the provision for varying the incidence of the entire wing which swivelled on its mainspar, the bracing struts being attached to the fuselage by ball joints and changing their angle with movement of the wing. Construction of the sole prototype was entrusted to Weserflug, though it retained the RLM prefix for BFW (Bf).

First flown on 19 February 1938 and powered by the Argus As 10C, the Bf 163 V1 proved to have similar performance characteristics to those of the Fi 156 but was more complex and expensive. Although some components for a second prototype were manufactured, the Bf 163 V2 was not completed and further work on the Bf 163 was terminated in favor of the Fieseler Fi 156. In a very rare decision, the RLM issued the airframe designation number 8-163 for the Me 163 Komet rocket-propelled interceptor, after having used the number for the Bf 163. The two aircraft are distinguished by the abbreviation: the earlier Bf 163, and the later Me 163. The new "Me" prefix was adopted for all new designs of Messerschmitt aircraft, after the company's official name of Bayerische Flugzeugwerke (BFW) was changed to Messerschmitt AG in July of 1938.

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Couldn’t track down a photo online of the Bf 163 – closest I could find was a model….

With a Crew of 2, the Messerschmidt Bf 163 was powered by a single Argus As 10C 8-cylinder inverted-vee air cooled engine, 179 kW (240 hp) and had a maximum speed of 112mph. Performance characteristics overall were very similar to the Fi 156.


The Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat evaluated the Bf 163 but considered that as the Germans had already ordered the Fi 156 Storch into production, while the Bf 163 was a good aircraft it was so similar in performance and capabilities to the Fi 156 that it probably wasn’t going anywhere. It remained under consideration but as an unlikely fallback option, given that Bayerische Flugzeugwerke (BFW) was unlikely to produce the aircraft only to meet a small Finnish order. License production was however contemplated.

Piper J3 (USA)

The Piper J3 had its origins in 1927 when two barnstorming brothers, C. Gilbert and Gordon Taylor, formed the Taylor Brothers Aircraft Company to produce and market a small, high-wing, two-seat monoplane named the “Chummy,” designed a year earlier by Gilbert. In September 1930, Taylor embarked on the production of a two-seat tandem low-powered aircraft, designated the Taylor E-2. The E-2 featured a design with wings mounted high on the fuselage, an open cockpit, fabric-covered tubular steel fuselage and wooden wings. It was powered by a 20-horsepower (15-kilowatt) Brownbach "Tiger Kitten" engine. The “Tiger Kitten” roared but the little engine was not strong enough to power the E-2. On September 12, 1930, a test flight of the Taylor E-2 ended abruptly when the aircraft ran out of runway—the underpowered engine was unable to lift the monoplane higher than five feet (1.5 meters) above the ground. Later that year, Taylor Brothers Aircraft Company went bankrupt.

The so-called “Lindbergh Boom” in general aviation following the landmark 1927 solo flight from New York to Paris inspired oilman William T. Piper to purchase the assets of the Taylor Aircraft Corporation for $761 as it emerged from bankruptcy protection in 1931. Piper effectively took control of the firm when he assumed the position of corporate secretary-treasurer, although he retained Gilbert Taylor in the role of president. Piper, often called the “Henry Ford of Aviation,” believed that a simple-to-operate low-cost private airplane would flourish, even in the darkest depths of the Great Depression. Shortly after Piper assumed control of the company, Taylor Aircraft introduced an improved E-2 airframe, powered by the newly developed Continental Motors Corporation 37-horsepower (28-kilowatt) A-4O engine. The new Taylor E-2, now known as the “Cub,” was meant to be an affordable aircraft that would encourage interest in aviation and was awarded its type certificate on July 11, 1931 and licensed by the U.S. Department of Commerce for manufacture. Twenty-two Taylor E-2 Cubs were sold during 1931, retailing for $1,325; by 1935, sales had increased to more than 200 E-2 Cubs.

In 1936, an earlier Cub was altered by an employee, 19-year-old aircraft designer Walter Jamouneau. The revamping included rounded angles and other major changes, and the aircraft was reintroduced in 1936 as the Taylor J-2 Cub – the ‘J' standing for Jamouneau. When he saw the redesign, Taylor was so incensed that he fired Jamouneau. Piper, however, had encouraged Jamouneau's changes, and hired him back. But the changes to the fundamental Cub design were unacceptable to company founder Gilbert Taylor, who soon parted ways with William Piper —though only after Piper bought out his remaining interest in the company. Taylor went on to establish the new Taylorcraft Aviation Company of Alliance, Ohio. Although sales were initially slow, about 1,200 J-2s were produced before a fire in the Piper factory ended its production in 1938. William Piper relocated his manufacturing operation and several hundred employees to Lock Haven, Pennsylvania, and the Piper Aircraft Corporation was born. By year's end, it had built 687 Piper airplanes. The following year, the upgraded Piper J-3 Cub was unveiled, featuring further changes by Jamouneau and powered by a 40-horsepower (30-kilowatt) engine built by Continental, Lycoming, or Franklin and selling for $1,300. Piper soon introduced a uniform color scheme for the Cubs—bright yellow trimmed in black. Engine horsepower continued to increase, first to 50 horsepower (37 kilowatts), then to 65 horsepower (48 kilowatts) by 1940.

In early 1938, the Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat test team evaluated the Piper J-2. The J-2 had excellent STOL capability, able to take off in less than 300 feet by firewalling the throttle, lifting the tail immediately, pulling full flaps at 45 knots and levering the stick back into the pilots lap. The J-3 was near stallproof, with a stall speed of 34 knots, and short field approaches were easy with full flaps.

piperl4grasshopper.jpg

The Piper J-3 could carry a Pilot and on passenger, was powered by a single Continental A-65-8 air-cooled flat four, 65 hp (48 kW) at 2,350 rpm and had a maximum speed of 87mph. Range was 220 miles and the service ceiling was 11,500 feet.

OTL Note: With the outbreak of hostilities in Europe in 1939, there was a growing realization that the United States might soon be drawn into World War II, resulted in the formation of the Civilian Pilot Training Program (CPTP). The Piper J-3 Cub would play an integral role in the success of the CPTP, achieving legendary status; A number of different engines, air-cooled flat-four engine configuration and a very few "J3P"-designated examples equipped with Lenape Papoose 3-cylinder radial engines were used to power J-3 Cubs, and resulted in differing model designations for each type: the J3C model used the Continental A-65, the J3F used the Franklin 4AC engine, and the J3L used the Lycoming O-145. The Piper J-3 Cub became the primary trainer aircraft of the CPTP — 75 percent of all new pilots in the CPTP (from a total of 435,165 graduates) were trained in Cubs. By war's end, 80 percent of all United States military pilots received their initial flight training in Piper Cubs. The need for new pilots created an insatiable appetite for the Cub. In 1940, the year before the United States' entry into the war, 3,016 Cubs were built; soon, wartime demands would increase that production rate to one Piper J-3 Cub being built every 20 minutes.

The Piper Cub quickly became a familiar sight. First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt took a flight in a J-3 Cub, posing for a series of publicity photos to help promote the CPTP. Newsreels and newspapers of the era often featured images of wartime leaders, such as Generals Dwight Eisenhower, George Patton and George Marshall, flying around European battlefields in Piper Cubs. Civilian-owned Cubs joined the war effort as part of the newly formed Civil Air Patrol (CAP), patrolling the Eastern Seaboard and Gulf Coast in a constant search for German U-boats and survivors of U-boat attacks. Piper developed a military variant ("All we had to do," Bill Jr. is quoted as saying, "was paint the Cub olive drab to produce a military airplane"), variously designated as the O-59 (1941), L-4 (after April 1942), and NE (U.S. Navy). The variety of models, as well as similar, tandem-cockpit accommodation aircraft from Aeronca and Taylorcraft, were collectively nicknamed “Grasshoppers” and used extensively in World War II for reconnaissance, transporting supplies and medical evacuation.

L-4s were also sometimes equipped with lashed-on infantry bazookas for ground attack. These proved to be most useful during Operation Overlord, in the hedgerowed bocage country south of the invasion beaches, for spotting hidden German tanks waiting in ambush for American and British tanks of the invasion forces. Since the L-4 Grasshoppers were mechanically identical to the J-3 civilian version, the military versions were distinguished by the presence of rearwards-entended Plexiglas windows going over the top of the wing and behind the rear-seat passenger, somewhat aft of the wing's trailing edge. Nearly 5,700 L-4s were produced for the U.S. Army and 250 for the U.S. Navy as "elementary trainers".

Potez 39 (France)

The Potez 39 was designed to a 1928 requirement for an aircraft to replace the Potez 25 and Breguet 19 machines then in service with the French Air Force in the A2 (Artillerie Biplace - two seat observation aircraft) role. The aircraft was a parasol monoplane of all-metal construction, the first all metal Potez aircraft, with a tailwheel undercarriage. It was powered by a Hispano-Suiza 12H engine of 580 bhp (433 kW) as required by the specification. The crew of two sat in open, tandem cockpits, with the observer being armed with two Lewis guns on a ring mounting, and the pilot being armed with a single synchronised Darne machine gun, while light bombs could be carried in a small internal bomb-bay and on external racks. A fixed camera was fitted, operating through a hatch in the fuselage floor. The prototype flew in January 1930. Although the Breguet 27 was selected as the winner of the competition, both it and the Potez, which was runner-up, were chosen for production. Compared to the Potez 25, of which over 2000 were ordered, production of the Potez 39 series was on a small scale, 100 Potez 390 aircraft being built for France and 12 Potez 391 variants, powered by a Lorraine-Dietrich 12H engine of 700 bhp, for the Peruvian Air Force. A number of prototype and development aircraft, including a floatplane, were tested but no further orders were received.

The first production aircraft were delivered in 1934 but shortly afterwards, the Potez 39 began to be replaced by ANF Les Mureaux 117, Amiot 143 and Potez 540 aircraft ( in 1936). At the outbreak of the Second World War the Potez 39 remained in service with seven observation squadrons of the French Air Force, but these, along with the Breguet 27-equipped units, were withdrawn from the front in October 1939. The Potez 39 continued to serve in training units until the armistice of June 1940, at which time 41 remained in Metropolitan France. These aircraft were scrapped soon afterwards.

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The Potez 39 had a Crew of 2 and was powered by a single Hispano-Suiza 12H 12-cylinder liquid-cooled V12 engine, 580 hp (433 kW) with a maximum speed of 149mph, a range of 497 miles and a service ceiling of 23,000 feet. Armament consisted of 1 x fixed 7.7 mm machine-gun firing forward and 2 x 7.7 mm machine-guns in a flexible mount in the observer's position. Up to 120kg of bombs could be carried.

In early 1938, the Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat test team evaluated the Potez 39. Given that the aircraft was already being replaced in service in France, the evaluation was cursory and simply confirmed that the aircraft was obsolete and should not be considered further.

Potez 540 (France)

This two-engine aircraft was built by the French Potez company to fulfill a 1932 specification for a new reconnaissance bomber. Built as a private venture, this aircraft, designated the Potez 54, flew for the first time on 14 November 1933. Designed by Louis Coroller, it was intended as a four-seat aircraft capable of performing duties such as bomber, transport and long-range reconnaissance. The Potez 54 was a high-wing monoplane, of mixed wood and metal covering over a steel tube frame. The prototype had twin fins and rudders, and was powered by two 515 kW (690 hp) Hispano-Suiza 12Xbrs V-12 engines in streamlined nacelles, which were connected to the fuselage by stub wings. The main landing gear units retracted into the nacelles, and auxiliary bomb racks were mounted beneath the stub wings. There were manually-operated turrets at the nose and dorsal positions, as well as a semi-retractable dustbin-style ventral turret. During development, the original tailplane was replaced by a single fin and rudder, and in this form, the type was re-designated the Potez 540 and delivered to the Armee de I'Air on 25 November 1934. A total of 192 Potez 540s were built.

Their first combat was in the Spanish Civil War, where they were employed by the Spanish Republicans. In the late 1930s, these aircraft were becoming obsolete so they were withdrawn from reconnaissance and bombing duties and were relegated to French transport units. They were also employed as paratrooper training and transport aircraft. By September 1939 and the beginning of World War II, they had been largely transferred to the French colonies in North Africa, where they continued to function in transport and paratrooper service. Their role in even these secondary assignments was problematic given their poor defensive armament and vulnerability to modern enemy fighters. Following the French capitulation to Germany in June 1940, those Potez 540s still flying served the Vichy French Air Force mainly in the French overseas colonies. Most of these machines were retired or destroyed by late 1943

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The Potez 54- had a crew of between 4 and 7 and was designed as a reconnaissance bomber. Powered by 2 Hispano-Suiza HS 12 Xirs/Xjrs V-12 liquid-cooled piston engines of 515 kW (690 hp) each, it had a maximum speed of 193 mph, a range of 777 miles and a service ceiling of 32,810 feet. Defensive armament consisted of 3 to 5× 7.5 mm (0.295 in) MAC 1934 machine guns in flexible nose, dorsal, and ventral positions. Bombload consisted of 4 × 225 kg (496 lb) bombs on external racks or 10 × 55 kg (110 lb) bombs in bomb bay when operated as a bomber.

In early 1938, the Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat test team evaluated the Potez 540. Given the role that the aircraft was expected to fill, the evaluation was cursory and simply confirmed that the aircraft was completely unsuited to the intended role and should not be considered further. In point of fact, the evaluation team were highly annoyed that the French would even put the aircraft forward for consideration given the obvious unsuitability when evaluated against the requirements the Ilmavoimat had provided.

Potez 637 (France)

The original Potez 630 was built to meet the requirements of a 1934 heavy fighter specification which also resulted in the successful Breguet 690 series of attack aircraft. The prototype first flew in 1936 and proved to have excellent handling qualities. The Potez 630 was a twin engine, monoplane, fully metallic three-seater with efficient aerodynamic lines and twin tailplanes. The long glasshouse hosted the pilot, an observer or commander who was only aboard if the mission required it, and a rear gunner who manned a single flexible light machine gun. Only very minor changes were required and an order for 80 was placed in 1937. Simultaneously 80 Potez 631 C3 fighters were ordered, these having Gnome-Rhône 14M radial engines rather than the Hispano-Suiza 14AB10/11 of the Potez 630. Fifty additional Potez 631s were ordered in 1938 of which 20 were diverted to Finland (OTL, these aircraft did not arrive in Finland). A typical feature of the 630 and 631 was the frontal armament, which originally consisted of two 20 mm Hispano-Suiza HS.404 cannons in gondolas under the fuselage, though sometimes one of the cannons was replaced by a MAC 1934. Later in their career, 631s received four similar light machine guns in gondolas under the outer wings, though it was theoretically possible to fit six.

Dissatisfied with its strategic reconnaissance aircraft such as the troublesome Bloch MB.131, the Armée de l'Air ordered the development of a derivative of the Potez 631 heavy fighter for this role. The observer was to be housed in a gondola under the fuselage. While particularly uncomfortable, this arrangement resulted in a Potez 637 that retained most of the qualities of the 631. 60 examples were ordered in August 1938 and delivered. Unlike many contemporary French aircraft, production of the Potez aircraft was reasonably prompt and the first deliveries were effected before the end of 1938. The 63 had been designed with mass production in mind and as a result, one Potez 630 was cheaper and faster to manufacture than one Morane-Saulnier M.S.406. As production tempo increased, a number of derivatives and experimental models were also developed and produced with exceptional rapidity.

The Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat evaluation team looked at a number of diferent variants of the Potez 630 in early 1938. There report indicated that all members of the family (possibly except the Potez 63.11) shared pleasant flying characteristics. They were well designed for easy maintenance and could be fitted with a heavy armament for the time (up to 12 light machine guns for the Potez 63.11 design that was being worked on). They were also quite attractive aircraft. Although not heavily built they seemed capable of absorbing considerable battle damage. Unfortunately the Potez 63 family, like many French aircraft of the time, simply did not have sufficiently powerful engines to endow them with an adequate performance. However, while the aircraft was considered reasonably good, it by no stretch met the STOL Observation / Medical Evac requirements of the aircraft that was being looked for.

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The Potez 637 had a Crew of 3 and was powered by two Gnome-Rhône 14M radial engines giving a maximum speed of 264 mph with a range of 932 miles and a service ceiling of 27,885 feet. Armament consisted of 1x fixed, forward-firing 7.5 mm MAC 1934 machine gun, 1x fixed, rearward-firing 7.5 mm MAC 1934 machine gun and 1x flexible, rearward-firing 7.5 mm MAC 1934 machine gun with 4x 50 kg (110 lb) bombs.

OTL Note: At the same time, the Armée de l'Air was desperate to re-equip its army cooperation units which had particularly antiquated equipment, but since the development of the Potez 637, had completely changed its mind about how the observer position should be arranged. Potez was therefore required to develop a variant that, while retaining the wings, engines and tail surfaces of the 631, hosted the observer in a more conventional nose glasshouse. Because the pilot needed to be seated above the observer, the Potez 63.11's fuselage was taller, which resulted in top speed degradation and reduced manoeuvrability. As a result the Potez 63.11 proved very vulnerable, despite being protected with some armour and a basic self-sealing coating over the fuel tanks.

As a secondary light bomber capability was part of the requirements (though it was rarely if ever used), the fuselage accommodated a tiny bomb bay, carrying up to eight 10kg-class bombs. This bomb bay was replaced by an additional fuel tank on late examples. Additionally, two 50kg-class bombs could be carried on hardpoints under the inner wings. Frontal armament was originally one, then three MAC 1934s under the nose, and many 63.11s were equipped with additional MAC 1934 guns in wing gondolas as the 631s. The first Potez 63.11 No.1 and second No.2 prototypes first flew in December 1938, and no less than 1,365 examples were on order in September 1939, of which 730 were delivered.

ATL Note: After the outbreak of the Winter War, 20 Potez 631s were ordered diverted to Finland. These aircraft arrived in mid-April 1940, having been flown to the UK where they were picked up by Ilmavoimat Ferry Pilots and flown via Norway and Sweden to Finland. In Ilmavoimat service, they were found to be underpowered and slower than many of the Soviet bombers, as well as undergunned. A rush project was undertaken to replace the engines with the Finnish-built and more powerful Hispano-Suiza 12Y’s, and every one of the aircraft was fitted with two nose-mounted 20mm cannon and four machineguns under the wings. In addition, the internal bomb bay was replaced with an additional fuel tank to extend the range. The aircraft finally entered service in August 1940, by which time the war was almost over. The Ilmavoimat went on to use them in the night-fighter role that the French had intended them for. They were not particularly successful in this role and were retired from active service and used as trainers from 1941.

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Ilmavoimat Potez 631’s undergoing modifications and Curtiss Hawks being repaired at the Veljekset Karhumäki factory at Tampere, May 1940.

ANF Les Mureaux 117 (France)

The ANF Les Mureaux 110 originated with a French air ministry requirement for an aircraft to replace the Breguet 19 in Armeé de l'Air service in the "R2" reconnaissance role. Two slightly different variants, the 110 and 111 were presented to the air force for evaluation, and were soon ordered into production. The first mass-production version was the 113 in 1933, of which 49 examples were purchased. This was supplanted in produ ction by the 115 in 1935 and the 117 later than year. Both these series were given light bombing capability as well. By the outbreak of World War II, the ANF Les Mureaux 117 equipped nine Groupes Aériens d'Observation.

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The ANF Les Mureaux 117 had a Crew of 2 (Pilot and Observer) and was powered by a single 634-kW (850-hp) Hispano-Suiza 12Yers piston engine. Maximum speed was 210mph, range was 620 miles and the service ceiling was 32,800 feet. Defensive armament consisted of 1 × 20 mm Hispano-Suiza HS.9 cannon firing through propeller hub, 2 × fixed, forward firing 7.5 mm MAC 34 machine guns and 2 × flexible 7.5 mm MAC 34 machine guns for observer. Bombload consisted of 200 kg (440 lb) of bombs. The major difference between the 117 and the earlier 115 was that the 117 had improved aerodynamics.

In early 1938, the Ilmavoimat / Maavoimat test team evaluated the ANF Les Mureaux 117. It was assessed as a rugged but somewhat dated aircraft similar to the Fokker C.X the Ilmavoimat already had in service and without any real multi-role or STOL capability.

Bloch MB.131 (France)

The Bloch MB.130 and its derivatives were a series of French monoplane reconnaissance bombers developed during the 1930s. The MB.130 was developed in response to the August 1933 French Aviation Ministry request for a reconnaissance and tactical bomber. It was an all-metal, twin-engine, low-wing monoplane with retractable landing gear, and armed with three flexible machine guns, one each in the nose, dorsal turret, and ventral gondola. It first flew on 29 June 1934, and despite very ordinary performance, soon entered production, 40 machines being ordered in October 1935. An improved version, the MB.131 was first flown on 16 August 1936, but still needed more work to overcome its deficiencies. The radically revised second prototype which flew on 5 May 1937 eventually formed the basis for series production, with aircraft being manufactured by SNCASO, the nationalised company that had absorbed Bloch and Blériot. Total production (including prototypes) was 143. As with the Potez 540, given the role that the aircraft was expected to fill, the evaluation was cursory and simply confirmed that the aircraft was completely unsuited to the intended role and should not be considered further.

Entering service in June 1938, the MB.131 went on to equip seven reconnaissance Groupes, six in metropolitan France and one in North Africa. Upon the outbreak of the war, the metropolitan Groupes suffered heavy losses in attempts at daylight reconnaissance of Germany's western borders. They were subsequently restricted to flying night missions, though they still suffered heavy losses even then. By May 1940, all metropolitan units had been converted to Potez 63.11 aircraft, with only the African groupe retaining them for front-line duty.

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The Bloch MB.131 had a Crew of 4, was powered by 2 × Gnome-Rhône 14N-10/11 14-cylinder air-cooled radial engines of 708 kW (950 hp) each and had a maximum speed of 217 mph with a range of 808 miles and a service ceiling of 23,785 feet. Defensive armament consisted of 3 × 7.5 mm (.295 in) MAC 1934 machine guns in flexible mounts in the nose, dorsal turret, and ventral gondola. Bombload consisted of 4 × 200 kg (440 lb) or 6 × 100 kg (220 lb) or 8 × 50 kg (110 lb) or 64 × 10 kg (22 lb) bombs.

OTL Note: After the Battle of France, the planes left in Vichy possession were relegated to target towing duty. 21 planes were reported captured by the Luftwaffe in inoperable condition, but photographic evidence suggests at least a few flew for the Nazis.

Next Post ...... the decision!
 
they should buy the storch given finlands lack of hard metal runways and appalling weather conditions, the payload and function relative to price should make it a winner; and besides they are buying it a bit later than its debut and can get somewhat upgraded avionics that make it more pilot friendly
 
they should buy the storch given finlands lack of hard metal runways and appalling weather conditions, the payload and function relative to price should make it a winner; and besides they are buying it a bit later than its debut and can get somewhat upgraded avionics that make it more pilot friendly

It's interesting when you look at all the alternatives that were out there at the time. The Storch was a great little aircraft - as was the Piper J3, but I still think the Storch has it all over everything else as a STOL aircraft. "Landing backwards on an outhouse roof" kind of sums up really well what you can do with that plane. Unbelievable performance in its role.

And yes, in production, low cost, easily available and able to be license manufactured......
 

Hyperion

Banned
Re the Soviets, my plot has Stalin die towards the end of the Winter War (Sept 1940 to be more precise). Change of leadership will happen. The basic premise is the Soviets get toasted in the Winter War but the change in leadership lets them be more prepared, one offsets the other. But of course without Stalin the Red Army would likely fight more intelligently. As you said, butterflies.......

Anyhow, we'll see how it goes. That's a fair way down the tracks, its taken me 6 months to get this far, it'll probably be another 6 months of writing before we get to the start of the Winter War and thats only if I can keep up writing at this pace :eek:

I think the idea of Stalin being killed, either through an accident, or someone deciding he is no longer needed, is quite plausible if the Winter War is worse than OTL.

That being said, who survives the change of leadership. In OTL when Stalin died, quite a few old guard such as Beria where killed or stripped of power. With a major change in leadership but still roughly a year or more away from war with Germany, I could see the Red Army and other groups getting rid of Stalin's cronies and others that supported or carried out the purges, and still have time to get the house in order.

The army and air forces will likely have plenty of dead weight that can either be purged, or lost in battle. That being said, if Stalin dies, I like the idea of Beria being killed off and the NKVD being purged by the army.
 
I think the idea of Stalin being killed, either through an accident, or someone deciding he is no longer needed, is quite plausible if the Winter War is worse than OTL.

That being said, who survives the change of leadership. In OTL when Stalin died, quite a few old guard such as Beria where killed or stripped of power. With a major change in leadership but still roughly a year or more away from war with Germany, I could see the Red Army and other groups getting rid of Stalin's cronies and others that supported or carried out the purges, and still have time to get the house in order.

The army and air forces will likely have plenty of dead weight that can either be purged, or lost in battle. That being said, if Stalin dies, I like the idea of Beria being killed off and the NKVD being purged by the army.

Started a bit of a thread on that one a while ago to see what people suggested and had some great suggestions and comments. Worth a look if your're interested. I'm always looking for more input on that one as I have a few thoughts and ideas but at this stage it's still at the level I set out

Here's the link to that discussion....
https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/showthread.php?t=191550
 
The Decision on Observation, Artillery Control and general purpose Light Aircraft for

The Decision on Observation, Artillery Control and general purpose Light Aircraft for the Ilmavoimat

As we covered earlier, in late 1937 the decision had been made to create the “Paarma” (Horsefly) Units and these units were tasked with Forward Artillery Control, Forward CAS Control, Target marking (initialy using Phosphorus Bombs, later also using smoke-rockets), Reconnaissance/observation (including artillery spotting), Casualty Evacuation from forward areas and General Liaison use. It was a wide-reaching role and one that the Joint Evaluation Team kept to the fore throughout what was an exhaustive series of evaluations and test-flights.

Some aircraft were eliminated early on as completely unstitable for the role. Into this category fell the Arado Ar198, the Blohm and Voss Bv 141 (too radical a design), the FockeWulf fw 186 Autogyro (also rather too radical and experimental), the Fokker C.X (this was what we’re replacing!), the Hawker Hector (obsolete), the Lublin R-XIII (obsolete), the Meriodionali Ro37 (obsolete), the Messerschmidt Bf 108 (not suitable), the Messerschmidt Bf 163 (the Luftwaffe aren’t going to buy this one…), The Potez 39 (obsolete), the Potez 540 (unsuitable) and the Potez 637 (our Fokker G1 is waaaay better than this dog), the ANF Les Mureaux 117 (why are the French wasting our time…), the Bloch MB.131 (that’s it, no more French aircraft…), the RWB Czapla (obsolete even for the Poles) and the Siebel Si 201 (the Luftwaffe have already told us they aren’t going to buy this one…).

Left in consideration after the obvious eliminations were the Fieseler Fi 156 Storch, the Focke Wulf Fw 189, the Heinkel He 46 (second hand but they’ll sell us all we’ll want and they’ll sell it to us cheap…), the Henschel Hs 126, the LWSIII-Mewa, the Piper J-3 (did you see the price of that one….) and finally, the Westland Lysander. With some 23 aircraft to evaluate overall, and a final 7 to re-evealuate and test fly, the program was not completed until September 1938. However, at this stage a decision was very quickly reached. Two aircraft stood out as superlative in the role the Ilmavoimat and Maavoimat were looking to fill. The Fieseler Fi 156 Storch had by far and away the best STOL performance as well as excellent visibility and the decision was almost a no-brainer – although serious consideration was given to the Piper J-3. But the Fi 156 was just …. better!

The TOE for a Paarma Unit assigned to a Regimental Battle Group was set at four aircraft, with four Pilot / Forward Air Controllers, four Observation/Artillery Control Officers, a ground-based “Paarma” CO who was also a trained Forward Air Controller, and sixty NCO’s and men (including Signals). The unit was allocated its own vehicles and could move along with the ground forces it supported and be split into smaller sections if needed. With the steady growth of the Maavoimat through the 1930’s, in late 1937 the formal establishment was at some 48 Regimental Battle Groups (with the older formations, the equivalent of 16 Divisions) and a further 12 Regimental Battle Groups were planned to be added over the period 1938-1940. With some sixty Regimental Battle Groups, 240 of the aircraft would be required to meet the TOE. Given the low cost of the Fieseler Fi 156 (especially when compared to the cost of fighters or bombers), this was a feasible proposition and in August 1938, the Ilmavoimat announced the decision.

Twenty Fi 156’s were to be bought direct from Fiesler – delivery was rapid and these aircraft were shipped and arrived before the end of the year. Additionally, a manufacturing license was bought from Fiesler and the Finnish company Veljekset Karhumäki was awarded a contract to build an initial 100 aircraft (Veljekset Karhumäki were also advised that further orders would be placed, with the objective being to ensure that all Regimental Battle Groups were fully equipped). This was a large expansion in business for Veljekset Karhumäki and two additional factory buildings were acquired, one to construct the Argus engines and one to construct the aircraft. Setup moved as rapidly as possible with production starting towards the end of 1938 and the first Finnish-manufactured Fi 156 rolling out the doors in early February 1939. Delivery averaged six Fi 156’s per month through the first half of 1939, increasing to 2 per week from July on and in the event, some 70 Fiesler Fi 156’s had been delivered by Veljekset Karhumäki by the time the Winter War broke out for a total of 90 in service.

In addition, an order for a second aircraft type was also placed, this time for the Focke Wulf Fw 189. While the Fi 156 was envisaged as a STOL aircraft capable of carrying out multiple roles, the Fw 189 was viewed as a rugged and simple aircraft to be used solely for short-range tactical reconnaissance and coordinating close air support and artillery strikes with forward ground operations. The intention was to operate the aircraft from rough forward air bases and for the aircraft to have a higher maximum speed than the Fi 156. It was also intended that the aircraft be used for front-line low-level reconnaissance and aerial photography. This aircraft had rated very highly in the evaluations, with excellent all-round visibility, good stability and responsiveness and able to maintain steady flight on one engine as well as being exceptionally agile and strongly constructed. The layout and positioning of navigational equipment and radios was carefully thought out, cockpit heating was efficient and it was easy to put the aircraft on target when laying down marker bombs.

The Ilmavoimat ordered twenty of the Focke Wulf Fw 189’s. There were some design modifications specified. The pilot and observer/controller were to sit side by side, making communications easy. Armour was added under the fuselage and engines and self-sealing fuel tanks were specified. Armament consisted of two machine guns on a flexible mount in a dorsal position and four fixed machine guns in the wing roots, firing forwards. After delivery, two Hispano-Suiza 404 20mm cannon were fitted in a blister beneath the fuselage. The rear gunner position of the German-version was eliminated to reduce weight and rather than 4 hardpoints for 50kg bombs, 8 hardpoints for 30kg phosphorus marker bombs were fitted. The aircraft was just entering production in Germany and with ther German eager for hard currency, the Ilmavoimat got the first twenty aircraft of the German production lines, perhaps unfortunately as Focke Wulf used these to iron out some of their initial production line problems. Despite this, the Ilmavoimat found the Fw 189’s to be a superb front line reconnaissance aircraft, tough and durable, able to take a lot of damage and maneuverable enough to stay out of trouble even if caught on it’s own.

The Ilmavoimat’s Fw 189’s were delivered in February 1939, much to the relief of the High Command, who were unsure which orders that had been placed would actually be fulfilled up until the moment that the aircraft actually arrived in Finland. To this end, after the Munich Crisis, and as part of Finland’s emergenmcy measures, it was specified that wherever possible, Finnish military equipment purchases would be carried on Finnish cargo ships wherever feasible, even if this meant additional shipping costs. After the Munich Crisis, as Finland experienced what would in later years be called “The Great Awakening,” a wide range of emergency measures were put in place and additional emergency funding for military equipment was provided. Among this funding was provision for a further twenty Fw 189’s. These were ordered in December 1939 and to the relief of the Ilmavoimat, actually delivered in May 1939. With tensions increasing with the Soviet Union, a further order was placed for forty Fw 189’s in July 1939, but this was cancelled by the German government on the 19th of August 1939, shortly after Molotov Ribbentrop Pact was signed.

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Visibility from the Cockpit of the Fw 189 was excellent

Regardless, Finland entered the Winter War with some forty Fw 189 aircraft in service, in addition to the ninety odd Fieseler Fi 156 Storch’s. And at the same time the initial orders for these aircraft were placed, the Maavoimat began an intensive program of training Artillery Officers to act as Observers and Forward Artillery and Air Controllers, a program which paid off in spades in the Winter War itself, although at the time it was seen simplay as one of many steps being taken to strengthen Finland’s defenses. When the Winter War broke out, it was obvious that despite the intensive manufacturing effort over the previous six months there were nowhere near enough of the aircraft to meet the TOE, even with the older aircraft being utilised. Increasingly desperate attempts were made to procure additional observation aircraft, with some limited success (the Lysanders from the UK being one example we have mentioned earlier – others will be covered in later posts covering the periods concerned). Suffice it to say that despite limited numbers of observation aircraft being bought abroad and continuous production from Veljekset Karhumäki (some 10 per month by January 1940), demand for the aircraft always exceeded the supply available throughout the Winter War.

The Ilmavoimat Fi 156 production variant was a two crew (Pilot and Observer / Controller) with an enlarged loading/unloading hatch for a single stretcher so as to allow for casualty evacuation. A more powerful engine was fitted and the aircraft could carry up to three passengers in addition to the crew of two. Given that the aircraft was expected to operate from rough terrain, the standard landing gear was replaced by main units that each incorporated two wheels in tandem. For Forward Air and Artillery Control, provision was made for additional Finnish-supplied radio equipment to be installed to allow for simultaneous communication with ground units, artillery and aircraft. Mountings for 30lb phosphorus “marker” bombs were also installed and a single machinegun was fitted. Sufficient aircraft were intended to be bought to allow for each Regimental Combat Group (in essence a very strong Brigade) to be equipped with a Paarma flight.

In the Winter War itself, it soon became apparent that air strikes could be used even beyond the range of marking artillery, that better target marking methods were needed and that tactics needed to be adjusted in the light of combat experience. CAS and bomber squadrons were instructed that Paarma missions had priority in targeting. The Paarma aircraft generally operated at an altitude of 3,000 to 4,000 feet, ranging above small arms fire, roving up to 20 miles inside Soviet lines, and marking targets with phosphorous or smoke bombs. To aid the strike pilots in seeing the tiny liaison craft, the upper wing surfaces were painted with one of four bright colors. Call signs were keyed to these colors: Paarma Red, Green, Yellow, or Blue.

The light and slow Paarma aircraft were obviously susceptible to enemy air attack and ground fire and were generally only effective where the Ilmavoimat maintained air superiority. Fortunately, as it turned out, the Ilmavoimat found they could maintain local air superiority where they chose too, and this enabled the Paarma aircraft to carry out their missions freely. Where Soviet fighters intervened, the Ilmavoimat fighter cover generally intercepted the enemy while the Paarma aircraft dropped to treetop level and generally aimed to stay out of trouble until things were clear. Very few Paarma aircraft were shot down over the course of the Winter War – rather more were lost to ground fire through the commitment of their Pilots to ensuring the Maavoimat units they worked with got the fire support they needed and consequently flying too low.

There was no real civilian or foreign news reporter awareness of these aircraft outside of the Finnish military during the Winter War, and the military tried to keep it that way. This was sucessful up until the now little-known but at the time widely-publicised “Paarma Green Leader” radio exchange with a Lufthansa Junkers Ju52 passenger aircraft attempting to land at Tallinn Airport in January 1940. At that time, before the outright Soviet invasion of Estonia, Soviet forces were based at a number of locations and the Soviet Air Force was utilising Tallinn air field for strikes across the Gulf of Finland. The Ilmavoimat had decided to “correct” this situation with a massive strike against Soviet forces based in Estonia involving the Ilmavoimat, the Merivoimat, elements of the the Rannikkojääkäri and the Parajääkäri.

The Paarma Green Leader raid was not the most significant Finnish raid strategically, but it was by far the most heavily publicised, within Finland and internationally. One of the factors provoking the Paarma Green Leader raid was the shooting down of a civilian Aero Oy Ju52, “Kaleva” which had been flying regular passenger flights between Tallinn and Helsinki despite the war. Usually escorted by Finnish fighter aircraft, on this occasion Kaleva was flying out of Tallinn air field (which was ostensibly neutral despite Soviet aircraft being based their and using Tallinn to launch air attacks against Finland. Despite this, Finland continued to respect Estonia’s neutrality) and was followed closely by two Soviet Ilyushin DB-3 bombers who closed with Kaleva, shot her down and returned to Tallinn before Ilmavoimat fighter aircraft could intervene. Kaleva crashed into the water a few kilometers northeast of Keri lighthouse. All nine passengers and crew members on board were killed. The Finnish leadership determined that this action could not go unpunished and the Paarma Green Leader raid was the result.

The raid began with an airstrike on Soviet aircraft based at Tallinn air field, along with simultaneous airstrikes against Red Army units based outside of Tallinn (the positions of whom were well known due to information supplied by Estonian Intelligence and pre-positioned Finnish “Special Operations” troops), after which Rannikkojääkäri and the Parajääkäri moved in supported by both continuous air strikes and naval gunfire from Merivoimat destroyers. After the first bombs fell came the Ilmavoimat’s propaganda masterstroke. Climbing away after the initial Ilmavoimat airstrikes had wiped out all Soviet aircraft on the ground at Tallinn airfield (carefully avoiding Estonian Air Force aircraft), the commander of the raid – Paarma Green Leader – contacted the Tallinn control tower. The recording made of their conversation was broadcast on radio stations throughout the world within days and provided an incredible boost to Finnish morale.

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Paarma Vihreä Johtaja over Estonia

“Tallinn Tower, Tallinn Tower, this is Paarma Green Leader. This is a message for the station commander at Tallinn from the Ilmavoimat. We are attacking Red Air Force and Red Army bases outside Tallinn at this time. This attack is against Soviet Forces and not against Estonia. Finland has no quarrel, repeat, no quarrel, with Estonia or her security forces. We therefore ask you not to intervene or oppose our attack. However, we are orbiting your airfield at this time and are under orders to shoot down any Estonian Air Force aircraft which does not comply with this request and attempts to take off. Did you copy all that?”

Tallinn tower replies that they have understood, and ask whether civil aircraft are still cleared to land, advising Paarma Green Leader that an inbound Lufthansa aircraft is expected shortly. Paarma Green Leader asks them to wait half an hour or so. The impression given is very much that the Ilmavoimat is totally in control of the situation. And when Tallinn tower was asked by the incoming Lufthansa Ju52 passenger aircraft who had priority, Tallinn tower simply replied "I think the Ilmavoimat does".

The recording that was played by radio stations across the world (in Finnish and then in translation) had the translated versions somewhat sanitized. The Finnish translation of the subsequent few minutes goes like this. Paarma Green Leader is controlling air strike after air strike on Red Army possitions: Steady Charlie One. Steady Charlie One. NOW. BOMBS GONE. THEY’RE RUNNING! Charlie Two. Steady Charlie Two. NOW. BOMBS GONE. Charlie Three. Charlie Three come right. Steady Charlie Three. NOW……..BEAUTIFUL…. Perkele! You want to see all those fuckers. Those fucking bombs were beautiful. What the fuck is Echo One doing down so close? Echo One, move higher, you’re too low. Echo One Steady. Echo One go left. Echo One go left. Echo One steady. NOW! BOMBS GONE.”

Constant explosions can be heard in the background, along with other radio traffic, and it is obvious that Paarma Green Leader is an extremely busy man, controlling air strike after air strike and then, simultaneously, coordinating artillery and talking to ground forces who are moving in whilst also occassionally talking to the Tallinn Control Tower. Edited as it was, it was a brilliant piece of professional propaganda which boosted support for Finland around the world and raised so many questions about who Paarma Green Leader was and what was his job that the Ilmavoimat found it hard to maintain the level of secrecy they wanted.

The effectiveness of the Paarma aircraft in combat far outweighed their disadvantages. They became an integral part of the Maavoimat throughout the Winter War, and then into the Second World War as Finland fought the Germans. While there had never been enough of the aircraft during the Winter War, through the Interim Peace the aircraft continued to be manufactured under license by the Karhumäki Brothers in their Tampere factory. By the time Finland re-entered WW2, every Regimental Battle Group was fully equipped with a Paarma Unit and in the fighting against Germany, they proved in combination with the Ilmavoimat’s increases in CAS aircraft and Artillery strength to be an even more devastating weapon than in the Winter War. As the Maavoimat fought their way into Germany, considerable precautions had to be taken with the use of these aircraft as the German designs and the blue Hakaristi made them a target for Allied and Soviet aircraft that strayed into the Finnish zone, as they often did in the later days of the war.

Despite this, the Ilmavoimat refused outright to change the Hakaristi to a roundel that was less easy to confuse. Ilmavoimat pilots also had no objections to shooting down Soviet aircraft that failed to distinguish the difference between the Hakaristi and the Swastika and indeed, there were a number of three-way dogfights at times, in most of which the Ilmavoimat emerged the victors. Soviet pilots soon learned to give the Finnish zone a wide berth. US and British pilots were a little quicker on the uptake, and it helped that the RAF and the US Air Force were rather more capable of educating their pilots. The Ilmavoimat pilots were also rather less ready to shoot down British and American aircraft although there was the odd occasion when tempers frayed a little……

The Paarma Units and aircraft saw action until the end of the European war, with the last combat missions being flown over Berlin in April 1945 as the Maavoimat halted on the outskirts of the city while the Red Army fought their way in.
 
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Modiified my last post a bit if you're interested

Added a bit more detail about the Fw 189, did some rearranging of content and added a couple of photos.
 
Hi CanKiwi, there is some issues with finnish language in this...

Firstly, haakaristi should be hakaristi

and the second one, I assume you used some translator, is about Paarma Kokematon Johto... This has a major mistake, as it should be Paarma Vihreä Johtaja.
When using translator it sometimes gives different meanings to words, for example green in finnish means the color and inexperienced.
 
Hi CanKiwi, there is some issues with finnish language in this...

Firstly, haakaristi should be hakaristi

and the second one, I assume you used some translator, is about Paarma Kokematon Johto... This has a major mistake, as it should be Paarma Vihreä Johtaja.
When using translator it sometimes gives different meanings to words, for example green in finnish means the color and inexperienced.

Kiitos Vepe, going back in to correct that. Yup, using an online dictionary to translate....... Corrections much appreciated :eek:
 
The use of Aircraft in fighting Forest Fires - Part I

And now, a slight deviation into Civilian Aircraft again – the use of aircraft in spotting and fighting Forest Fires in Finland prior to the Winter War and some interesting aspects of Forest Management as they impacted on the military

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Throughout the centuries, Finns have utilized the forest for all kinds of purposes. It has provided an important source of material goods but also a solid foundation for the entire Finnish culture. In a sparsely populated country, Finns used to live in the middle of or close to the forest. The environment gave the Finnish people almost everything they needed and in the 1920’s and 1930’s this connection was far closer than it is today. Most Finns came from a rural background and they were familiar with and lived as part of a heavily forested environment. However, this was also a time of transition, as we have seen in ealier posts, this was a period which saw the rapid urbanization of Finland’s population and which also saw the increasingly rapid industrialization of forestry. The economics of forestry were becoming of greater importance. As we covered in some of the very early posts in this thread, forests covered vast areas of Finland – and Finland is a large country, the sixth largest in Europe – larger in area than Poland or Italy and almost 50% larger than the UK. Forestry was a major industry in Finland, a hugely valuable export commodity and a source of jobs and income for a large percentage of the Finnish population as well as for the Finnish government.

The Land Reform programs of the 1920’s, where the large estates were split up into smaller farms along with the purchase of large areas of privately owned forests from foreigners had led to increased incomes from forestry at all levels of society. These included the owners of the large forestry-based industries and companies, the farmers who relied on woodlots for part of their income, the workers in sawmills and papermills, the loggers who worked the large forests and finally to the Government which levied taxation on the income and exports generated by the industry. As forestry became larger and larger in scale, concerns over deforestation grew, and there was an increasing emphasis on the scientific management of forests and on sustainability. Forest Research and educational activities related to forest management started early in Finland, as early in fact as the 18th century and the notion of managing forests to achieve a sustained yield of timber came to the fore.

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Shifting cultivation in Finland in 1860 (left) and 1913 (right) by Heikinheimo (1913). (Dark = high proportion of forested area)

Over the course of the 19th century, large areas of forest were cleared as a result of both slash and burn (which was still in existence as recently as then) and arable field cultivation. Shifting cultivation was a land-extensive form of subsistence farming, while a more dense population required more land-intensive forms of agriculture. The population increased in Finland from one to two and a half million from 1800 to 1900. More people demanded for more wood for fuel and construction and for more cattle and increasing grazing in forests. All these changes increased the scarcity of forests nearby more densely inhabited areas. The Senate became worried about the forestry situation and ordered the first national assessment of forests to be carried out and the wide-spread deforestation that had occurred resulted in a series of new forestry reforms.

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Shifting cultivation in 1893 by a family in Lapinlahti, Central Finland. Painting entitled “Kaski / Raatajat Rahanalaiset” (“Under the Yoke of Money / Burning the Brushwood”) painted on the spot at Koli by Eero Järnefelt, one of the foremost Finnish painters of the time (Finnish National Gallery). The years 1892-93 were years of crop failure in Finland, when the grain harvest has failed in many places. The result was food shortage and famine, particularly in poor rural areas. This meant it was even harder to work for food than in more normal times. Land clearing by burning the forest, was a common method of Northern Savo, where Järnefelt painted this work. The work has a central figure in the foreground, a girl with a startlingly direct and penetrating gaze, with the state of famine not forgotten and evidenced by the girls swollen stomach - "pettuleipävatsa" as it was called. Järnefelt has painted the smoke around her as a halo, so that she appears more like an angel than a poor child in the backwoods wilderness.

(Eastern Finland was one of the last relict areas where the slash-and-burn agriculture was kept alive in Europe. In Koli National Park, there are still many deciduous mixed forests and slash-and-burn meadows (in Finnish: aho) which are standing on previously burned sites. In addition, there are stone constructions related to slash-and-burn culture still visible in the old slash-and-burn sites). But while 1892-1893 were years of shortage and famine, ven they did not compare to the great famine of 1866-1868, the the last major naturally caused famine in Europe. In Finland the famine is known as "the great hunger years", or suuret nälkävuodet. About 15% of the entire population died; in the hardest-hit areas up to 20%. The total death toll was 270,000 in three years, about 150,000 in excess of normal mortality. The worst-hit areas were Satakunta, Tavastia, Ostrobothnia, and North Karelia and by 1867, people were dying by the thousands.

The Finnish people in general saw the famine as an act of God. Few would have expected the crown to be able to do much more, and blame was directed mainly at local officials. No significant working class political movement had developed yet that could have capitalized politically on the crisis. The urban population was small, and for the people of the countryside, the first priority was to resume normal lives. In short, the famine did not threaten the social order, but its memory cast a long shadow. It was during this time that thousands of Finns migrated to the United States and Canada to escape the crushing poverty and famine years. A majority of them settled in three areas. Massachusetts was a prime settlement area for unskilled laborers, as many young workers found employment in factories. In the upper Midwest, there is a region known as the "Finn-Loop” which includes the areas of Northeastern Minnesota, Northern Wisconsin, and the upper Peninsula of Michigan surrounding Lake Superior. Many people found work in mining, farming, forestry, shipping, and other trades commonly seen in Finland. Finns that emigrated to Canada worked on canal and railroad construction sites and later in the mines and lumber camps. By the 1890s Finnish communities were established in British Columbia, the prairie provinces, and Northern Ontario where the pioneers cleared homesteads, fished, trapped, and hunted. Coming from a country of similar geography and climate Finns were well equipped to tame the Canadian wilderness. Finnish women were in high demand as maids, boarding house keepers, and lumber camp cooks, particularly in the areas around Thunder Bay, which boasts the largest Finnish population outside of Scandinavia. These North American Finns would go on to make a significant contribition to Finland in the Winter War, as we will also see...

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Photograph of Joahanna Kokkenen - Eero Järnefelt

Eero Erik Nikolai Järnefelt [/b](8 November 1863 - 15 November 1937) was a Finnish realist painter. He was born in Viipuri, Finland. His father August Aleksander Järnefelt was an officer in the Imperial Russian Army and his mother was St Petersburg-born Elisabeth Järnefelt (née Clodt von Jürgensburg). Eero Järnefelt's sisters and brothers were Kasper, Arvid, Aino Ellida, Ellen, Armas, Hilja and Sigrid – his sister Aino married composer Jean Sibelius in 1892. On his mother’s side, his Uncle Mikhail Clodt von Jürgensburg was a well-known landscape painter in Russia. Unlike many of his contemporaries, who went on to study art in paris, Eero studied at the St. Petersburg Art Academy between 1883 and 1885. Eero went to study in Paris in 1886, where he became friends with Akseli Gallen-Kallela (a Finnish painter who is best known for his illustrations of the Kalevala), Emil Wikström (a Finnish sculptor, among whose best known works are the statues outside the Helsinki Central Railway Station and the memorials of Elias Lönnrot and Johan Vilhelm Snellman) and Louis Sparre. Järnefelt was inspired by the plein-air and naturalistic paintings of Jules Bastien-Lepage. On a trip to Keuruu in 1889, he met actress Saimi Swan. They were married in 1890.

In Russia in the late 1800’s, the prevailing trend in art was to depict the poor, beggars, the sick and the hard life of the working poor. The aim was to awaken viewers to human inequality and the contradictions between rich and poor. In Eero Järnefelt’s art can be found many of these features of Russian art from the period, with the most famous painting being “Under the Yoke of Money (aka The Wage Slaves)” sometimes known as “Burning the Brushwood” (Raatajat Rahanalaiset or Kaski, from 1893), depicting slash-and-burn agriculture and the misery of the rural population. At the same time painting combines the two faces of rural Finland - the poor, badly dressed people and the harsh conditions of their life and on the other hand the beautiful landscape of Eastern Finland. Although Järnefelt painted the injustices of society in some of his paintings, most of his works are of idyllic rural beauty and Järnefelt was an excellent interpreter of the rural Finnish landscape. Eero Järnefelt was especially inspired by nature in the Koli area, nowadays Koli National Park. Together with A.W. Finch and Ilmari Aalto, he painted a large scene of Koli in 1911. It can be seen in the restaurant of the Helsinki Railway Station.

Slash-and-burn agriculture has been practised in Finland from prehistoric times, with slash-and-burn cultivation in coniferous forest being the technical and economic foundation for many of the old farming settlements in Finland (according to pollen analysis, slash-and-burn agriculture started in eastern Finland about 2000 years ago. About 4,000,000 hectares of forest land have been estimated to be affected by the slash-and-burn agriculture by the end of 20th century). The most evident signs of past slash-and-burn activity are stone piles left from when patches were cleared, green leafed forests, which have grown in once burnt areas and holes dug in the ground where turnips have been stored. “Huuhtakaski” is mainly applied in pristine spruce woods and after this in a short rotation comes ‘rieskakaski’ – where theyoung shrub-like deciduous forest is burnt off. During the 19th century (actual slash-and-burn time) the slash-and-burn sites were selected according to their distance to the dwellings and their capacity to produce crops. In addition, it was important to consider the properties of the forest, which affected to the workload needed for the slash-and-burn activities.

Areas that were to be burnt in the near future had the trees girdled and then allowed to die standing. Girdling is the process of removing much of the bark around a tree's outer circumference thus causing them to die. These trees were usually then felled in April and left to dry, while other slash-and-burn forest was felled in July. The patch was then burnt the next year at the end of May or the beginning of June. Short rotation ‘rieskakaski’ is when the burn-off takes place in the same year the trees are felled. The patch being burnt was set alight along its whole width. When the fire had burnt the ground to a depth of around 2 cm the burning earth is shifted forward with special tools to the next spot that needs to be burnt. Earth is then shifted like this until the whole area is burnt. Burning the land binds the minerals from the soil and trees to the field so they aid crops to grow. After being farmed for 1-2 years, the area was usually abandoned and grass, hay and forest were left to grow. The area would be grazed with cattle and burned again after 20-30 years depending on the site fertility and the availability of land and forest in the area. In earlier days, the forests were considered to be under joint ownership, whereby the farm owners marked the trees surrounding the area they had reserved to be slashed and burned. The Finnish saying “My land strawberry, your land blueberry” tells about the usual practice where the person who slashed and burned a field had the right to use it as long as woodland strawberries (Fragaria vesca) grew there. When blueberries (Vaccinium myrtillus) reappeared in the slash-and-burn field, another farmer was allowed to take over the area.

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Slash-and-Burn Continues even today at Telkkämäki

Crops grown on slash-and-burn land included turnips, rye, barley, buckwheat, oats and flax. When turnips were grown, they were sown during the week before the Mid-Summer celebration in late June. The old way to sow turnip seeds was by putting them in the mouth and spitting them out onto the ground. The area is raked before and after sowing. Burnt-land rye was traditionally sowed on August 10th. At that time the land was first ploughed and then raked before the actual sowing. The turnip crop was harvested in the autumn just before the weather turned freezing. Winter rye was mowed in the next autumn. It was then hung to dry and then threshed. For hay cutting, the whole community usually worked together.

Slash-and-burn cultivation peaked in the 18th century, at which time “industrial” forestry began to supercede slash-and-burn. In the 1860s, the peak era in tar production, the annual exports of tar amounted to nearly 30 million litres. This consumed over 10 million cubic metres of wood, the equivalent of approximately a fifth of Finland’s current total harvest and natural mortality combined. Tar distillation meant the taping of pineries in the prime of their development; consequently, spruce began to take over nutrient-poor sites previously dominated by pine. The amount of wood consumed in heating was even higher than used in tar distillation. In the year 1818 exports of firewood from Finland had risen to 60-70 percent of total exports of wood products. By the 1850’s, Finland was a country with hardly any standing forests - The Government’s concern over the future of Finland’s forests grew, and the Senate invited a German forestry expert, Edmund von Berg, the director of the Forest Academy of Tharandt , to prepare a statement on the state of Finland’s forests. In 1858 he made month’s tour of the country starting from Helsinki, going up to Ronvaniemi by way of Oulu and then returning back to Helsinki by the eastern border region. The following is one of the observations his report contains: "For a start, forest management in the scientific sense of the word is nonexistent in Finland. Wheresoever forest is felled, this is done solely with profit in mind, with no regard being afforded to renewal or to safeguarding of already emerged new growths."

Shifting “slash and burn” cultivation in Finland was terminated during the first decades of the 20th century – perhaps the latest in any European country. Numerous government laws, decrees and orders had been passed through three centuries in order to control shifting cultivation but with little effect. This time it was finally brought to a halt by a market driven process, although the Great Land Reform of the 1870’s and the establishment of the State Forest Service also played key roles. The number of independent farms with forest lots grew from 30,000 to more than 100,000 during the Great Land Reform of the 1870’s. In addition, some 50,000 new tenant farms were established.

The evolution of Forestry Administration in Finland since 1639.
– 1639/Queen Kristina: Jägerkorps/regulating of big game hunting
– 1851: Provincial foresters/surveyers
– 1858: Forester education & state foresters regulating state forests
– 1886: Police force regulating private forestry
– 1917: Provincial state foresters regulating private forestry
– 1928: Semi-public forestry boards for private forestry

The 1886 law declared simply that deforestation was not allowed. It was preceded by some important laws and acts, such as the Grand Land Reform (Isojako) of 1757, State Forest Service in 1851 and 1859, the College of Forestry in 1858, and two NGOs: The Economic Society of Finland in 1797 (Hushållnings-föreningen i Finland) and the Finnish Society of Forestry (Finska Forstsällskapet) in 1877. However, the 1886 law for the first time explicitly expressed the basic condition for sustainability: to stop deforestation with specific regulations. The 1886 law did not, however, ban forest degradation. Rather soon it was realized that the police corps under the leadership of the governors were not able to implement effectively the forestry law of 1886. Three successive committees were set up to redress this law. However, under the prevailing political circumstances it was not before 1917 that a new act and its implementation for the administration of state foresters to regulate private forestry were created. This act covered both prevention of deforestation and forest degradation in the form of allowing the cut of young coniferous forests only by appropriate thinning and not by clear felling. Interesting enough this act and the establishment of the Forest Research Institute took place just before 6 December 1917, when Finland declared her independance.

The forestry law of 1886 in Finland.
– ”Forest should not be cleared and devastated” (Reforestation by natural or artificial regeneration required, if the site not cleared for agriculture or construction)
– Implementation by provincial governers and police
– Sanctions: fines temporarily by governer and finally by court
– Effectiveness poor due to unclear definition of ‘forest devastation’ and weak implementation

The Private Forestry Act of 1917 in Finland.
– ”Forest shall not be logged in such a way that natural regeneration would be risked.”
– ”Young coniferous forest should not be logged in conflict with rational thinning.”
– Implementation by provincial forester, provincial and municipal forestry boards, subordinated to the state forest service.
– Obligatory reporting to a municipal forestry board about coming commercial logging.
– Sanctions by provincial forestry boards: logging ban; the value of illegally logged timber lost, if the ban is violated.

The 1917 Forestry Act was a landmark among the numerous forestry acts passed up until that time, because the implementation of the law became effective. If the act was violated according to the judgement of the provincial state forester supervising the implementation, the forester could negotiate a voluntary banning of future logging for a certain period with the forest owner. If this did not work, the case was taken to a court. The effectiveness of the implementation of the 1917 act is supported by the fact that already in the first year of its implementation in 1919 logging was banned over 6,000 ha, in 1920–1924 from 15,000 to 27,000 ha, and in 1929 on 73,000 ha of forests. Another requirement in the case of banning was a compulsory planting or sowing of the deforested site. However, only minor implementations on this front took place due to the scarcity of the staff. The nursery stock was increasing in the 1920s, not due to increasing planting but because the cutting was lower than planting going on.

In 1918, as a consequence of the civil war, the new “white” government of Finland carried out a radical land reform to “liberate” the tenant farmers. As a rule they were given the land that they farmed and also a woodlot. This advanced the privatization of forests because a part of the tenants had been farming in the state-owned forests. Another major land reform, Lex Kallio, was launched in 1922. Jointly as a consequence of these two reforms about 150,000 new independent farms with their own forest-lots were created by 1935. According to the paradigm of industrial forestry, rational forestry management required such a long time perspective that the state and forest industry corporations as large-scale forest owners were the best owners. Farmers were not viewed as having the capability for rational forestry management. The farmers were not in a position to hire professional foresters and their time perspective was too short. In Finland this view was shared by the most influential professors of forestry - A. K. Cajander (1918), Eino Saari (1929) and later Viljo Holopainen (1968). Most foresters adopted this view. They did not pay attention to the favorable income distribution impacts, to the ample labour supply for logging and floating and to the increase of democratization by this small-scale farmer forest ownership pattern typical to all the Scandinavian countries.

The government also sacked the director of the Forest Service, Mr P. J. Hannikainen, and nominated Dr A. K. Cajander, Professor of Silviculture, in his place (Hannikainen had not stopped his daily work in his office as the rest of the staff had done during the period of the “red government”in Helsinki). Cajander was later nominated three times as the Prime Minister of Finland. Consequently, he became a most influential forest politician and a key person to promote forestry and forest sciences. In 1928 the “white” government nationalized two major privately owned forest industry companies, Ab H. Gutzeit & Co and Ab Tornator, which had been under Norwegian ownership. The nationalization was partially influenced by pressure from Germany, which was afraid that these strategic resources would easily be transferred to British ownership. At this time Germany was still at war against Britain on the western front. Germany had made a pact in April of 1918 with the “white” government of Finland in order to supply a military intervention to southern Finland in support of the “white” army. The pact included the control of Finnish foreign trade and access to Finnish forest and other natural resources. This nationalization was not mentioned in the pact but was in line with its contents.




In 1928 four new forestry laws were, however, launched by the Social Democratic government of Dr Väinö Tanner, who was a big forest owner himself. Mauno Pekkala, a forester, as the Minister of Agriculture and a member of the Parliament, was another key politician facilitating radical reforms of forest legislation. Among them were the new private forestry law, another law defining its administration, a law on state subsidies for drainage and reforestation, and a radical law to improve the low-standard housing conditions for the loggers and timber floaters in remote logging camps.

Prior to WW2, even with the rapid industralisation of Finland and the introduction of new technology, logging continued to be a highly manual and labour intensive industry. The following series of photos illustrate some of the manual work and the living conditions that were still prevalent even into the 1930’s.

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Loggers floating timber down a Finnish river

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Extraction of logs by horse and sledge. Snow and frost lowered the costs of extraction but it was hard manual work in freezing cold. There was a long tradition of using ice roads in Winter, and the Finnish military would apply this knowledge during the Winter War to great effect…

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A horse pulls a load of logs through deep snow

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Logs being pulled down a trail in Winter

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Miehet kankeavat paksua tukkia hevosen vetämään tukkirekeen / Loading the Logs onto the Sleighs was hard work….

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Savottalaiset tekevät tukkikuormaa hevosvetoiseen tukkirekeen. Kaksi miestä vetää köysillä tukkia kuorman päälle ja yksi on työntämässä puunrunkoa puisen kangin avulla kuorman toisella puolella. Kuormaan on lastattu neljä paksua tukkia, joiden päihin on tehty merkintöjä. Ympärillä karsittuja havupuiden oksia ja latvuksia / Loggers loading logs onto the sleigh. Tow men with ropes pull the load onto the sleigh and one is using a pole to lever the log up. The load is made up of four thick logs, the ends of which have been trimmed.

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Logging Camp – Liisa, the wife of the Camp Manager, cooks food for the Loggers

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Kuolajärvi Logging Cabin staff: Matti Karppinen, Erkki Vänskä, Lumbering Manager (name forgotten) and the Camp Boss, "Nykyri, Murmansk Legion Lieutenant, later moved to Russia.”

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Kaksipuoleinen maja eli laavu Paastojärven rannalla Korpiselän Tolvajoella / Two-sided hut or lean-to facing Lake Korpi, back of Tolvajoella

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Felling a tree using a two-man manual saw (used for larger trees) in the early 20th century. Most logging took place during winter.

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1930: Building a temporary dame on a small river prior to running the logs downstream in Spring

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1931 - Logging workers:

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Old-style summer accommodation – a Lean-to in the Woods

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1935: Improved winter accommodation for Loggers

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Miehet pitävät taukoa nuotion ympärillä metsässä / Loggers take a break around a campfire in the Forest

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Savottalainen lämmittää sisäänlämpiävää hirsikämppäänsä Kuhmossa. Savu poistuu oviaukon kautta. Oven edessä mäystimelliset sukset sauvoineen. Kämpän nurkalla seisoo hevonen kuivaa heinää edessään. Metsä kämpän ympärillä on luminen / Lumbering kind of warm rarefied hirsikämppäänsä Kuhmo. / The smoke exits through the doorway. In front of the door can be seen skis. At the corner of the hut stands a horse with hay in front of him. The forest cabin is surrounded by snow….

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Savottalainen sahaa puunrunkoa poikki pokasahalla / Cutting Logs using a Frame Saw

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Savottalaiset kuorivat tukkeja petkeleellä lumisessa metsässä / Peeling the bark of Logs

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A Raft with a hut for the men to live in

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Vanhan kansan pesu- ja keittokota. Näresaaren metsätyömies asunnolla Konneveden pitäjässä. Kodassa palaa miltei ikuinen tuli. " Konnevesi, Keski-Suomi / Old People's washing and cooking hut. Näresaaren forestry worker dwelling Konnevesi parish. Kota returns almost eternal fire. " Konnevesi, Central Finland

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Vanhanmallinen tukkikämppä sisältä." Kaksi miestä eväiden kimpussa / Inside an older style log cabin. Two men eat packed lunches

The contents of the 1917 forestry act were maintained nearly the same in the new private forestry law, but the enforcement organization was changed from a pure state one to a semi-public one on a provincial participatory principle, and also forestry extension was included among the tasks of the administration along with law enforcement. Sixteen Provincial Forestry Boards and one Central Forestry Association (Tapio) for the Finnish speaking parts of the country and two Provincial Boards and one Central Forestry Association (Skogskultur) for the Swedish speaking parts of Finland were established. Their activities were subordinated to the State Forest Service and the Minister of Agriculture. The new Boards employed 50 foresters and 180 local forest rangers by the end of the 1930s.

This staff used most of its time in various forestry extension activities and only one third in the supervision of the private forestry law of 1928. Still the staff for the enforcement of the law was numerous in comparison with the staff implementing the 1917 act. As a result, the areas where logging was banned increased considerably from the 1920s, with approximately 0.4 million ha of forests annually banned from 1930 on. Also in 1928 a new kind of policy instrument was activated: state subsidies for forestry investments on a cost-sharing basis for private and state forest owners for increasing wood production. State funding was allocated for forest drainage and planting of spruce only. A parallel organization of 14 districts was created under the supervision of the two Central Forestry Associations. A number of foresters and forest rangers were also recruited by this new organization, which can be regarded as an instrument to support progressive forestry.

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Metsähallituksen Länsi-Suomen piirikunnan metsänhoidollisen retkeilyn osanottajia tutustumassa Metsähallituksen Jämsän hoitoalueeseen / Forest Service managers and workers in a Western Finland county hiking in to explore the forest management area of the Board of Jämsä

The extension work by the provincial Forestry Boards was carried out jointly with the local Forestry Management Associations. Their number increased from 86 to 310 during 1929–1939 partly due to the simultaneous state subsidies. These local associations were important policy instruments to extend rational methods in marking trees for sale and for silviculture and in that way to support sustained yield of timber by preventing further forest degradation. During 1898–1928 forestry extension had already been promoted on a small scale by local Agricultural Associations with minor state subsidies.

Overall, through the 1920s and into the 1930s, forestry increased dramatically in economic importance and the industrial management of forests took on ever greater importance. With state-owned and controlled forestry companies now directly owning and managing large tracts of the northern forests and actively encouraging the management of privately owned woodlots for sustained yield, there were continuing improvements in silviculture overall and the growth of the forestry-based industrial activities that we have previously looked at in relation to Finland’s startling economic growth through the 1920s and 1930s.

With large areas of forest now being actively managed for sustained yield, the control and management of forest fires began to be activelt addressed. As we have seen, Finland had a long tradition of slash-and-burn agriculture, and primitive methods of controlling forest fires and burning of land were well understood. Large forest fires however, werer generally uncontrollable and were left to burn out naturally as little else could be done about them and where these fires burned in remote areas, they were generally unreachable in any case. However, with the increasing economic importance of forestry, the expansion of the forestry industry into ever more remote regions, improvements in transportation that meant that these remote areas were becoming slowly more accessible and an ever-increasing ability to use technology to bring fires under control, there was both a desire and the ability to improve forest fire fighting methods – more especially as forest fires, which are a not uncommon occurrence in large forested areas, impose an economic cost proportional to the size of the fire.

In the nineteenth century, there was very little that could be done to control large forest fires – primitive backburning, manual firefighting using “Hosa” - a long greenwood brush that you cut from a young tree and dip in water to fight forest fires, buckets and spades and primitive firebreaks. And also given that in the nineteenth century, some slash and burn agriculture was still practiced in remote areas near the borders with the USSR, small fires could easily go out of control and very little could be done.

All this would change through the 1920s and 1930’s. In the next post we will examine these changes, the technology involved and the initially unintentional ramifications on Finland’s military preparedness over these two decades.
 
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The use of Aircraft in fighting Forest Fires - Part II

The rapidly improving standard of living in Finland in the 1920s was to a large extent, dependent the forest industries and therefore upon the intensive management of renewable forest resources – Finlands “green gold.”. Consequently, a great deal of was paid to the study of silviculture and on both improving and sustaining timber yields.

Perhaps the earliest initiatives in the 1920s with regard to “Industrial Forestry” and sustained yield of timber were those programs which concentrated on reforestation and on forest fire identification control. Simultaneously with these came a focus on improving wood stock growth by taking swampy peatland and improving timber yield through ongoing drainage work (where swampy land was drained to improve tree growth in the surrounding areas). A little later came improvements as a result of mechanization –largely involved the construction of logging roads to facilitate the extraction of timber via the new logging trucks. Then came the use of aircraft for fire early spotting, followed by the use of aircraft to carry and drop firefighters in by parachute to hard-to-reach forest fire outbreaks in isolated areas and some associated innovations and improvements in firefighting techniques. And lastly were the early waterbombers. Many of these improvements and techniques were mirrored in other countries where the timber extraction industry was carried out on a large scale – primarily the USSR, the USA and Canada.

However, where Finland was unique was in taking many of the techniques and tools used in the forest fire-fighting efforts of the 1930’s and deriving military applications for these. As we walk through the development of forest fire fighting techniques and skills, we will also look at how these were picked up the Suomen Maavoimat and applied in a practical manner as part of standard Maavoimat tactics – and we will also take a very brief look ahead at their applications in the Winter War itself. In large part this came about as a result of the large-scale membership of the Suojeluskuntas. Particularly in rural areas a large proportion of the male population were active members of the Suojeluskuntas and participated in ongoing military training at local unit level throughout the year. In the early 1930’s, this training began to include large-unit exercises on a regular basis. With the Maavoimat’s ongoing encouragement of tactical experimentation at a local unit level (and the sharing of this information through the Suojeluskuntas publications we have looked at in earlier posts), successful experimentation percolated rapidly and was often informally adopted well before the Maavoimat itself made the adoption formal.

Thus, it was a logical process whereby rural Suojeluskuntas members, who were also forest fire fighters or volunteer firefighters, occasionally took techniques and equipment used for fire-fighting and introduced them into military exercises. Such experiments resulted in the Suomen Maavoimat’s flamethrowers – originally an adapatation of the flamethrowers used for starting backburns during forest fires. Such an experiment also resulted in the Suomen Maavoimat’s parajaegers – after a local Metsähallitus “Savusukeltaja” (Forest Service SmokeJumper) unit wholly made up of Suojeluskuntas members parachuted into an exercise and wiped out the “enemy” headquarters in a completely unexpected attack. Both the Suojeluskuntas and Maavoimat were quick to see the potential and the first experimental ParaJaeger unit was set up within weeks of this exercise. So to, were the origins of “flame-bombing” on a large scale. The awesome power of a raging forest fire and an inability to do anything to combat this force of nature led to the Ilmavoimat’s development of early “fire-bombs” designed to set large areas of forest on fire and incinerate any enemy troops caught in the resultant inferno. From this in turn came the idea that you really didn’t need a forest fire to incinerate the enemy – just a good sticky flame-bomb that would thoroughly coat the area that it hit with a flammable liquid that would stick and was almost impossible to extinguish.

Further innovations were the use of the Fire Watchtowers as Aircraft Observations Posts throughout the country – made practical by the introduction of radios into the Fire Watchtowers in the 1930’s, and the widespread introduction of rugged man-portable radios – which were first designed, tested and built to be used by the Savusukeltaja (SmokeJumper) teams to maintain communications after they parachuted in to remote areas to fight forest fires. Again, the military applications were soon seen and what had been developed for a civilian Savusukeltaja use soon morphed into a rugged man-portable military radio that was at its time perhaps the best in the world and with which all Maavoimat units were equipped down to at least Company level at the start of the Winter War.

Likewise, the techniques used by the logging industry to extract timber had military applications. Through the 1920s and 1930s, even with the introduction of trucks, the extraction of timber was a heavily manual process. With the smaller privately-owned woodlots, it was uneconomic to even consider mechanization and so horses and sleighs continued to be used until well after WW2. As we will see, the techniques of building ice roads for use by horse and sleight to extract timber in winter were well understood and used by the logging industry – and the Suomen Maavoimat’s Pioneeri units in the Winter War were prepared and able to rapidly construct ice roads over lakes and through forests wherever needed – a technique that was used to great effect to rapidly move men and equipment to points unexpected as they fought the Red Army.

We should also not discount the importance of the mechanization of the logging industry. The Finnish heavy vehicle manufacturing company Sisu Oy was a world leader in the design and construction of heavy vehicles for the logging industry and had from the late 1920’s on developed numerous specialized vehicles for the Finnish forestry and construction industry, including heavy 4WD Logging Trucks with an excellent unformed road capability – something with obvious military logistics applications. Sisu Oy also manufactured caterpillar-tracked machinery for use in Finland’s forests and well understood the need to balance weight with track size and width to ensure an ability to move on swampy ground without bogging down. In the mid to late 1930’s, this knowledge and experience had fed into the Defence Ministry’s Patria Oy armoured vehicle development program, as we will see in detail when we begin to look at this aspect of the Suomen Maavoimat’s equipment in subsequent posts.

In subsequent Posts, we’ll go on to look at each of these in more detail.
 
Damn man,

I work in the forestry profession and you've got a better explanation/understanding of land clearing/early forestry here than pretty much everyone of my peers have.

Amazing work. Lots of flashbacks in this last update regarding how the land in north ontario and western Canada was settled.

foresterab
 
Forestry - Part III

Reforestation and Planting Programs

By the mid 19th century, the productivity, growth and well-being of the forests on which Finland relied for much of its export earnings were the subject of forest research and also of higher education. While efficient, sustained-yield forestry had not really been practised in Finland on a large scale, the idea and the intentions were there. In 1917, METLA - the Finnish Forest Research Institute – had been set up under the Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry and was the central organization in the field and was funded from the state budget and, later on, from the private sector. Research was also carried out at several universities, more especially in the Universities of Helsinki and later on in Joensuu. Early forest research was almost exclusively aimed at increasing wood production and developing new regeneration techniques.

Regeneration techniques took two different approaches – the first being the natural forest regeneration along the lines of natural development in the forest ecosystem, and the second being artificial regeneration of plantation forests (usually pine forests). The focus was largely on natural regeneration, with tree species composition directed at establishing mixed stands based closely on the original composition of the forest. However, approximately 20% of Finland’s forests were plantation forests and subject to clear cutting rather than selective logging, as was practiced in “natural” forests. Clear felled areas and operations in general were relatively small, and tailored to conform to the topography. Yield was also increased through thinnings carried out one to four times during the life-cycle rotation of the area. All commercially tended tree species were (and are) indigenous to Finland.

The Life-cycle starts with Timber-felling and its results – clear-felled land in the case of plantation forests…..

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Vihti, Uusimaa: Avohakkuualue kallioperäisellä puolukkatyypin maalla / Forest Land that has been clear-felled. Lingonberries will grow here…

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Talven tullen ajetaan tukit rannalle odottamaan kevättä / Winter comes, the logs have been felled and are waiting by the shore for spring

Or Forest that has been badly danaged

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Määrämittahakkuulla pilattua metsää. Pystyssä vain vialliset ja kasvunsa lopettaneet puut. Uudistettu L. metsälautakunnan toimesta vuonna 1928 / Bad Felling techniques have left a Ruined forest. Left standing are only defective and immature trees. Board of Forestry, 1928

Then comes the planting of seedlings…..

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Taimitarhaa / First, the seedlings are grown in Tree Nurseries….

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Taimitarhaa / Nursery

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Pojat kylvävät metsää, takana seisova mies valvoo työn sujumista / Boys plant seedlings, a man standing behind monitors the pace of the work

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Tytöt metsää istuttamassa / Girls planting seedlings

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Varusmiehet istuttavat puun taimia hakkuualueella Lappeenrannan kaupungin metsässä / Conscripts are planting tree seedlings in a cleared area of forest outside the city of Lappeenranta

Young people were often involved in Voluntary Tree Planting Programs

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Partiopojat metsänistutustyössä Snellmanin päivänä 1927 / 1927 Boy Scouts carrying out reforestation work

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Partiolaiset metsää istuttamassa Snellmanin päivänän. Pojat kaivavat kuoppia, tytöt istuttavat. Nuorten on tulevaisuus / Scouts on a Forest Planting Day. The boys dig the holes, the girls plant the seedling trees. “Young People are our Future.”

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Two Girl-Scouts participating in a Tree Planting Camp

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Partiolaiset ja kansakoululapset metsänviljelystöissä Helsingin lähellä. Päivällisloma." Partiolaiset ja kansakoululaiset ovat kokoontuneet nuotion ääreen. Leiripaikalla on myös teltta / "Scouts and school children are the people gathered in front of a campfire. There ia also a camping tent

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Partiolaiset istuttava metsää. Etummainen rivi valmistaa kuokalla kylvöalueen, takimmainen rivi hoitaa kylvön. " Helsingin partiolaiset metsää istuttamassa Snellmanin päivänä 1930 / Girl Scouts in the forest. The front row digging holes for planting, in the rear are planting trees. "Helsinki Scouts woodland planting, April 1930

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Partiolaiset istuttavat kuusentaimia Backastilalla lähellä Helsinkiä Snellmanin päivänä 1928 / Boy and Girl Scouts planting tree seedlings on the Backas farm near Helsinki, 1928

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Overview of a Scout Camp from 1930 - Many of these Scout Camp planting activities were carried out on a large scale with mass participation by large numbers of Boy and Girl Scouts

And lastly, the slow regenerative growth of new forest over the years …. The life cycle of a forest is measured in decades rather than years, particularly in the cold northern climate that slows growth….

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1928: Young spruce plantation – 21 years old

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Istutettua kuusikkoa. Tällaiseen kuusentaimistoon ei joulukuusen ottajalla saa olla asiaa / Spruce Trees of Mixed ages. Older growth in the background

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A 50-year Pine Forest in good condition – cut by one of the new Logging Roads

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"Hyvässä kasvussa olevaa 80-vuotista mänty - koivusekametsää." Nainen nojaa mäntyyn / And at 80-years: A mixed Pine / Birch Forest. For size, a woman can seen standing before a tree in the center of the photo

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And the final result - a well-maintained 150-year old Pine Plantation / Noin 150-vuotinen säästömännikkö Evolla

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Ryhmä vanhoja jalokuusia, joista useimman kuutiosisältö noin 10 m3 / A group of noble old Fir trees, each of which contains about 10 cubic metres of timber

And the end result – Finland’s “Green Gold” harvested

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Prima-koivu on käytettävä faneripuuksi. Varastoja Kaukaan tehtailla. " Varastoalueen halki kulkee rautatie. Oy Kaukas Ab, Lappeenranta, Etelä-Karjala / Prime birch stocks at the Kaukas mills. "The storage area is traversed by the railway. Kaukas Ab Oy, Lappeenranta, South Karelia

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Yleiskuva Varkauden tehdaslaitoksista / Overview of the Varkaus mill plants – this gives some idea of the size and scale of the forestry industry

And the end result in many cases…….

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Valtavia paperirullia Varkauden paperitehtaan sisällä, Pohjois-Savo/ Huge paper rolls inside a paper mill in Varkaus, North Savo

As a result of increasingly efficient forest management, combined with the rehabilitation of poorly growing forests, wetland drainage, greater stocking of the forests through ongoing regeneration and planting programs and fertilization, the 1920’s and 1930s saw an overall increase in Finland's forest resources despite a steadily increasing harvesting of tree stock for timber, pulp, paper and other industrial forestry products. At the same time, public and voluntary involvement in forest regeneration and tree planting programs resulted in an increased awareness of the importance of Finland’s forests and the maintenance of the Finnish cultural affinity for the forest even as the Finnish population rapidly urbanized. Through programs such as the Scout Tree Planting Camps, youngsters from the cities learned more about the forests, became familiar with the forest environment and learnt the skills needed to survive and find their way around in the forest – all of which were to be useful in the Winter War. In short, Finns were at home in the Forest. Where to the Russians in the Winter War the Forest was an alien, featureless and terrifying environment, to the Finns it was a familiar home that they understood and were comfortable in.....

The prevailing socio-economic-environmental importance of forestry and forests in Finland since the late 19th century has also had many cultural impacts via arts. The foremost Finnish artists travelled around 1900 in the vast forests and made a number of famous paintings like the one by Eero Järnefelt. Also Akseli Gallen-Kallela, Juho Rissanen and others made several paintings inspired by forestry works or forest nature. A statue of a logger was designed and carved by Kalervo Kallio in 1958 in Rovaniemi on the shoreline of Kemi river, which has been the major floating route until recently.

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Other similar statues are located in Joensuu and some other localities.

Aleksis Kivi was the first author to publish novels and plays in Finnish by the middle of the 19th century. His novel “The Seven Brothers” describes mostly the life in forest wilderness. The book is among the best-sellers in Finland. It has been translated into several languages. Also Johannes Linnankoski, Ilmari Kianto, Juhani Aho, Pentti Haanpää and others were inspired by forests and forestry in their novels and short stories. Teuvo Pakkala wrote in the early 20th century a novel “Tukkijoella”, which described the life of the loggers floating logs along a river. It became not only an evergreen book, but also an evergreen play and film in Finland. About a hundred films must have been produced in Finland up until 1960 with the major inspiration being from forestry and floating of timber. Jean Sibelius composed a series of piano pieces with such names as “Mountain Ash”, “Pine”, “Spruce”, “Birch”, and “Aspen”. Many other compositions by him were also inspired by forests. Once around 1900 he travelled with his piano for inspiration to Koli, the remote forested mountain accessible only by boat in eastern Finland.

Drainage Techniques

Nearly two-thirds of the Finnish forest is owned by private individuals. The number of private forest owners totaled more than 300,000 with much of their land being located on better-than-average sites and containing about 80% of the logging potential. Private forests therefore play a central role in the Finnish forestry and most are situated in the southern and central parts of the country, where timber production is at its best. Indeed, their share of the standing volume of timber and of felling volumes is considerably higher than their share of the total forest area. Conversely, state-owned forests make up a quarter of the forest land area and are primarily situated on poorer soils in northern and eastern Finland. Only 8 per cent of the forests are owned by companies. With 20 million hectares of forest and a further 6.3 million hectares of wooded land (not suitable for forestry), about two thirds of Finland was covered in forests.

Geographically, Finland lacks real mountains but, on the other hand, the terrain is not altogether flat, either. The bedrock and the soil in general have been formed by the ice ages. The inland ice has eroded the bedrock, scraping off soil from here and leaving heaps there. In places the rock is totally exposed. The tens of thousand of lakes in Finland are post-glacial. Another unique phenomenon, land elevation, is also an effect of the glaciers. Various kinds of peatlands are a fundamental element of the Finnish landscape. In the cool and humid climate the soil becomes waterlogged, which creates the right conditions for peatland vegetation and the formation of peat. Originally, about one third of Finland was covered by peatlands. They have been drained for farming, forestry and peat extraction purposes over the years but still about half of the original peatland area has been preserved in its virgin state.

There is also around 9 million hectares of swamp-land in Finland, around half of which was suitable for forestry if it was well-drained in order to facilitate better forest growth. A large percentage of the land owned by the state and by the large forestry companies was in fact on peatland and that is also why the drainage of forests has played an important role in national forestry policy over the years. In the case of undrained peatlands, excessive water in the substrate checks root growth and microbial activity, and may lead to unfavorable biochemical phenomena. When looking to improve wood yield from peatland, one of the most important tasks is improving drainage to adjust the water content of the soil to a level which ensures sufficient aeration. The most important factors used for calculating the profitability of drainage are: the site quality, the volume of the tree stand capable of response at the time of draining, the temperature sum, and the stumpage price. With peatland making up a large percentage of the forest areas owned by the state and the large forestry companies, and therefore an important timber resource, there was a substantial economic incentive to carry out drainage work.

The oldest areas drained for forestry are about 120 years old. Ditches were dug during the famine years of the early 1890’s to decrease unemployment. More systematic forest drainage activity started on state-owned lands in 1908 and on privately-owned lands in 1928. The most intensive period of forest drainage started in the mid-1920’s as the state-owned forestry companies focused on growing output and improving sustainability in line with the increased timber harvets (OTL, 1960’s) and lasted into the 1960’s, with a lull during the war years. During that period the annual drained area was increased on average by 100 000 hectares per year, with approximately 700,000 hectares of private forest drained and another 800,000 hectares of state-owned or forestry company land. Forest amelioration activity on private forests was entrusted to the Central Forestry Board Tapio, an organization promoting private forestry. Drainage operations on private land were co-operatively performed projects. The Government subsidized forest drainage on private forests by paying about 60% of the total drainage costs; partly as grants, and partly in the form of low-interest loans.

By 1939, drained peatland forests formed an important timber resource in Finland, with drained peatlands making up some 18–22% of the total forestry land area in Finland and forestry drainage reportedly increasing the annual incremental tree growth in Finland by 10.4 million cubic metres or 15 per cent to the national annual increment figure. Much of the drainage in Finland was on the extensive areas of naturally tree-covered peatlands. The study of peatland afforestation has, therefore, received less attention than the effect of drainage on the growth of tree stands prevailing on the site already at the time of drainage. The profitability of draining peatlands is dependent on the fertility of the site, on the state of the existing growing stock and, thirdly, on the geographical location of the site. These factors have a bearing on the growth on the trees subsequent to drainage of the site. As a generalization, it may be said that drainage becomes more profitable with increasingly fertile sites, the more timber there is on the site, and the further south the site is located.

Drainage techniques improved over the 1930’s. Until the mid-1930’s, forest ditches in Finland were dug manually. Mechanized forest drainage commenced in 1933 with the introduction of the first Sisu Oy designed and built forest ditch plows, with optimal conditions for plowing found in the large homogeneous peatland areas of northern and eastern Finland. On open peatlands water furrows also are used. The drainage ditches are spaced 30 to 40 m apart, and the furrows are placed perpendicularly to them at 3 to 5 m spacings. The water furrows are 25 to 50 cm deep and are made by rotary ditchers or site preparation plows. The water furrows shorten the period of high ground water and contribute to the lowering of the water table, particularly in the case of wide drainage-ditch spacing. Simultaneously, furrowing acts as a form of site preparation for afforestation. Trap ditches collect surface and subsurface water entering the drainage area. These ditches are dug along the border between the peat-covered sites and the surrounding mineral soils. The design of a main ditch is dependent mainly on its capacity to lead water away from the site. The water in the main ditch should not rise above a level that would prevent the drainage ditches from discharging. In bigger drainage areas the dimensions of the main ditch are calculated on the basis of the average peak flow (MHq) which takes into consideration the influx of spring snowmelt.

Fertilization of forest land was also introduced in the mid-1930’s, with more than two million hectares forest land fertilized, slightly more than 10 percent of the total productive forest land. Half of the fertilized area was peatland. Fertilization recommendations for tree-covered drained peatlands varied according to the quality of the site type, stage of development of the tree stand, etc. On fertile and medium quality sites PK fertilizer was applied in quantities corresponding to 30-50 kg/ha and 40-80 kg/ha of P and K, respectively. Poor sites required an additional 50-100 kg/ha of N. The duration of fertilizing influence for phosphorus and potassium was 10-15 years, and for nitrogen 5-7 years. First commercial thinning was also introduced as a highly important silvicultural measure in Finland. In addition to determination of the growing density and the species composition of the stand it proved possible in this phase to influence the quality of the residual growing stock. However, from the viewpoint of tree growth, intensive intermediate cuttings that caused a rise of the ground water table were avoided on drained peatlands. The biological drainage effect of the tree stand in itself (evapotranspiration) proved of great importance, particularly on old drainage areas where the ditches may have collapsed

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1927: Oulun kaupungin metsät, Pikkusuo. Alkuaan melkein aukealle suolle ojituksen jälkeen syntynyt rehevä nuori mäntymetsä. Oulu, Pohjanmaa, Pohjois-Pohjanmaa / City of Oulu, forests, Pikkusuo. Initially, this was an open swamp but after drainage, we see a lush young pine forest. Oulu, Ostrobothnia, Northern Ostrobothnia

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Jaakkoinsuo (?)" Ojitettu suo, jossa kasvaa mäntyjä. Taaempana oikealla ihmisryhmä / After the swamp has been drained the swamp, the pines grow. Further back on the right are a group of people

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Ojituksen jälkeen elpynyttä mänty - koivu sekametsää Huhtalan tilalla Kyyjärven kunnassa. Ojitettu 1913 / Drainage leads to a renewal of the mixed forest of pine and birch on Huhtala Kyyjärvi farm. Drained in 1913

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1933: Suo-ojitus Purosen tilalla Pellossa. " Turtola, ( Pello ) Lappi ( Pohjanmaa ). / Fin-farm drainage Purosen Pello. "Turtola, (Pello) Lapland (Ostrobothnia).
 
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