Part XIII: The Mississippi States and Latin Kingdoms
Long-winded debates full of harsh words that often broke out into fist fights were taking place in the congressional halls of both New York City and the District of Washington. Both Confederationists and Constitutionalists were divided on the admittance of new states with the explicit purpose of boosting the number of slave states.
The debates had begun to take shape in 1805, when the United States purchased New France and the Haitian Revolt began in opposition, but they really took off in 1806, when the Confederationist leader in the Constitutional Congress, Joseph Bradley Varnum was ousted in favor of Peter Early. The 1806 Constitutional election was a massive upset for the Federalists, with most of them losing seats in the Constitutional Congress and Confederation Congress to the Confederationists. Early’s rise was significant because he represented not only the feelings of the South at the time, but supported their interests.
Despite the name, the Confederationists were no longer simply the members of the Confederation Congress, they were a political party that descended from the anti-Federalists and held a significant amount of sway in both congressional halls. They would see the political problems that they name presented and, in 1816, the Confederationist Party saw the issue of having the same name as the Confederation Congress and switched their name to the famous one we all know today: the Republican Party. The Republicans had their roots among the Confederationists but also had many distinctions that would allow them to make an incredible rise in popularity. Peter Early was the second, and last, Confederationist to be the head of the House of representatives.
Speaker Peter Early and President Henry Dearborn were politically rather similar but, in the arguments of that time, were on completely opposing sides from one another. Early lead the Constitutional Congress in a proposed plan to include the territories made by the Confederationists under Thomas Jefferson into the Union. He wished to divide up the territories further, bringing in six states in what Jefferson had made three territories. This brought the Federalists into an uproar. These areas had been a single territory under Washington and the attempt to split them up into as many states as they could was seen as politically disingenuous. The debates roared on, with Dearborn remaining neutral, until a plan arrived at his desk to take what was once the Southwest Territory and turn it into a total of five distinct states. Henry Dearborn vetoed this motion and traveled down to the District of Washington to argue that these states were unreasonably small to add to the Union. People retorted that New England, where Dearborn was from, was entirely made up of small states, but when a president and war hero makes such a declaration, he is generally listened to. The Federalists were given a lot of sway by that simple speech and were able to get a plan passed that added the area as two states: Alabama and Mississippi. They were both added to the Constitutional Congress, but they came with a compromise. From now on, any states added to the Constitutional Congress had to be added in twos, one Northern and one Southern.
Later that same year, the Republic of New Scotland and the Republic of New Brunswick both applied for statehood under the names Nova Scotia and Acadia respectively. The Federalists, apparently completely ignoring the compromise they had just made a few months before, called upon everybody to agree to vote them both in. John Cotton Smith, the leader of the Federalists in the House of Representatives, called it “The Patriotic Duty of all American politicians to approve of the addition of our friends in Canada into this great Union.” Southerners thought this to be madness. Peter Early repeatedly pointed to the compromise as his reason for opposing this. Dearborn agreed with Early on this move and broke party lines to openly oppose the Federalists on this.
In 1807, the Compromise of the Mississippi brought in the states of Louisiana and Arkansas as slave states along with Nova Scotia and Acadia as free states to temporarily solve the issue. The problem was, there wasn’t much in the way of Southern territories or free land remaining. The United States now bordered the Viceroyalty of New Spain, owned by Americans allies, and could expand no further that way. To the north, there was plenty of open land and plenty of territories on their way to becoming states as well. This lead Southerners to look south towards the Caribbean, most notably at the island of Cuba. Cuba was a Spanish colony, like New Spain, but it was such a wealthy territory that it was overlooked in this instance. Southerners greatly desired the inclusion of Cuba as an American state and began to heavily lobby for the United States to purchase it from Spain.
While this was being considered, the entire political situation in Europe changed. Consul Bonaparte was assassinated during a civil war against Consul Lazare Hoche, who was now the single maser of France. Believing France was weak, Austria and Prussia would launch a joint attack against the republic. The United States officially declared war on these two countries and joined France in the war, but did little to help. France initially struggled against their German opponents and, for a multitude of reasons, Spain turned on their French allies to join Austria and Prussia. The War of the Second Coalition had begun. Britain officially stayed out of the war, due to the economic troubles they had faced since the loss of Ireland, but gave some economic support against France. While France managed to reorganize the forces that had quite recently been at war with each other and pull off another victory in 1811, the most important results came from what happened in the Americas and France’s terms for peace. William Henry Harrison was still in Saint-Domingue recovering from his wounds and helping Louverture maintain peace on the island. He was sent an additional eight thousand soldiers to go along with his remaining six thousand and given the task to take the colony of Santo Domingo, the Spanish half of the island, and then take part in an invasion of Cuba. Harrison knew his men would not be enough to take Santo Domingo from the garrisoned Spanish and asked Louverture to raise a militia to assist him. Louverture did that and then decided to lead the army himself, traveling with Harrison on his campaign. It was during this time that Harrison really began to become politically invested in ideals that he had only been exposed to during the Irish Revolution, and when he came to Santo Domingo, he was not there to hand out food to seem nice, but to call upon the freedom, liberty, and fraternity of all men. After the Spanish were defeated, Santo Domingo was supposed to simply be added to Saint-Domingue, but Harrison and Louverture deviced a plan to politically unite the island by forming a representative house for both sides of the island. The leader of the Spanish side that emerged was Jose de Caceres, who would end up working closely with Louverture to run the entire island of Hispaniola.
With that task in the works, Harrison lead a mixed race force of his army and the black militia to the western side of the island to wait for the ships needed for the invasion of Cuba. They never came. In the Battle of the Florida Straits was an overwhelming victory for the Spanish, with almost every American ship having been sunk. When Harrison received word of this, he worried that the Spanish would soon attempt to invade Hispaniola and dispersed his army to strongly garrison the island. They never arrived and Harrison would spend the rest of the war defending the island.
When the war came to an end in the summer of 1811, the French knew of the American excursions into the Caribbean and their desire for Cuba. Hoche decided to make a key point of the treaty was to give Cuba to the United States, who had been one of their few reliable allies. Spain agreed, in exchange for payment for the land. They also handed off Puerto Rico under the same terms some months after the formal 1811 Treaty of Versailles had been signed.
This was not the most radical or memorable part of the treaty. The clause that would become the most important was that French advisors must be stationed at the courts of Spain, Austria, and Prussia following the war. These advisors would hold no formal power at all, which is why Austria even considered accepting these terms, but one such advisor would gain much de facto power in Spain. Louis-Alexandre Berthier was sent to be Spain’s advisor. Berthier, a man who participated in the American and French Revolutions and was a well honored commander and a high ranking politician under Hoche’s Consulship more or less pretended his way into being important. King Charles IV of Spain’s abdication, only three months in Berthier being present, came as a shock to everybody outside of the Spanish Court. Charles IV was widely seen as incompetent and his betrayal of France followed up by his defeat lead to enough political pressure to convince him to abdicate. The country was gripped by fear as King Ferdinand VII of Spain was crowned. Berthier, who was largely ignored by the previous king, managed to get the ear of Ferdinand and would help him with many of the problems that plagued Spain in Europe and abroad.
One of the most lasting issues was the lands of Latin America, where Spain was getting into a more and more precarious position. Berthier managed to convince Ferdinand that the best course of action was to get ahead of any potential revolutionaries and give the Spanish Viceroyalties full kingdom status. Spain was made up of a patchwork of kingdoms that were all united under one ruler and one government, Berthier proposed making the Spanish Colonies of New Spain, New Granada, Peru, and Rio de la Plata into full kingdoms that were internally run under the king. This move was overwhelmingly unpopular in the court, but few were allowed to openly oppose the king in such a way. What was done was done and the Latin Kingdoms had been formed, temporarily staving off any potential for revolts like the ones seen in British North America, Saint-Domingue, and the failed New Granadan revolt lead by Francisco de Miranda.
This move by Spain would keep this generation under the Spanish crown, but would guarantee that the next one would not be and would give the Republicans their “Great Continental Mission” that they would bang on about for over a decade.