The Union Forever: A TL

IEF Civil War: Oct 2000 - Feb 2001
A Tale of Ice and Sorrow
The IEF Civil War
October 2000 – February 2001

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Conservative cataphracts preparing for action​


After a lull in the fighting due to heavy autumn rains and the corresponding quagmires, the belligerents quickly increased offensive operations with the advent of freezing temperatures. With the spectacular failure of the Novgorod campaign earlier that year, the Conservatives led by Prime Minister Mitya Kuznetsov and Emperor Alexander IV diverted their attention to recapturing the Crimean peninsula. Advancing from the west, the Conservatives used armored task forces to punch through the Reformer defenses and successfully cut of the peninsula. However, an abundance of antitank missiles and tenacious resistance by the local Crimean Tartars stalled attempts to clear Sevastopol and the interior. Instead, of counterattacking into the Donbas, the Reformers launched their own offensive against a pocket of Conservative forces based in southern Bessarabia. The Reformers managed to contract the Conservatives’ perimeter but ultimately failed to force them to capitulate after the Conservative Black Sea Fleet landed much needed reinforcements.

Over the course of the winter, fighting raged off and on along the long and twisting frontlines. In Byelorussia, a series of vicious attacks and counterattacks failed to alter the balance of power. Throughout the IEF, food and fuel shortages furthered the humanitarian crisis which was already reaching historic levels. In both Conservative and Reformer held territory, any suspected disloyalty was often enough to have one’s ration cards curtailed or suspended. Summary executions and forced labor were often imposed for even minor infractions as the opposing governments struggled to meet the needs of their population. Since the start of the conflict this all occurred under the dangling threat of nuclear war. The Conservatives possessed nearly 80% of the IEF’s arsenal due to their control of the Siberian based ICBMs, and the majority of the Baltic and Pacific Fleets. The Reformers managed to secure only a few nuclear-armed submarines in the Baltic Fleet, and a hand full of small tactical nuclear bombs for their air force. Neither side wanted to risk the utter destruction that a nuclear exchange could entail.

In a Christmas morning address, Lidka Gorski declared that for the better part of a year her Warsaw based government had “exercised effective control over most of the territory of Poland and provided for her citizens as best as wartime conditions would allow. As such, the Polish Free State should be recognized by the nations of the world as the legitimate government of an independent Poland.” The ruling council of the self-styled Grand Duchy of Finland made a similar announcement by the end of the year. While no nation officially recognized either government, German Chancellor Ernst Osterloh moved quietly but decidedly towards backing these new countries separatist efforts. Indeed, Finland and Poland would be warmer and better fed than most parts of the IEF during the winter due to an influx of German assistance. In the Baltic, pro-independence factions were gathering strength, often aided by covert AES agents and a steady supply of deutschmarks. Pasternak and his Reformer government in St. Petersburg were too preoccupied with the Conservatives to intervene effectively.

Pasternak however would score one significant victory that winter. In the abysmally cold temperatures of February, the Reformers stunned the Conservatives by launching a second attempt to capture the port city of Arkhangelsk. To the dismay of the leadership in Moscow, the Conservative garrison was caught off guard as the Reformers launched a ferocious cataphract and mechanized infantry assault against city’s defenses. This time, the Conservatives buckled. Over 44,000 Conservative soldiers were taken prisoner and the Conservatives lost their last remaining port on the White Sea. This loss, along with the near complete collapse of government control in Central Asia, the Caucuses, and Manchuria helped by Turkish, Persian, and Chinese assistance, prompted Kuznetsov to call for a meeting of all prominent Conservative leaders. Set for the first week of March, the Conservatives would reassess their strategy for winning the war.
 
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The Conservatives should recognize the independence of Poland, Finland, and the Baltic states in exchange for German assistance to their cause. A German attack from the west would destroy Pasternak.
 
The civil war seemed to have entered a stalemate.

And the hijacking of the nuclear arsenal of the IEF by the RusCons and the RusRefs is not going to help things anywhere, either.
 
The Conservatives should recognize the independence of Poland, Finland, and the Baltic states in exchange for German assistance to their cause. A German attack from the west would destroy Pasternak.
Why would the Germans do that? Any smart Chancellor would know he can only trust Mitya as far as he can throw him. It is in the best interests of Germany to let both sides tear each other apart while Germany's new allies consolidate their control over their territory. The sooner the civil war ends, the less likely Germany maintaining control over her new sphere of influence is.
 
The Conservatives should recognize the independence of Poland, Finland, and the Baltic states in exchange for German assistance to their cause. A German attack from the west would destroy Pasternak.

The civil war seemed to have entered a stalemate.

And the hijacking of the nuclear arsenal of the IEF by the RusCons and the RusRefs is not going to help things anywhere, either.

Why would the Germans do that? Any smart Chancellor would know he can only trust Mitya as far as he can throw him. It is in the best interests of Germany to let both sides tear each other apart while Germany's new allies consolidate their control over their territory. The sooner the civil war ends, the less likely Germany maintaining control over her new sphere of influence is.

Thanks for the comments guys! We will have to see how future updates play out. Cheers!
 
Can we get a new map?

As of March 2001 the frontlines haven't moved much. The Conservatives have made some advances in the south and on the Crimean Peninsula. The Reformers have advanced in the north and captured Arkhangelsk. In Central Asia and Manchuria rebel groups have gained more territory. I'll try and include a map in the next update.
 
Are we seeing any significant numbers in terms of foreign volunteers for either side, or the separatists?

We are seeing a large number of foreign volunteers supporting a variety of factions. However, keep in mind that due to the vast size of belligerents they are just a drop in the bucket of the total number. I will cover some of the foreign fighter groups in the next update.
 
I think the IEF Civil war might be considered one of the largest modern day civil wars in world history (excluding the First and Second Chinese Civil Wars), especially considering on the dangerous ramifications of the civil war bringing in Technate China barreling into Siberia and at least 5 sides holding nuclear weapons.

Also, I will probably do another ship profile, this time a US cruiser class.
 
I think the IEF Civil war might be considered one of the largest modern day civil wars in world history (excluding the First and Second Chinese Civil Wars), especially considering on the dangerous ramifications of the civil war bringing in Technate China barreling into Siberia and at least 5 sides holding nuclear weapons.

Also, I will probably do another ship profile, this time a US cruiser class.

Looking forward to the cruiser profile. Cheers!
 
IEF Civil War: Mar-Oct 2001
Crossroads of Conflict
The IEF Civil War
March - October 2001

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Concentration of Reformer self-propelled artillery defending Arkangelsk​


On March 5, Mitya Kuznetsov and Emperor Alexander IV convened a conference in a hardened facility some 30 miles east of Moscow, as Reformer airstrikes had badly damaged the Kremlin. The war was now a year old and, despite horrific bloodletting, the Conservatives were no closer to winning. Indeed, it was clear to many that they were losing the conflict and that if drastic measures weren’t’ taken their cause would be lost. It was quickly agreed that Arkhangelsk would have to be retaken to secure their supply lines to the outside world. However, with fighting on a myriad of other fronts their simply was not enough forces to mount a successful offensive on the scale needed. After nearly two hours of heated but equally fruitless debate amongst the various commanders, Kuznetsov is reported to have slammed his fist on the table. In the ensuing pause, Kuznetsov stated, “sometimes one must cut of a few fingers to save the hand.” With a red pen, Kuznetsov continued by drawing a new border on large adjacent map. The areas excluded Manchuria, most of the Central Asian regions, and a large chunk of the Caucasus. Declaring “this is the heavy price for victory” Kuznetsov stated that despite several redeployments the Conservatives were still spending far too much resources trying to retain control of these areas. Several in attendance immediately balked at this radical proposal. Admiral Alekseev remarked that all of their efforts had been to secure the unity of the empire and that this directly countermanded that. Kuznetsov pointed out that most of the territory to be “temporarily relinquished” was already lost to rebels and that the remaining government forces there were merely waiting to be overrun. Additional protests were silenced when the Emperor voiced his support and called for “all true Russians to endure the unendurable.” The Emperor continued that all lands once ruled by Russia would “in time, be returned to the Motherland.”

In the weeks following the conference, orders recalling military forces from the east for service on the western fronts were issued. For the most part, the rebels did not engage the retreating Imperials. It is worth noting that the Conservatives did not abandon all positions in these regions. Certain oilfields in northern Kazahkiya continued to be occupied along with other defensible points of strategic importance inside Manchuria. However, the withdrawal of the Imperial Army proved a godsend to the separatists, with large numbers of ethnic Russians fleeing north exasperating the humanitarian crisis behind Conservative lines. On May 13, Ismail Fitrat at the head of a column of Turkic troops entered Bukhara in triumph. Six days later the last Imperial convoy departed Mukden. Jubilant crowds took to the streets. Flags emblazoned with Technocratic gears and other banners were raised above government buildings. The euphoria in Manchuria was short lived as the uneasy alliance between the Technocrats and other factions broken down immediately as each tried to secure power. Naturally, the Technate of China stepped up support to its Krulikist-Hengism proxies spurring on the savage fighting.

On June 22, the Conservatives under Marshal Kirill Volkov launched Operation Gamayun to retake Arkhangelsk. The reformers had long suspected that a strong attempt would be made and had prepared accordingly. The resulting Third Battle for Arkhangelsk would prove to be the largest and deadliest of the war to date. The opposing armies had over the spring swollen to monstrous size with the addition of fresh formations. Over one and half million troops clashed across a sweeping breadth of territory during the two-month long operation. When the smoked cleared, the Conservatives had retaken the port city at a horrific price. Adding to the steep cost, the reformers had heavily damaged the port facilities and obstructed adjacent channels which would take months to repair. Nevertheless, the retaking of Arkhangelsk was a significant win for the Conservatives. Coupled with the final capture of Sevastopol after 11 months of fighting, these two victories provided a much need boost to conservative morale, which was in the doldrums after the withdrawal from Manchuria and Central Asia. The Reformers in turn managed a few small wins in the Ukraine and managed to push the frontlines closer to Moscow on the Novgorod front.

As the autumn rains returned along with the corresponding lull in fighting, the general staffs of both sides planned their next move. Each had suffered tremendous casualties and the continuing shortages of men, food, fuel, and ammunition showed no signs of abating. The high attrition rate of advanced weapon systems like cataphracts and attack helicopters sparked impressive innovation. Various horse cavalry units were created that proved surprisingly mobile in heavy mud and snow. Conversion of civilian tractors and automobiles into armored vehicles was a common technique. Another option employed by all sides to some degree were units composed in part by foreign “volunteers.” Some were made up of adventurous idealists like the Pulaski Brigade while others like the infamous Intentional Regiment was manned by a polyglot assortment of mercenaries rumored to be responsible for numerous war crimes. Despite the attention that these outfits received from the world media, the sheer size of the fighting in the IEF left their ultimate impact up to debate.

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Conservatives for the win! They should recognize Finland and Poland's independence in exchange for the latter two's assistance to take on the reformers.
I think Kuznetzov is in a better position. They control more natural resources and the massive industrial output of the Ural cities that the reformers cannot reach, while all the reformer cities are close enough to the front
 
Conservatives for the win! They should recognize Finland and Poland's independence in exchange for the latter two's assistance to take on the reformers.
I think Kuznetzov is in a better position. They control more natural resources and the massive industrial output of the Ural cities that the reformers cannot reach, while all the reformer cities are close enough to the front

The Conservative do indeed have an advantage in depth.
 
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