The March of Time - 20th Century History

[Karelian]

Do the Brits know about how they were being used by Sweden, in this case?

According to my understanding the officers in question were clandestinely hired to conduct some spying on behalf of the Swedish military, and thus knew exactly what they were doing and for whom.
Whether they acted as double agents and reported their findings to London as well is not known, but I wouldn't rule out that possibility.

 

[245]

is this dead

 

[Karelian]

is this dead

A month of hiatus, and you're already ready to throw the towel in? Tsk tsk.
It's far from dead, but work has kept me too busy to update until yesterday.

 

[SenatorChickpea]

I'm sure it will be worth the wait.

 

[Karelian]

Dissolution Crisis of 1905, Part XVII: Kusteskadern

The way the Royal Swedish Navy rose to prominence at the culmination point of the Norwegian Secession crisis was a showcase example of the growing power of navalism in European diplomacy and war planning. Gone were the days of the Crimean War, when the antiquated and small Swedish navy had been happy to lie low behind the mighty Anglo-British fleet, allowing foreign warships to use most of the Swedish Baltic naval bases, especially Fårösund off Gotland, at will. The slight Russians had taken from the conduct of their formally neutral neighbour had not been missed in Stockholm, and after that time Swedish naval power had experienced a lot of development. While Norway had built up her new navy during the last decade, at the same time the Swedish defense spending had nearly doubled, from kroner 28 million a year in 1890 to 58 million in 1901. These increases dwarfed the percentage-wise similar Norwegian efforts, from 9 million in 1890 to 20 million in 1901. For on the Swedish side, at least, much of the rationale for increased defense spending had been originally derived from a perception of a growing threat from the East. During the last few decades Sweden had been preparing her defenses against the Russian Baltic Fleet, alarmed by the Russian naval expansion and the determined Russification program in the Grand Duchy of Finland. The realization that Norway had been in the meantime more less openly preparing for a confrontation against her Union partner had created a sense of deep bitterness in the Swedish military elite. The animosity towards Norway was evident in the fact that the Swedish naval officer corps eagerly begun to prepare for a possible "naval demonstration" against Norway as soon as Oscar II had been legally overthrown as a King of Norway. Before summer 1905 there had been no naval plans against Norway. But after months of intense staff work, the plan that had emerged from the drawing boards just when the Karlstad negotiations were just about to begin was certainly impressive. While bold and ambitious, it was also considered to be a realistic assessment of the general situation. The main aim of the plan was to maximize Swedish strengths against the weaknesses of Norwegian defence. And it was reinforced with fresh intelligence. The Swedish naval spy had been able to take photographs and draw sketched map of the Melsomvik naval base and the anchored Norwegian fleet before it put out to sea on 9th September.

In essense the Swedish plan was a true combined-arms operation. The capital ships of the Swedish Kusteskadern, the Coastal Fleet, would be relocated within striking distance of Norwegian waters, and tasked prepare for an attack against the Norwegian naval base at Melsomvik, on the West bank of the Kristianiafjord. If the negotiations at Karlstadt would fail to achieve the results required by Stockholm, the Swedish fleet would be in full readiness to commence the attack. The Swedish admirals were convinced that a crushing naval defeat would force the Norwegians to concede defeat and return to the negotiating table. Considering the numerical strength of the two sides, the optimism of the Swedish Admiralty was well-founded, at least when considering the military prospects of a Swedish naval invasion. Against the Norwegian fleet of three modern armored ships and 18 torpedo boats the Swedish navy could assemble a force of eight modern and three old armored ships, five modern light cruisers with a displacement of 800, 23 modern torpedo boats and a new feat of naval engineering - a brand-new submarine, HMS Hajen, built as a Swedish version of the US Holland-type.

The oldest trio of the Swedish armored ships - Svea, Göta and Thule - had been build between 1885 and 1893, and had just recently finished an extensive refit and modernization program. With two-shaft reciprocating engines they were capable of a top speed of 14 knots, and their main armament consisted of two 254mm guns in a twin tower and 4 x 152cm guns on side casemates.Their new main guns, the 210mm M98s, were installed on two single-gun turrets, supported by seven single-turret 152mm M98 quick-firing guns and 11 57mm M89B anti-torpedoboat guns. The main guns had armored turret protected by 190 - 140mm Krupp nickel steel, and the barbette had 190mm protection.

These ships had been followed by the next three pansarbåtar-type ships constructed between 1896 and 1898: Oden, Thor and Niord. Constructed with the new Harvey armour, they had new triple expansion reciprocating engines, and were capable of top speed of 15 knots. Armament consisted of two 254mm main guns located to the front and rear towers, and four 120mm cannons located to the side casemates.

HSwMS Dristigheten was a single-ship prototype class, constructed as a modified Oden-class vessel with the new main armament layout of two 210mm Bofors M/98 quick-firing cannons in single-gun turrets at front and rear decks, and a secondary armament of six quick-firing 152mm Bofors M/98 guns in side casemates, supported by additional anti-torpedo boat armament of ten light 57mm Ssk. M/89B guns. This arsenal made her the first ship in the Swedish navy armed exclusively with quick-firing guns, supported by two underwater 457mm M/99 torpedo tubes. Her new armor layout gave her protection of 200mm of Harvey-type nickel steel belt for the sides, and a deck thickness of 25mm. The propulsion consisted of reciprocating steam engines with new water-tube boilers, and the top speed of the new design was 16,8 knots, making her the fastest of the Swedish armored ships.

The next generation, the Äran-class, was based on the lessons learned from the Dristingheten-class and consisted of four ships - Äran, Wasa, Tapperheten and Manligheten - constructed between 1899 and 1904. They used the same new design where the main artillery armament, two 210mm Bofors M/98 cannons (which despite the lower caliber had greater range and firing rate than the older 254mm guns), were located to single-cannon towers at back and rear decks of the ship. Secondary armament was also similar, and consisted of six quick-firing 152mm Bofors cannons, now placed on side turrets instead of casemates. The new 6,500hp (4,800kW) two-shaft engines were capable of providing the ships with a top speed of 16,5 knots.

To make sure that the Swedish warfleet would be able to deliver the desired crushing blow to the Norwegian fleet, the Admiralty insisted that the attack should also have a land component. As long as they controlled the narrow approaches of the Kristianiafjord, the Norwegian fleet could choose where and when it wanted to do battle. In the plan the task of forcing them to sail forth was assigned to the so-called Bohusdetachementet, a regional command under Colonel Olof Malm of Bohuslän Regiment based at Backamo, south of Ljungskile. Malm had his headquarters in Uddevalla Town Hall, and the Grenadier units stationed to Vaxholm and Karlskrona were also under his command. The plan called this troops troops to embark the Kusteskadern capital ships and torpedo boats in the vicinity of Resö, few kilometers south of Stromstad, so that they could be shipped westwards and landed on the beaches near the naval base of Melsomvik.

In the next phase of the attack more infantry and the heavy artillery of the invasion force would be transported with large barges from Stromstad, and brought ashore at Tjøme and on the east side of Nøtterøy. In total a force of seven battalions of infantry and six coastal artillery batteries with a total of 12 guns and eight howitzers would establish a beachhead here, support Swedish minesweeping operations to clear Vrengen of naval mines, while the land troops at Nøtterøy would work their way to the top of Vardås and start an artillery siege of Håøya. The harassing artillery fire to their base would force the Norwegian Navy to evacuate Melsomvik. And sailing out from narrow Vestfjord, they would face a superior Swedish fleet ready and waiting.

The Swedish fleet and the Army units earmarked for the operation were in full alert in early September, and their relocation from Gothenburg to nortward positions withing spitting distance of Norwegian territorial waters was purposefully done in a visible and aggressive manner. By early September they were as ready as they would ever be. If the government gave the order, the Kusteskadern would sail northward with full steam - and war in the North would follow in its wake.

 

[kung Zog]

Quickly reading about the Håøya fort, it does not seem that it would be able to hold for long, if the siege is near or intensive enough. In the event of war, it depends on the Swedes ability to transport munitions. However, with mines and small skerries everywhere that can be harder than anticipated. If I understand correctly the fort had two 12 cm cannons (Armstrong L/43,9) two 21 cm (Armstrong M/00) and five 6,5 cm (Hotchkiss L/46,5), all where fairly exposed. I guess if the fort survives long enough, the Swedes might get impatient and deploy its fleet closer to bombard the isle. This however, only matters if the war happens, and last long enough, which is fairly unlikely.

Here is the 21 cm, quite impressive.

 

[Karelian]

Quickly reading about the Håøya fort, it does not seem that it would be able to hold for long, if the siege is near or intensive enough. In the event of war, it depends on the Swedes ability to transport munitions. However, with mines and small skerries everywhere that can be harder than anticipated. If I understand correctly the fort had two 12 cm cannons (Armstrong L/43,9) two 21 cm (Armstrong M/00) and five 6,5 cm (Hotchkiss L/46,5), all where fairly exposed. I guess if the fort survives long enough, the Swedes might get impatient and deploy its fleet closer to bombard the isle. This however, only matters if the war happens, and last long enough, which is fairly unlikely.

The Norwegian coastal fortification systems had received a lot of funding from Georg Stang, who was a Ltn.Colonel of Coastal Artillery and had spent year 1898 studying the Spanish-American War, focusing to the usage of coastal artillery. Hence the plan to use ground forces to take the forts instead of risking the capital ships of the Swedish fleet.

 

[Karelian]

Dissolution Crisis of 1905, Part XVIII: To Rule the Waves

The Director of Royal Navy Naval Intelligence (DNI), Captain Ottley, had regarded Norwegian independence plans from the very beginning exclusively in the light of the “slow glacial drift of Russian intrigue and Russian territorial expansion”. Construction of strategic railways in the Grand Duchy of Finland stoked British fears of Czar’s designs on warm water Norwegian ports on the North Sea, and Ottley concluded his recent report to Fisher by remarking: “Norwegian neutrality might handicap Great Britain in a war with Germany - if the latter occupied Denmark, Great Britain would need to seize a Norwegian port. The terms of the treaty might involve Great Britain in a war with Russia and France who would be obliged to defend Norwegian integrity.” As the crisis escalated, the Foreign Office and the Admiralty were in a rare and complete agreement on the need for Britain to retain a free hand in respect of Norway in wartime.

Ever since 1892, the Admiralty focused on the threat posed by the Dual Alliance navies. Through annual fleet manoeuvres, exercises, and academic debates, a particular ‘doctrine’ or strategy had emerged to deal with the Franco-Russian fleets. The Royal Navy’s strategists had traditionally proposed a close watch on, and direct attacks against, an adversary’s main bases as the most expedient method to destroy an enemy fleet while protecting British seaborne trade. Weaknesses in this strategy led to the adoption of the advanced base concept as a viable component in the successful blockade of enemy ports.

Recently the Royal Navy’s strategic interests were wedded to the debate over Norwegian and Scandinavian neutrality. At issue were the Baltic entrances and the latest alarming news of Russo-German attempts to turn the sea into a mare clausum. British policy hinged upon Foreign Office and Admiralty efforts to preserve the Navy’s access to the Baltic in the event of war. The Admiralty’s response was to implement a series of operational plans that, unlike their antecedents, however, were a deliberate reaction to the possibility that the Navy’s freedom of action could be threatened. In 1902 Custance’s ‘Memorandum on the strategic position in the North Sea’ pointed out that when facing a potential Franco-Russo-German naval concentration, Britain held the geographical advantage. The Russo-German fleets had only two available routes to effect a concentration with the French in the North Sea, via either the Straits of Dover or ‘North about’ through Skagerrak and Kattegat. A powerful British force could thus be centrally placed and attack against either hostile fleet before the other could arrive to assist it. Based on Battenberg’s estimations that the Royal Navy would face either a Russo-German or a Franco-Russian combination in any major future war in Europe, a flexible strategic contingency was adopted. In December 1904 the main British fleets were reconstituted with the former Home Fleet reinforced to include twelve battleships, and renamed the Channel Fleet. This fleet could be reinforced by eight battleships of the new Atlantic Fleet based at Gibraltar. Now the Admiralty had a strategic posture where the Royal Navy could react to threats in home waters, or back up the Mediterranean Fleet in a case of war against France. This British deterrent strategy required annual exercises that dealt with sailing to the Baltic with a concentrated fleet to threaten the Baltic approaches.

Keeping Scandinavia and especially Norway neutral was now central to British European policy. What mostly concerned Britain were the rumoured Russo-German plans to close the Baltic to foreign powers. A closed Baltic in combination with the Kiel-canal would give the Germans the free hand to move their fleet between the North Sea and the Baltic, while Russia would be able to isolate Sweden. Therefore Admiral John Fisher supported offensive approach. While new torpedo and mine technology in combination with the increasing size of warships made it ever more risky for battleships to operate in the narrow Straits and shallow Baltic Sea, retaining and demonstrating capability to launch long-range sorties to Baltic was deemed critically important in keeping the Germans under pressure, and preventing Russia from pressuring Sweden and Denmark.

Germany had an expansive naval programme that might threaten British supremacy if unchecked. Russia was also building fast, being the sole power besides Britain to balance Germany in Europe, just as Germany was the sole power to balance Russia. The prospect of this new tripolar balance of power troubled Britain. During the Boer War it was recognized in London both that Britain was somewhat isolated in Europe, and that the army was weaker than could be expected from a Major Power. The 1902 treaty with Japan and the focus on Asian matters was understandable, as Britain viewed the British Raj as a core pretext for her global status. Now, when the spectre of the Bismarckian three-emperor system had returned to haunt British leaders, Britain was more or less forced to reorient her attention towards Europe. In order secure her national interests and avoid a situation where the continent would be dominated by the two rising powers that most threatened British global position, British leaders sought to utilize tried and proven methods. Three decades earlier, during 1870s, the possibility of a British naval assault on Kronstadt and St Petersburg had been employed as effective deterrents to curb Russian encroachment on Persia and North-Western Frontier. The fleet had returned to Baltic during the Pendjeh incident of 1885, once again acting as a deterrent. Denmark and the Danish Straits were thus crucial for maintaining the leverage against Russian expansionist moves into Britain’s world-wide spheres of interest, as well as keeping German ambitions in check.

Full steam ahead

On August 15th the Channel Fleet left Spithead and a few days later sailed through the Belts into the Baltic. Fisher’s despatch of the Channel Fleet to cruise Scandinavian waters at the height of the Union crisis in 1905 was a direct reaction to the news of the secret meeting between the Czar and the Kaiser at Björkö in July. The rumours that the Kaiser had been aiming to create an anti-English continental bloc had not gone unnoticed. The pre-planned mid-August Baltic cruise called at Ijmuiden in Holland, and proceeded to Graa Diep off Esbjerg on the western Jutland coast, an anchorage valuable for operations off the Elbe estuary or to support a British fleet operating off the Skaw in the Skagerrak. Originally intended to familiarize the Channel Fleet with operations near the Skagerrak and Baltic, the cruise’s other agenda was revealed in Admiralty instructions for Wilson "to be prepared for a sudden descent on the German coast." The deterrence effect of the cruise was not lost to the British observers. Based on the traditional direct of British naval power ‘at an enemy’s strategic vitals’ to act as a deterrent, the Fisher approach worked rather well.

From 27th to 31st August the warships lay at anchor off Swinemünde and on 1st of September off Danzig. London gave official assurances that this was simply a run-of-the-mill naval exercise, but it was clear to everyone involved that the visit to the Baltic could not be regarded as anything but a deliberate show of force. On the Kaiser’s orders the German battle squadron broke off its own exercises from North Sea, and set sail at once for Danzig to ‘welcome’ its sister fleet. Wilhelm II could hardly hide his dismay.
In the Baltic the German Admiralty staff feared a surprise attack, and had been preparing against such an eventuality in all annual naval exercises since 1897. The same fear that the British would do a sudden coup de main against the German High Seas Fleet was very real among the Kaiser’s retinue.

The geopolitical situation in the Baltic set Germany and Russia against Britain, and all three sides viewed one another with distrust, fearing that two of them would ally against the third party. At the same time there was a dangerous mood of complanency in the international diplomacy of the day. After all, the Great Powers had not fought against one another since 1870, and many analysts believed that permanent peace was the order of the modern state system. Once again the Concert of Europe would squabble, but ultimately the leaders of the day were convinced that would find a civilized solution to the crises at hand.

 

[Karelian]

Dissolution Crisis of 1905, Part XVIX: The Road to War

The ultimate reason for the failure of the Karlstad negotiations between Swedish and Norwegian delegates were the Swedish demands for a demilitarized zone - after the panicked last-minute solution to impose a new 2km-wide demarcation line between the two mobilizing armies, the Swedish negotiation team had soon brought forward new terms. Swedish government now demanded that razing of the newly built Norwegian border fortresses, along with newly added parts of the older frontier fortresses at Kongsvinger and Fredrikstad, would have to happen before they could agree to officially disband the Union. Norwegian delegation was becoming equally nervous: Prime Minister Christian Michelsen, Secretary Jørgen Løvland, parliamentary president Carl Berner and Minister Benjamin Vogt all steadfastly defended their view that that the newly erected fortifications were intended to protect the southern coasts of both countries. Swedish delegation claimed that the maintenance of border fortresses could lead to an arms race - and their view was a thinly-masked doubt of the risk that in the future Sweden and Norway could find themselves from the opposing camps in the event of a major power conflict in Europe.[1]

After the Norwegian delegation returned to Christiania and the Swedish delegation returned to Stockholm. Troop movements and mobilization continued on both sides of Kölen, and the following weeks of September were tense and uneasy. Pro- and antiwar views were increasingly in conflict within the Swedish society. Socialists and labor unions publicly called their adherents to refuse military service “in the event that a war between the brother peoples should break out.”

“The ground is burning under the feet of the Swedish ruling classes! Sweden’s workers hold the power to impose an absolute veto against a war between Sweden and Norway. They should now prepare to express this veto.”
Adolf Hedin, August 1905

“We should be prepared to let Norwegians go - in return of a sizeable part of southeastern Norway. Then we will have shown that we still possess national strength, and through this action we'll increase our national feeling more than through hundred unions...Then we will have Norway in our hand in the future; a pledge, to be returned if Norway, once it has grown tired of this masquerade, can offer us real guarantees for a true and fair union.”
Rudolf Kjellén, September 1905

A week later, they had not yet come to an agreement, and during a short pause one participant of the Norwegian delegation stood nervously outside, holding a watch just to note the exact time of the impeding outbreak of the war.

The falcon cannot hear the falconer

As the crisis escalated, the absence of a key moderating figure and a power-broker at the Swedish court affected a lot of the ultimate outcome. During the previous major war scare, in 1895, the Swedish royal family had gathered to a council in the presence of the German Kaiser Wilhelm II. True to his nature, Wilhelm II had ranted about the necessity of "firm resolve" and recommended a united German-Swedish military intervention. But from her sickbed the old Queen Sophia had carried the day. She had bluntly told the Kaiser that he did not understand the situation, and advocated friendly negotiations.[2] But this time she was unable to use her extensive influence to her husband and son to counterbalance the influence of warmongering court elites.

After a severe case of pneumonia had struck her as a result of spending too much time on a summer rain during a long ride through the countryside, she had been hospitalized to Amsterdam for the medical care of doctor Metzger.[3] Away from the court and too sickly to even attempt to affect the course of events through telegrams and messengers, she spent most of her waking hours praying for peace. During previous crises of the Union it had always been Sophia who had at the end pressured the King to give in to the opposition to avoid conflicts - her relentless character and iron will had ensured that despite his past infedility and family feuds, King Oscar II was ultimately afraid of his wife.[4]

But now she was absent. And when King Oscar II, frustrated of the defiance of Norwegian delegation, returned from Marstrand on September 1905, he had made up his mind. Terrified Wachtmeister, the most skillfull diplomat of the Swedish delegation, wrote to his diary:

...His Majesty is now eager to get to the war. He just wants to go in the field and fight. And He has brought with Him the poor Crown Prince too, who just little earlier thought that there was nothing to do.

When the negotiations seemed to be going nowhere, the Swedish cabinet held a closed emergency meeting at midnight, 22nd of September. The military leaders present stated that should the be ordered to do so, the Kusteskadern was in readiness to attack the Norwegian naval base of Melsomvik. It was felt that if they lost the remaining capital ships of their navy, the Norwegians would be forced to return to the negotiating table. Ultimately there was a fatal vote, whether to give the Norwegians one last chance before military strikes were ordered – and the decision to start the attack was passed by a single vote.[5]

1: Both sides are worse off than in OTL: The press war that begun after the Melsomvik Incident has antagonized the Swedish right-wing public opinion, narrowing the negotiation position of the Ramstedt government. This has forced Christian Lundeberg - who led the cabinet revolt against the more conciliatory Ramstedt government and forced it to resign in OTL - to seriously rethink his potential political allies. By the time he has spent crucial days trying in vain to convince Oscar II and the Crown Prince to vest him the powers to form a new government, such actions are no longer deemed possible. Changing the negotiation team, let alone the whole government, in a middle of such a national crisis would be considered a sign of weakness, and the Swedish hardliners firmly believe that Norwegians will blink first when met with a credible threat of force.
2: And after that incident Wilhelm II avoided her as much as possible for the rest of his life, seeking to discuss state matters only with Oscar II and Crown Prince.
3: She had always been sickly, but riding was her most beloved hobby she wouldn't give up, directly defying orders from doctors. Spending long periods of time at Amsterdam is also from OTL, this time she just happens to fall ill on a most unfortunate moment.
4: Sophia had immense power behind the scenes, and she kept herself away from the daily court intrique during her later years, focusing on religious and philantrophical activities. Removing her influence from the situation in a key moment is a momentous butterfly in itself.
5: Such a vote was held historically, and in OTL the view to continue the negotiations reportedly won by single vote!

 

[Knightmare]

Damn it Sweden!

 

[Grand Prince Paul II.]

Damn it Sweden!

It is about time.

What is the point of so many prelude chapters without a war?

 

[Karelian]

It is about time.

What is the point of so many prelude chapters without a war?

To get all the pieces on board first.

 

[kung Zog]

To get all the pieces on board first.

Which are the pieces though? Sadly, even though being Swedish I have disturbingly bad knowledge of the Union crisis, especially the diplomatic side. The lack of apparent civil unrest/rebellion in Russia seems like a big difference. What is the big cause here? Butterflies and Sophia's illness or something large I'm missing?

That being said, I really enjoy the update and it'll be nice to see where its gonna go. I wish the Norwegians all the luck.

Damn it Sweden!

Damn it indeed! I have a feeling this war will be short however. While the "Big Strike" of 1909 was a general failure for LO (Landsorganisationen, the Swedish Trade Union Confederation) and the Social Democrats anti-war feelings had a broad appeal. I suspect a general strike, not immediately but soon.

In a war against an enemy, and not a brother people who has been hailed as a friend in school propaganda for decades, Swedish pacifist sentiments might have been squashed but I doubt that will be the case here. Further, Swedish secret policy of this time is no power to consider. IOTL they transcribed open meetings, had no infiltration in place whatsoever. Radical, pacifist and liberal organizations might get some planning done quite uninterrupted.

I'm hoping this fellow, Natanael Beskow, gets a cameo. Maybe a jail sentencing for public preaching of pacifism. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Natanael_Beskow

 

[Karelian]

Which are the pieces though? Sadly, even though being Swedish I have disturbingly bad knowledge of the Union crisis, especially the diplomatic side. The lack of apparent civil unrest/rebellion in Russia seems like a big difference. What is the big cause here? Butterflies and Sophia's illness or something large I'm missing?

Butterflies in Sweden:
-The government of Johan Ramstedt is still in power, as Christian Lundeberg missed his initial chance and is now biding his time and working behind the scenes.
-The Swedish naval staff is more convinced of their chances to deliver coup de main against Norway due the TTL Melsomvik Incident. As a result the Swedish Army brass wants to one-up their naval rivals.
-Queen Sophia is absent, and the quote from the late belligerence of King Oscar II is historical - he and his hapless son were both willing to take the plunge, as it seemed more and more likely that the humiliating negotiations were not going anywhere in OTL.

Global butterflies:
-New Chinese dynasty emerged as a result of the Boxer War
-No Anglo-French Entente
-No Russo-Japanese War and no revolution of 1905
-Eulenburg is the Chancellor at Germany
-Volatile internal situation and a new regime at Ottoman Empire
-pro-Austrian dynasty still in power at Belgrade

The rest of the predictions are quite good - the Swedish pro-war party has essentially painted themselves to a corner with their belligerence - and fearful of the outcome, they now prefer to take their chances rather than yield and face the consequences.

 

[SenatorChickpea]

Always good to see this, and I enjoy the way each act takes it's time before a crisis breaks.

 

[Karelian]

Fratricide, Part I: The Blue and the Gray

The status of Norwegian Army on September 1905

Ever since 28th of July, Norwegian military had painstakingly mobilized, trained, and prepared for worst. The 76 000 soldiers were a reservist army raised around a core of small, but well-drilled and proud professional force of active NCOs and officers. Led by generals who all privately expressed grave doubts about their long-term prospects to defend the country, these forces had nevertheless done their utmost to prepare for the calamity which befell Norway on September 1905. The first wave of Norwegian mobilization had included the Valdres, Hallingdal and Telemark Battalions, and a number of reservist battalions of infantry and cavalry, outfitting a total of 22 500 men and concentrating them to the forts around Fredrikshald (Halden), Fetsund and Kongsvinger. After those hot days of July and August a lot more had followed, and c. 70 000 men of the theoretical total wartime strength of 76 000 had been mobilized two months later. Supported by the motley crews of dødsgjenger DFS paramilitaries spread out to the remote northern parts of the country, the regular forces were focused to the south, to block all eastern approaches at the mountainous border regions.

The key of the Norwegian defence plan was to anchor the defence of the southeastern Norway east of the Glomma River around the strongpoints and fortresses. Many of these places had seen battles between Norwegian and Swedish troops less than a century ago in 1814. Norwegian military leadership had correctly identified the control of these areas as a key part of any potential Swedish war plan. Their solution had been to construct a network of fortifications. Out of these Fredriksten was tasked to defend the most direct and obvious attack route from east, with Fredrikstad and Oscarsborg forts built behind it along the rolling farmland of southern Norway. Further north, Kongsvinger represented the northern limit of the Glomma Line, as the isolated networks of forts and artillery positions was called. Built largely with skilled Swedish workforce, the fortresses formed the cornerstones upon which the Norwegian defensive posture was built. But the Norwegian high command, familiar as they were with the Spanish-American War and the events of China, knew better than to place their hopes upon forts alone.

The small army they commanded had been instead spread out to the forests and hills of the region, and a network of breastworks and parapets occupied by infantry surrounded the hills chosen for artillery emplacements along the areas deemed as the most likely attack routes. Armed with 6.5 x 55 mm Krag-Jørgensen M/1894s, the Norwegian infantry units had both modern bolt-action rifles and the training to use them effectively.

The Norwegian officer corps had known early on that such defensive emplacements would be too light to be held without artillery in a modern battlefield. The same modernization effort that had seen Krag-Jørgensens replace the older small arms had brought Norwegian artillery to the forefront of European armies at the beginning of the century, when the Rheinische Metallwaren- und Maschinenfabrik Ehrhardt 7.5 cm Model 1901 had been adopted to the Norwegian service as the 7,5cm feltkanon M/1901. The gun itself was a modern, quick-firing artillery piece with a recoil suspension system. But with only open sights for aiming, they were reserved for "French-style" direct fire use for infantry support. This was reflected in their ammunition, which was exclusively black-powder canister shot. The ammo stockpiles for artillery were also rather limited, despite extensive last-minute efforts to improve the situation. By late August 1905 Defence Minister Olsson had urgently requested Norwegian cabinet to increase supply purchases, especially of heavy artillery shells, for the Rødfoss factory could produce only 40,000 per day, estimated to be enough for only three hours of actual fighting. With a total arsenal 132 light M/1901s and 18 105mm modern medium cannons, the Norwegian artillery arm also featured a smattering of Krupp 8.4cm Model 1877 and 65mm mountain artillery from the 1860s.

Norwegian army was a remarkably forward-looking organization at the beginning of the century, and had taken steps to keep up with the rapidly expanding arms race in infantry weapon development. Kaptein Jacob Maximillian Gran Paaske, director of Kongsberg Våpenfabrikk, had visited Hotchkiss factory in France half a decade earlier in autumn 1898. He had returned with the firm conviction that machine guns could be produced at Kongsberg arsenal, resulting to an army decision to obtain these new weapons for Norwegian infantry and cavalry units, and by December 1899 the first Norwegian-made 6.5 x 55 mm Hotchkiss M/98 Mitraljøse was ready for service. By now the KV factory was manufacturing an upgraded variant, which were factory-tested for improved reliability. Produced in small patches by skilled craftsmen and modified to accept metal belts instead of fixed ammo clips, the Norwegian Hotchkiss MGs had more reliable reputation than the French original. In September the Norwegian armed forced had roughly a hundred machine guns in total, and most of them were placed to the use of the various fortress garrisons around the country.

The Norwegian army had just two years ago begun to trial a new M/1903 grey-green coloured field uniform. As the official dark-blue 1894 uniform and French-style kepi field cap were all too similar to the Swedish blue uniforms, the military had frantically tried to get as many grey uniforms ready as possible. The reality was that many Norwegian units, especially 2nd-line ones, were clad in a mixture of older and newer uniforms, with only the 1st-line battalions being uniformly equipped with the M/1903s. Highly motivated and armed with modern weapons, the Norwegian units had spent the autumn in a period of frustrated waiting. Many men had been at leave to help with the harvest at countryside, and the months of uneasy waiting had lulled many reservists into a false sense of security. They were in for a rude awakening.

 

[Karelian]

Fratricide, Part II: "...that strength which in old days moved Earth and Heaven"

The status of Swedish Army on September 1905

By September 1905, Swedish army had mobilized all the units required for the implementation of Fälttågsplan Väst, a force consisting of six divisions. Each division-sized command was more of a combined-arms combat group formed around a core of two infantry brigades, which were further divided into two infantry regiments. These infantry formations were supported by separate cavalry, artillery, engineering and supply units. In addition to these six division-level commands, a separate cavalry division was also formed.

The main part of the Swedish forces taking part to the planned offensive westwards were tasked to fight their way towards Kristiania. They formed the I:a Armén, a five-division strong force, with 57 battalions of infantry, 32 skvadrons (100-men companies) of cavalry, and 216 artillery pieces divided into 45 batteries. I:a Armén represented the strongest concentration of Swedish armed forces in the field since the war of 1814.

The second Swedish army-level formation, II:a Armén, was in readiness at Jämtland and Härjedalen. With a single division and an independent brigade, this command totalled 17 infantry battalions, 4 skvadrons of cavalry, and 52 artillery pieces divided into 9 batteries. The task of this force was to attack westwards through the mountain passes, forests and hills of central Norway, all the way to the Atlantic coast. The operation would then culminate to the occupation of Trondheim,an important port city in central Norway. The important secondary task of this attack was to tie down Norwegians forces to what was ultimately deemed to be a secondary front.

The third operational group of the Swedish army, Bohus Detachment, was a separate command, specifically reserved for the amphibious assault towards the Melsomvik naval base. It had 8 battalions of infantry, 4 cavalry skvadrons, and 12 artillery pieces divided into 3 batteries.

Each command had their own supply routes and concentration areas, and they had spent the warm days of late summer out in the field drills in order to turn the new, untried reserve force into cohesive, combat-efficient units.

Estimations and espionage

The Swedish war plan correctly estimated that majority of the Norwegian forces would be placed to hold the shortest approaches to Kristiania - for this reason the Swedish attack plan had its center of gravity at Kongsvinger. The 1905 version of Fälttågsplan Väst was based on the assumption that Norwegian defense was largely based on their border fortresses, and that Kristiania was protected by three separate lines of fortifications and artillery positions.

The main obstacles for the Swedish invasion were the fortresses of Fredrikstad, Fredrikshald (Halden), Ørje, Urskog and Kongsvinger -they constituted the outermost of the three lines. In front of these Swedish military expected to meet little resistance. In the event of war, the plan was not to contest the border forts or storm them by costly assault, but instead isolate, and bypass them, leaving second-line forces to conduct sieges. The following two inner lines of defense were considered to be much weaker, and only constitute of artillery emplacements and separate earthern parapets.

With around 170 000 mobilized soldiers, the Swedish military leadership had urged the politicians to go forward with the plan while the weather was still good. They knew all too well that the quicker they could get things in motion, the less time the anti-war elements in Swedish society would have to oppose their plans and to erode the morale of the field units. They knew that waiting benefitted the Norwegians, as each passing day allowed them to bolster their defences and carry on with their slow and problematic mobilization.

The Swedish spying networks had by now proven their worth. Since the early days of the crisis things had advanced quite a bit. By now, border districts with Norway had been divided into seven main areas, from Strömstad to Kiruna. These in turn were divided into sub-areas, and Swedish army had been able to recruit a single main agent for every region, who had in turn created local cells with several local informants and guides at their disposal.

This intelligence apparatus proved to be remarkably effective before the outbreak of the hostilities, constantly pouring information of the Norwegian military actions and troop movements into the General Staff. By the beginning of the negotiations in Karlstad Swedish military planners had also already acquired access to the blueprints and construction plans of the most important Norwegian border fortresses. But paradoxically good and up-to-date intelligence did not act as a calming factor in the crisis.

Instead it further stressed the hawks in the Swedish military leadership, and made them pressure the King and the political leadership with impatient calls for action "before it would be too late." Ultimately the escalating mobilization race had escaped from the control of Swedish political leadership, but to the very end even General Rappe, the Swedish Chief of Staff, privately expected and hoped that the Norwegians were just bluffing, and that they would fold at the last minute. But it was no bluff. And the war ahead would quickly prove that the old proverb regarding the best laid plans of mice and men still held true.

 

[Karelian]

29th of September, 1905, Friday.
Kirkenær, Hedmark county, Norway.

The air smelled of autumn, smoke, and gunpowder.
War had arrived to Hedmark, to Kirkenær and Grue.

The long columns of the invaders were approaching through the small, narrow roads of Finnskogen region. Their leadership had managed the approach to Glomma boldly, throwing away the initial caution of the first days to press ahead. The advance guard of the I:a Armén, N: 10. Kungl. Södermansland Regemente, marched to the fields and forests at the outskirts of the village of Kirkenær on the eastern bank of the river at dawn. Led by Överste Axel von Arbin, the first companies of the regiment were the spearhead of a long, drawn-out columns of men, horses, guns and carriages of the Fjärde Arméfördelningen.

The week-old campaign had brought the regiment and the division-sized command they were part of a long way from Östmark and the border. They had bypassed the torched ruins of the small hamlets Lundersæter and Hokkåsen, and from there continued their march towards Brandval and Roverud. And now they were here, cautiously approaching the sleepy farming hamlet at the eastern shores of Glomma.

This was the spot that the Swedish HQ had chosen for forced crossing of the river. Outside of the artillery range of Norwegian fixed fortifications further south, the Swedish planners had been correct in their estimations - the Norwegian planners had deemed this to be an unlikely place to invade. But ever since the beginning of the war the Norwegians had had ample time to correct their plans and to anticipate the most likely target of the Swedish advance. They had thus prepared themselves for the battle ahead.

The skirmishes between local Norwegian guerrilla groups and the cavalry scouts of the Swedish I:a Armén had started from the very moment the first Swedish combat patrols had crossed the border, and the night raids and ambushes conducted by the local dødsgjenger had already delayed the Swedish march westwards considerably. The cavalry formations, originally tasked to act as the scouting force, had been forced to disperse to the flanks of the Swedish supply routes, trying in vain to pursue the elusive Norwegian riflemen through the dense forests of Særkilampi region.

The Swedish patrols that nervously crept towards the river's edge had already gained a healthy respect towards their foe. The men of these first scout patrols were constantly expecting to meet a volley of well-aimed fire from hidden marksmen armed with Krag-Jørgensens. But the autumn day was eerily quiet. The sun had risen, the view to the river valley was scenic and beautiful, with trees clad in autumn colours. The village was untouched and empty, as the inhabitants had fled from their homes days ago.

But the Norwegians were present. Aside from the occasional lens flares from binoculars on the western bank, they remained hidden at the forests and hills. Here, below the canopy and hidden from the view from eastern bank, they had erected breastworks and prepared entrenchments.

The harvested fields and the rolling pastures of the sleepy Grue region offered excellent fields of fire, while the forested hills provided ample cover for the defenders. Here the Norwegian defenders waited and observed the activity on the eastern bank.

Most of these soldiers were older reservists of the Søndmør Landværnsbataillon: gruesome and shabby-looking lot with their older blue uniforms, caps, beards and moustaches. Their ranks were bolstered by few companies of the Landværnsbataillon drafted from the reservists of the prestigious light infantry formation, Norske Jægerkorps. Supported by four 7,5cm field artillery batteries and two Hotchkiss Mitraljøse machine guns, the defenders had orders to wait and lay low, until the Swedes would begin to cross the river.

The difficult terrain and crowded dirt roads meant that the Swedish artillery train was always dragging behind the infantry formations, and the first batteries of the Svea artilleriregemente had been able to get here only through immense amount of work and effort from the gun crews and their horses. Once they arrived to the fields of Grue, the Swedish gunners went to work. Tired from the days of marching and frustrated from the lack of action they had so far seen, the artillerymen eagerly begun to set up firing positions. Most commanding officers dutifully followed the standing doctrine of placing their batteries out in the open, while the signalmen of the Kungl. Fälttelegrafkåren labored to set up the field telephone lines between the batteries and their command posts.

Meanwhile the soldiers of the Södermanland Regiment had set up small campfires and drank coffee, enjoying the warmth of the autumn sun. Finally they had moment to rest, while waiting for the arrival of rest of the regiment and the Arméfördelningen. Once the artillery and engineers would arrive, they knew that it would be their task to once again take the lead, and cross the river before nightfall.

 

[SenatorChickpea]

This is going to be gruesome, and fascinating.

 

[Keb]

So, everyone gets a crash course in industrial warfare ... except in Europe this time. This does bring up the question: will the Great Powers be paying attention to what's happening and learn the correct lessons from the war? They didn't exactly do that with the Russo-Japanese war IOTL.