One hopes not, or the state of scholarship in this ATL will be atrocious! I just published my first paper a few months back and, despite hating the back and forth with the editor, looking back he saved me from looking like a barely literate idiot.
The Amalingian Empire: The Story of the Gothic-Roman Empire
- Thread starter DanMcCollum
- Start date
One hopes not, or the state of scholarship in this ATL will be atrocious! I just published my first paper a few months back and, despite hating the back and forth with the editor, looking back he saved me from looking like a barely literate idiot.
That is entirely possible - most people didn't become widely literate until recent decades. That could easily have been delayed, especially with the removal of Charlemagne's 'renaissance' to save huge amounts of ancient work.
- BNC
- BNC
Although there is no Carolingian Renaissance, the Goths have worked pretty hard to translate Greco-Roman works into Gothic, and Theodemir opened up a University to help train Gothic clergy and administrators. Although there is still a noticable drop is literacy from the Roman Era to the Gothic Era, I think thinks are relatively better under the Amalings than they were at the same point in OTL (sparing Italy from the Gothic Wars helps!)
Chapter 40 The Land of God and War
Chapter 40
The Land of God and War
Iconic depiction of Mar Abba the Great of the Church of the East.
“O! Lord of desert sands
Lord of hot, dry winds
Whose noble warrior bands
Fight to extinguish their sins
While men of many faiths do hear
Your single voice and fear.”
- Liam McGowan, Yearningist Poet [FN1]
Of Fire and Might: A History of Politics and Religion in Sassanid Persia
By: Coahm O’Seachnall
[Royal University Press: Carrickfergus, Kingdom of Gaelia, 1992]
…
The death of Kuwas and the succession of his son Khavahd II was a peaceful occurance. Despite the upheaval of Kuwas’ early reign, his victories over the Rhomans and the Arabic states had gained legitimacy for his many reforms. Although raising the Mazdakian sect over the traditional Orthodox Zorastrian priests caused turmoil, this subsided in later years; partially because a number of his most prominent Magi opponents died during the Plague of Belisarius, but also because a new generation of nobility were coming to power to whom Mazdakianism had been the norm throughout their lives.
However, the old tensions did not abate fully. Whereas Mazdakianism drew its support from Persia’s eastern lands, Orthodox Zoroastrianism remained powerful in the western provinces from which is had first sprang centuries before. These lands were essential to the Sasanian state as they were where the dynasty had first rose to prominence and from where it drew much of its manpower. Ever since the rise of the Sasanian dynasty in the 3rd century AD, the royal family had derived its legitimacy by being patrons and supports of the Zoroastrian faith. The reforms of Kuwas and the adoption of Mazdakianism reversed this traditional policy. Kuwas attempted to compensate by drawing support from the Empire’s peasantry, who were strong support of, and benefited from, Mazdakianism. Iconographic evidence hints that Khavahd II felt the need to reassert the dynasty’s traditional legitimacy by associating with Zoroastrianism. Coins and inscriptions created during his reign present traditional Zoroastrian symbols next to those associated with the newer sect. It seems logical to assume that that Khavahd II sought to present Mazdakianism as a reformation of Zoroastrianism, and a return to the purity of the older faith. [FN1]
If this is correct, the attempts failed. Although Mazdakianism remained popular amongst the peasantry during Khavahd II’s reign, it made only small gains throughout the traditional nobility. Most nobles remained adherents to the Orthodox sect, having no need for the communalism that Mazdakianism promoted and which threatened to further erode their own personal power. Their loyalty to Khavahd, like that to his father, stemmed from the Shah’s abilities in battle, as well as his personal charisma. Khavahd was reputed to be a highly gracious and popular man who built strong personal connections to those thought fought with him and served him.
Those nobles who drifted away from Orthodoxy had a greater tendency of accepting the growing Christian movement of the Church of the East. Although previous rulers had persecuted the Church, Kuwas and his son both rescinded the persecution, believing that the Christians would be useful allies against the Orthodox Magi. Christianity appealed to many members of the nobility for it preached many of the same ideals as Mazdakianism without promising to undermine their personal power and came with an established hierarchy and governmental structure. Mar Ezekiel I, leader of the Eastern Church, exploited the end of the persecution and built upon the work of his predecessor Aba to reach out to as many Persians as possible. Like Aba, Ezekiel was a former Zoroastrian who converted to Christianity as a young man. He had been a Mazdakian who came to regret what he saw as the excesses of the movement and the anarchy they threatened to unleash upon Persia. Due to his background he understood the Persian peoples and the Zoroastrian faith and released several writings during his life which have gone down as classic defenses of Eastern Christianity, logically arguing for the correctness of the Nestorian position, while also stressing the need to remain loyal to the Persian state. [FN1]
…
Although Khavahd II’s early reign was marked by a string of victories against the Arabic states in the eastern peninsula – victories that would increase tension with Himyar as it sought hegemony over the entirety of the Arabian peninsula – growing unrest forced him to turn his eyes back to the East. From 573 through 585 a number of Orthodox revolts burned through the Sassanian state, led by the Magi and rebellious eastern nobles. The most major of these revolts was a war that lasted between 776 through 780 and came close to toppling Khavadh in favor of his cousin Hormizd. The rebels were pushed back and defeated, and the Shah was forced to spend the next five years pacifying eastern Persia. His response to the final end of the revolt was uncharacteristically harsh, for a man who was prided on his amiable relations. Mazdakianism had long fought for the extinguishing of all sacred fires except for the three most prominent. Khavadh bowed to the wishes of the Mazdakian priests and had the other flames forcibly extinguished, sending his soldiers to destroy all other temples. He also confiscated the lands of the rebellious nobles and gave them to the peasants, allowing them to choose their own leaders to rule over them. [FN3]
The Desert Wheel: The Rise of Manichaenism in Arabia [vol. VI of “The Cross, the Star, the Flame and the Wheel: Studies in the Faiths of the Middle East”]
By: Dariush Esfahani
[Mar Simon University Press, Ctesiphon, 2009]
…
Although Manichaeism had been present in Arabia for over two centuries, it was but one of many faiths that co-mingled in that desert peninsula, competing for converts with Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians and the traditional pagan traditions of that land. It was not until the time of the Prophet Abdul-Bari that it began to experience the dramatic gains that would eventually lead it to become the dominant force in, not only Arabia, much much of Africa and the Indian Ocean.
Not much can be said for sure about Abdul-Bari. Held in reverence as the most holy figure of the Arabian Manichaeist sect, much was written about him in the early years of the faith. However, most of these works are hagiography at heart and less concerned with giving an accurate appraisal of Abdul-Bari’s life and more concerned with teaching important moral lessons to those that came later. This is very similar to the problems faced with scholars attempting to trace the historical roots of Jesus Christ, Agmundr Thorson, or the Buddha, or a multitude of other holy figures.
A general historical consensus has arisen over the years, which I will explain here. For those willing to dig deeper into this fascinating subject, I would happily suggest that they seek out the work of Petros Galanos and his wonderful work The Search for the Historical Abdul-Bari. I am greatly indebted to his work and much of the following summary derives from his scholarship.
…
Abdul-Bari was a Bedouin trader that grew up within the community of Yanbo. At an early age, his father was killed in a raid upon his caravan, and his mother died; possibly during the Plague of Belisarius, which we know struck the region with a particular vengeance. Orphaned at a young age, he apparently ran the streets for a number of years. All biographies of Abdul-Bari stress his years on the street as a formative experience in the Prophet’s early life and use them to explain his particular devotion to the poor and orphans in later life. Eventually, he was taken in by a rich merchant named Ibrahim Maloof, a member of the local Arabic Jewish community and a leader in the city. Under Maloof’s guidance, Abdul-Bari was taught the in and outs of the merchant trade and even became a member of the family by marrying Maloof’s daughter, Ayisha. [FN4]
…
With the support of Maloof, Abdul-Bari became a prominent merchant in his own right and was soon being viewed as one of the most prominent members of Yanbo. However, he was deeply unhappy. Although he never appears to have adopted the Judaism of his patron, Abdul-Bari began a search for spiritual enlightenment that would come to set the course for the rest of his life. We are told, and have no reason to doubt, that he jumped from one faith to another, becoming the follower of Monophysite Christianity, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism in turn. Finally, he fell into the circle of a charismatic preacher Faquad, a Manichaen. He quickly became recognized as one of Faquad’s most promising disciples. After his teacher’s death – we aren’t sure the exact date, but it was likely in the 570s – he became the new leader of the community.
Abdul-Bari became a noted preacher in his own right, using his merchant connections and prominence to draw many new converted into the fold. This was during the era in which Himyar was spreading its dominance throughout the entire Hejaz region. Although Ibrahim the Magnificent proved tolerant of religious differences within his realm, there was no question that he favored Jews in his administration. As many prominent members of Judaism were promoted to top positions within Ibrahim’s government in Yanbo, a natural backlash occurred. On the frontier, and far from the seat of power Yanbo proved difficult to administer. The traditional pagan families appear to have returned to power and done so with a vengeance. This pattern would be repeated throughout the Hejaz as Himyar rule began to unravel during the end of the 6th century and early 7th century.
In Yanbo, the newly reestablished Pagan rulers chose to persecute many of the city’s religious minorities. The city’s Jewish residents bore the greatest brunt of these attacks, but Abdul-Bari’s Manichaenism also faced their fair share of persecution. Eventually it was decided by the group to flee the city and head out into the desert for their own safety. They would wander from community to community for the next two decades, surviving as traders, and growing in numbers as they passed through city after city. One of the greatest converts was a caravan-man by the name of Abbas who would become one of the greatest figures in Arabian history following Abdul-Bari himself. Athough the Prophet himself remained illiterate, others in his circle took down his words and passed them around; these forming the basis of the Book of the Prophet which would become the most holy book in the faith, even eclipsing those of Mani himself.
…
One of the most striking features of the Manichaeism that developed in Arabia is that it diverged from the, for lack of a better term, orthodox faith in a number of important ways. We have no evidence that Abdul-Bari preached that he was the reincarnation of the prophet Mani, but in the decades following his death, this became the common view. Abdul-Bari also introduced a number of important reforms which helped the faith spread amongst the Arabian people. In traditional Manichaeism, and in the non-Arabian sects that still exist in Central Asia and China to this very day, the Church had a strong hierarchy in which the Elect were the leaders and open to salvation and the congregation were merely ‘Hearers.’ In Arabia the Elect and Hearers maintained their distinction, but with several notable differences. Abdul-Bari preached that Hearers were entitled to the same salvation as the election. Furthermore, although the Arabian sect maintained the traditional view that Satan had helped create the world, it made two important innovations. First, it stressed that God was still greater than that the victory of good over evil was assured. Secondly, it said that the good had a duty to spread the faith in order to redeem creation. As a result, Arabian Manichaeism developed the belief that evil could be conquered and that it was the duty of all followers to help turn the world into a paradise. Finally, traditional Manichaeism was famous for its attempts to adopt figures from other religions. Abdul-Bari took this a step further and openly preached that other major faiths, such as Christianity, Judiasm or Zoroastrianism were corrupted versions of the true faith. The followers of these religions still worshipped the One True God and were opposed to Satan, even if their understandings were corrupted by the Devil. Because of this, followers of other faiths were to be protected at all costs, so that they might be brought into the fold of the true church. Perhaps based on his own life experiences, Abdul-Bari strictly forbid any efforts to persecute other Dualistic of Monotheistic faiths, claiming that all who did so did the work of Satan. Although this traditional protection did not spread to Pagan faiths (indeed the Arabian Manichaeists found themselves strongly opposed to Pagans in their early history), and religious violence would occur, it is notable that throughout the history of the faith, a great deal of toleration continued to be extended towards believers of all religions and the Manichaens would often attempt to absorb pagan figures in their efforts to spread their faith.
…
As a result of these reforms, Arabian Manichaenism became much less heriarchial than the more traditional forms of the faith. The Elect continued to exist, and they were seen as a spiritual peak which was to be strived for, but the Hearers were seen as just as worthy of salvation. Despite accepting that the world was created by Satan, the Arabian Manichaenism believed that it was still redeemable and, as a result, were deeply involved in the world. Because of this, many Manichaens gave freely to charaties and this, in turn, inspired further converts.
…
By the time of the Holy War in the 620s, the Manichaens were a vibrant religious minority within Arabia. Although persecuted in many cities, and hated by the Pagans, they were loved by many residents for their charity and pious ways. A self sufficient community, they were well placed to take advantage of the chaos caused by the fall of Himyar in that decade. In doing so, they went from a small desert sect to one of the major forces in the world, in just a few short decades. [FN5]
[FN1] Mazdakianism can best be seen as an attempt to reform the Zoroastrian faith and ‘get back to the basics.’ In many ways it resembles some of the more radical beliefs that arose in Christianity during the Reformation era. Since getting coopted by the Shah, Mazdakianism has been forced to moderate somewhat. The Shahs see it as a potent weapon to undermine the traditional priesthood and nobility, but have no desire to follow through on all Mazdakian designs. Despite this, it had introduced a limited amount of communalism throughout Persia and, as such, remains very popular amongst the peasantry.
[FN2] Mar Ezekiel shares a name with a historical figure from this same time, but not the personality. This Mar Ezekial is a dynamic leader who is taking advantage of the political and religious conflict around him to grow his Church. The fact that he is Persian himself, and also stresses the need for loyalty to the state, makes it difficult to paint him as a dangerous radical. Meanwhile, he not only speaks and writes in Persian but knows the people, making it possible to craft his message directly to the Persian peoples. Furthermore, it doesn’t hurt that he is actually a rather brilliant writer and speaker.
[FN3] I think its safe to assume the Khavahd was terrified by the rebellion and acted vengefully in its aftermath as a result. These actions further reinforce the dynasty’s loyalty to Mazdakianism, and the Mazdakian loyalty to the dynasty. Although it effectively ends the rebellions, as nobles and priests now see the full extent of what awaits them if they rebel against the throne, but it also puts pressure upon those in the middle who may were alienated by the throne’s harsh actions.
[FN4] It would be very easy to simply make Abdul-Bari a clone of Muhammad. However, I think that would be cheating, considering that I’m pretty staunch in my butterflies. I hope that the biography I set out help set him apart from the historical template.
[FN5] I have been envisioning the Manichaens in Arabia since the beginning of the timeline and building up to their rise. From an early time, I felt that the faith that arose there would not be traditional Manicaenism, but a breakway sect that would better suit the conditions of Arabia. In some ways it’s a hybrid between the Manichaenism of OTL as well as early Islam. I hope that I have expressed this clearly and, if you want any further clarification, please ask. I will answer what questions I can and, if needed, will develop it further in a later post.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
All right, as promised, here is the new chapter I thought, before we move forward in the Middle East, it would be good to focus a chapter on the religious developments of the region. As you will see in later posts, religion is going to play a huge part in the coming events, and it seems pertinent to spend some time reviewing what has happened and how these faiths have developed. As always, please feel free to share thought thoughts and concerns!
The Land of God and War
Iconic depiction of Mar Abba the Great of the Church of the East.
“O! Lord of desert sands
Lord of hot, dry winds
Whose noble warrior bands
Fight to extinguish their sins
While men of many faiths do hear
Your single voice and fear.”
- Liam McGowan, Yearningist Poet [FN1]
Of Fire and Might: A History of Politics and Religion in Sassanid Persia
By: Coahm O’Seachnall
[Royal University Press: Carrickfergus, Kingdom of Gaelia, 1992]
…
The death of Kuwas and the succession of his son Khavahd II was a peaceful occurance. Despite the upheaval of Kuwas’ early reign, his victories over the Rhomans and the Arabic states had gained legitimacy for his many reforms. Although raising the Mazdakian sect over the traditional Orthodox Zorastrian priests caused turmoil, this subsided in later years; partially because a number of his most prominent Magi opponents died during the Plague of Belisarius, but also because a new generation of nobility were coming to power to whom Mazdakianism had been the norm throughout their lives.
However, the old tensions did not abate fully. Whereas Mazdakianism drew its support from Persia’s eastern lands, Orthodox Zoroastrianism remained powerful in the western provinces from which is had first sprang centuries before. These lands were essential to the Sasanian state as they were where the dynasty had first rose to prominence and from where it drew much of its manpower. Ever since the rise of the Sasanian dynasty in the 3rd century AD, the royal family had derived its legitimacy by being patrons and supports of the Zoroastrian faith. The reforms of Kuwas and the adoption of Mazdakianism reversed this traditional policy. Kuwas attempted to compensate by drawing support from the Empire’s peasantry, who were strong support of, and benefited from, Mazdakianism. Iconographic evidence hints that Khavahd II felt the need to reassert the dynasty’s traditional legitimacy by associating with Zoroastrianism. Coins and inscriptions created during his reign present traditional Zoroastrian symbols next to those associated with the newer sect. It seems logical to assume that that Khavahd II sought to present Mazdakianism as a reformation of Zoroastrianism, and a return to the purity of the older faith. [FN1]
If this is correct, the attempts failed. Although Mazdakianism remained popular amongst the peasantry during Khavahd II’s reign, it made only small gains throughout the traditional nobility. Most nobles remained adherents to the Orthodox sect, having no need for the communalism that Mazdakianism promoted and which threatened to further erode their own personal power. Their loyalty to Khavahd, like that to his father, stemmed from the Shah’s abilities in battle, as well as his personal charisma. Khavahd was reputed to be a highly gracious and popular man who built strong personal connections to those thought fought with him and served him.
Those nobles who drifted away from Orthodoxy had a greater tendency of accepting the growing Christian movement of the Church of the East. Although previous rulers had persecuted the Church, Kuwas and his son both rescinded the persecution, believing that the Christians would be useful allies against the Orthodox Magi. Christianity appealed to many members of the nobility for it preached many of the same ideals as Mazdakianism without promising to undermine their personal power and came with an established hierarchy and governmental structure. Mar Ezekiel I, leader of the Eastern Church, exploited the end of the persecution and built upon the work of his predecessor Aba to reach out to as many Persians as possible. Like Aba, Ezekiel was a former Zoroastrian who converted to Christianity as a young man. He had been a Mazdakian who came to regret what he saw as the excesses of the movement and the anarchy they threatened to unleash upon Persia. Due to his background he understood the Persian peoples and the Zoroastrian faith and released several writings during his life which have gone down as classic defenses of Eastern Christianity, logically arguing for the correctness of the Nestorian position, while also stressing the need to remain loyal to the Persian state. [FN1]
…
Although Khavahd II’s early reign was marked by a string of victories against the Arabic states in the eastern peninsula – victories that would increase tension with Himyar as it sought hegemony over the entirety of the Arabian peninsula – growing unrest forced him to turn his eyes back to the East. From 573 through 585 a number of Orthodox revolts burned through the Sassanian state, led by the Magi and rebellious eastern nobles. The most major of these revolts was a war that lasted between 776 through 780 and came close to toppling Khavadh in favor of his cousin Hormizd. The rebels were pushed back and defeated, and the Shah was forced to spend the next five years pacifying eastern Persia. His response to the final end of the revolt was uncharacteristically harsh, for a man who was prided on his amiable relations. Mazdakianism had long fought for the extinguishing of all sacred fires except for the three most prominent. Khavadh bowed to the wishes of the Mazdakian priests and had the other flames forcibly extinguished, sending his soldiers to destroy all other temples. He also confiscated the lands of the rebellious nobles and gave them to the peasants, allowing them to choose their own leaders to rule over them. [FN3]
The Desert Wheel: The Rise of Manichaenism in Arabia [vol. VI of “The Cross, the Star, the Flame and the Wheel: Studies in the Faiths of the Middle East”]
By: Dariush Esfahani
[Mar Simon University Press, Ctesiphon, 2009]
…
Although Manichaeism had been present in Arabia for over two centuries, it was but one of many faiths that co-mingled in that desert peninsula, competing for converts with Christians, Jews, Zoroastrians and the traditional pagan traditions of that land. It was not until the time of the Prophet Abdul-Bari that it began to experience the dramatic gains that would eventually lead it to become the dominant force in, not only Arabia, much much of Africa and the Indian Ocean.
Not much can be said for sure about Abdul-Bari. Held in reverence as the most holy figure of the Arabian Manichaeist sect, much was written about him in the early years of the faith. However, most of these works are hagiography at heart and less concerned with giving an accurate appraisal of Abdul-Bari’s life and more concerned with teaching important moral lessons to those that came later. This is very similar to the problems faced with scholars attempting to trace the historical roots of Jesus Christ, Agmundr Thorson, or the Buddha, or a multitude of other holy figures.
A general historical consensus has arisen over the years, which I will explain here. For those willing to dig deeper into this fascinating subject, I would happily suggest that they seek out the work of Petros Galanos and his wonderful work The Search for the Historical Abdul-Bari. I am greatly indebted to his work and much of the following summary derives from his scholarship.
…
Abdul-Bari was a Bedouin trader that grew up within the community of Yanbo. At an early age, his father was killed in a raid upon his caravan, and his mother died; possibly during the Plague of Belisarius, which we know struck the region with a particular vengeance. Orphaned at a young age, he apparently ran the streets for a number of years. All biographies of Abdul-Bari stress his years on the street as a formative experience in the Prophet’s early life and use them to explain his particular devotion to the poor and orphans in later life. Eventually, he was taken in by a rich merchant named Ibrahim Maloof, a member of the local Arabic Jewish community and a leader in the city. Under Maloof’s guidance, Abdul-Bari was taught the in and outs of the merchant trade and even became a member of the family by marrying Maloof’s daughter, Ayisha. [FN4]
…
With the support of Maloof, Abdul-Bari became a prominent merchant in his own right and was soon being viewed as one of the most prominent members of Yanbo. However, he was deeply unhappy. Although he never appears to have adopted the Judaism of his patron, Abdul-Bari began a search for spiritual enlightenment that would come to set the course for the rest of his life. We are told, and have no reason to doubt, that he jumped from one faith to another, becoming the follower of Monophysite Christianity, Judaism, and Zoroastrianism in turn. Finally, he fell into the circle of a charismatic preacher Faquad, a Manichaen. He quickly became recognized as one of Faquad’s most promising disciples. After his teacher’s death – we aren’t sure the exact date, but it was likely in the 570s – he became the new leader of the community.
Abdul-Bari became a noted preacher in his own right, using his merchant connections and prominence to draw many new converted into the fold. This was during the era in which Himyar was spreading its dominance throughout the entire Hejaz region. Although Ibrahim the Magnificent proved tolerant of religious differences within his realm, there was no question that he favored Jews in his administration. As many prominent members of Judaism were promoted to top positions within Ibrahim’s government in Yanbo, a natural backlash occurred. On the frontier, and far from the seat of power Yanbo proved difficult to administer. The traditional pagan families appear to have returned to power and done so with a vengeance. This pattern would be repeated throughout the Hejaz as Himyar rule began to unravel during the end of the 6th century and early 7th century.
In Yanbo, the newly reestablished Pagan rulers chose to persecute many of the city’s religious minorities. The city’s Jewish residents bore the greatest brunt of these attacks, but Abdul-Bari’s Manichaenism also faced their fair share of persecution. Eventually it was decided by the group to flee the city and head out into the desert for their own safety. They would wander from community to community for the next two decades, surviving as traders, and growing in numbers as they passed through city after city. One of the greatest converts was a caravan-man by the name of Abbas who would become one of the greatest figures in Arabian history following Abdul-Bari himself. Athough the Prophet himself remained illiterate, others in his circle took down his words and passed them around; these forming the basis of the Book of the Prophet which would become the most holy book in the faith, even eclipsing those of Mani himself.
…
One of the most striking features of the Manichaeism that developed in Arabia is that it diverged from the, for lack of a better term, orthodox faith in a number of important ways. We have no evidence that Abdul-Bari preached that he was the reincarnation of the prophet Mani, but in the decades following his death, this became the common view. Abdul-Bari also introduced a number of important reforms which helped the faith spread amongst the Arabian people. In traditional Manichaeism, and in the non-Arabian sects that still exist in Central Asia and China to this very day, the Church had a strong hierarchy in which the Elect were the leaders and open to salvation and the congregation were merely ‘Hearers.’ In Arabia the Elect and Hearers maintained their distinction, but with several notable differences. Abdul-Bari preached that Hearers were entitled to the same salvation as the election. Furthermore, although the Arabian sect maintained the traditional view that Satan had helped create the world, it made two important innovations. First, it stressed that God was still greater than that the victory of good over evil was assured. Secondly, it said that the good had a duty to spread the faith in order to redeem creation. As a result, Arabian Manichaeism developed the belief that evil could be conquered and that it was the duty of all followers to help turn the world into a paradise. Finally, traditional Manichaeism was famous for its attempts to adopt figures from other religions. Abdul-Bari took this a step further and openly preached that other major faiths, such as Christianity, Judiasm or Zoroastrianism were corrupted versions of the true faith. The followers of these religions still worshipped the One True God and were opposed to Satan, even if their understandings were corrupted by the Devil. Because of this, followers of other faiths were to be protected at all costs, so that they might be brought into the fold of the true church. Perhaps based on his own life experiences, Abdul-Bari strictly forbid any efforts to persecute other Dualistic of Monotheistic faiths, claiming that all who did so did the work of Satan. Although this traditional protection did not spread to Pagan faiths (indeed the Arabian Manichaeists found themselves strongly opposed to Pagans in their early history), and religious violence would occur, it is notable that throughout the history of the faith, a great deal of toleration continued to be extended towards believers of all religions and the Manichaens would often attempt to absorb pagan figures in their efforts to spread their faith.
…
As a result of these reforms, Arabian Manichaenism became much less heriarchial than the more traditional forms of the faith. The Elect continued to exist, and they were seen as a spiritual peak which was to be strived for, but the Hearers were seen as just as worthy of salvation. Despite accepting that the world was created by Satan, the Arabian Manichaenism believed that it was still redeemable and, as a result, were deeply involved in the world. Because of this, many Manichaens gave freely to charaties and this, in turn, inspired further converts.
…
By the time of the Holy War in the 620s, the Manichaens were a vibrant religious minority within Arabia. Although persecuted in many cities, and hated by the Pagans, they were loved by many residents for their charity and pious ways. A self sufficient community, they were well placed to take advantage of the chaos caused by the fall of Himyar in that decade. In doing so, they went from a small desert sect to one of the major forces in the world, in just a few short decades. [FN5]
[FN1] Mazdakianism can best be seen as an attempt to reform the Zoroastrian faith and ‘get back to the basics.’ In many ways it resembles some of the more radical beliefs that arose in Christianity during the Reformation era. Since getting coopted by the Shah, Mazdakianism has been forced to moderate somewhat. The Shahs see it as a potent weapon to undermine the traditional priesthood and nobility, but have no desire to follow through on all Mazdakian designs. Despite this, it had introduced a limited amount of communalism throughout Persia and, as such, remains very popular amongst the peasantry.
[FN2] Mar Ezekiel shares a name with a historical figure from this same time, but not the personality. This Mar Ezekial is a dynamic leader who is taking advantage of the political and religious conflict around him to grow his Church. The fact that he is Persian himself, and also stresses the need for loyalty to the state, makes it difficult to paint him as a dangerous radical. Meanwhile, he not only speaks and writes in Persian but knows the people, making it possible to craft his message directly to the Persian peoples. Furthermore, it doesn’t hurt that he is actually a rather brilliant writer and speaker.
[FN3] I think its safe to assume the Khavahd was terrified by the rebellion and acted vengefully in its aftermath as a result. These actions further reinforce the dynasty’s loyalty to Mazdakianism, and the Mazdakian loyalty to the dynasty. Although it effectively ends the rebellions, as nobles and priests now see the full extent of what awaits them if they rebel against the throne, but it also puts pressure upon those in the middle who may were alienated by the throne’s harsh actions.
[FN4] It would be very easy to simply make Abdul-Bari a clone of Muhammad. However, I think that would be cheating, considering that I’m pretty staunch in my butterflies. I hope that the biography I set out help set him apart from the historical template.
[FN5] I have been envisioning the Manichaens in Arabia since the beginning of the timeline and building up to their rise. From an early time, I felt that the faith that arose there would not be traditional Manicaenism, but a breakway sect that would better suit the conditions of Arabia. In some ways it’s a hybrid between the Manichaenism of OTL as well as early Islam. I hope that I have expressed this clearly and, if you want any further clarification, please ask. I will answer what questions I can and, if needed, will develop it further in a later post.
-----------------------------------------------------------------
All right, as promised, here is the new chapter
I thought, before we move forward in the Middle East, it would be good to focus a chapter on the religious developments of the region. As you will see in later posts, religion is going to play a huge part in the coming events, and it seems pertinent to spend some time reviewing what has happened and how these faiths have developed. As always, please feel free to share thought thoughts and concerns!
Last edited:
Nice chapter! I like the idea of Manichaeism taking some aspects of OTL Islam. More of a silly question than anything, will you use the word "manichee" to describe a follower of the Manichean faith?
I think I can definitely use Manichee
Nice chapter! I like the idea of Manichaeism taking some aspects of OTL Islam. More of a silly question than anything, will you use the word "manichee" to describe a follower of the Manichean faith?
On a more serious note, I really wanted to craft a form of Manichaeism that was similar, yet different, from that which developed in OTL. I figure that a charismatic prophet could bend the faith to better fit the climate of Arabia. I plan on going into more details on the faith in a later post (not right away), but if anyone out there is well versed in their Manichaeism, I would love any suggestions for developments that you might have.
In the next day or two I plan on posting a quick update which lists all of the major rulers up until this point in the timeline. This is meaning to help the reader understanding what has come before, but also to help a certain writer (me!) keep the same thing straight. One of the greatest, and most difficult, aspects of this timeline is that It has gotten so far along and detailed that its difficult not to miss thing and make mistake. Hopefully thing will help the readers, and myself, out
Can't believe I missed this had returned! And some good stuff, too: Irish Vikings avant la lettre [1], some more hints re the future and the New World (what ethnicity is Sheshebens? And I know it probably is from Markland or some such, but now I can't help thinking of Mike sailing the ocean blue in something 92 ), *Yemen conquering *Ethiopia rather than the other way around, a Manichean Arabia (and who knows what else?) and a Nestorian Iran (perhaps) in the works, and I don't really understand this:
A proper Jewish Messiah should bring in global Jewish rule, no? Is this some sort of alt-Jesus whose followers stay true to Jewish law?
[1] "We were raiding and pillaging Western Europe before it was cool."
), *Yemen conquering *Ethiopia rather than the other way around, a Manichean Arabia (and who knows what else?) and a Nestorian Iran (perhaps) in the works, and I don't really understand this:A proper Jewish Messiah should bring in global Jewish rule, no? Is this some sort of alt-Jesus whose followers stay true to Jewish law?
[1] "We were raiding and pillaging Western Europe before it was cool."
Glad to have you back and glad to be back! I won't give away too much (that would be cheating, and I so love being cryptic), but I will say that the Jewish people in OTL and the ATL had differing interpretations of just who or what the Messiah will be. In this timeline, someone will come along who a majority will be able to point too and say "he was the Messiah". I've given a few hints in other posts as to who this person is, in case anyone needed a reason to back back and re-read sections
As for the Shinabe. I will say that they are a North American people. I'm going to be vague, not because it's a huge plot point, but because I'm still trying to formulate how North America looks in the *modern day in my head.
Also, yes, the Gaels are the ultimate hipsters in the ATL.
A good point! I actually have a book about the Bogomils and Manichaens, I need to find and review. It got misplaced when I last moved.
"glad its bad"
Seriously, though, I'm glad you've enjoyed reading it! I should be doing a new update pretty soon, so please look out for it. Also, if you have any questions (or, hell, even suggestions) please feel to shoot them my way. I always enjoy discussing different topics with readers!
Zioneer
Banned
Whoops, I meant to say "back", my bad."glad its bad"
Seriously, though, I'm glad you've enjoyed reading it! I should be doing a new update pretty soon, so please look out for it. Also, if you have any questions (or, hell, even suggestions) please feel to shoot them my way. I always enjoy discussing different topics with readers!
But yeah, I've enjoyed reading it since... looks like I was one of your first commentators back in 2011. Enjoyed it since. And I still love Gothic names.
Whoops, I meant to say "back", my bad.
But yeah, I've enjoyed reading it since... looks like I was one of your first commentators back in 2011. Enjoyed it since. And I still love Gothic names.
LOL
The teacher in me had to point that out
Chapter 41 The Desert Sands Are Burning
Chapter 41
The Desert Sands Are Burning
A Mountain pass in the Hejaz, remembered as the site where Abbas al-Hassan was first brought into the Manichaen fold
“The sons of Ishmael and the sons of Isaac shall both stretch forth their hands from the desert and attain their rightful inheritance.” – prophecy attributed to Abu-Bari
The Desert Wheel: The Rise of Manichaeism in Arabia [vol. VI of “The Cross, the Star, the Flame and the Wheel: Studies in the Faiths of the Middle East”]
By: Dariush Esfahani
[Mar Simon University Press, Ctesiphon, 2009]
…
Following the death of Ibrahim the Magnificent in, roughly, 585, Himyar again goes dark to the historical record. No histories of biographies were written which follow the travails of Ibrahim’s successors. In their place, the years following the death of the great king, and the rise of the Arabic Alkumnulith, are mainly recorded in a number of folktales and legends. These stories tell the tale of a Kingdom gripped by dynastic violence, as all three of Ibrahim’s sons turned on one another and sought to secure their own claim to the throne. In the end, Himyar was claimed by Ishmael the Righteous, who’s reign would see the dissolution of much of his father’s work and the eventual overthrow of the Kingdom. These stories were full of desert dwelling Jinn, barging made with the Devil and other fantastical events sent to stir the imagination of the reader.
Although these stories were long disregarded by the scholarly community, the last half of a century found many famed scholars of Arabic history turn back to them to tease out the true historical details that may have inspired them. Historians turned, not just to the stories, but also to the events recorded in “The Story of the Godly Ones,” an early history that detailed the rise of the Alkumnulith, as well as several early biographies of Abdul-Bari the Prophet. Although written nearly a century after the events depicted, many believed that it recorded many older folk beliefs and also may have been based on an earlier history that has since been lost to us. Then, in 1998, a cache of coins was discovered in the desert around Yathrib; apparently buried by some citizen of that city during the troubles caused by the fall of Himyar. Included in the cache were coins which bore the name and image of not only Ishmael, but also his two younger brothers. Although this cache did not prove the veracity of the older tales, it indicated that those kings which featured in those stories existed and that there was a genuine historical kernel at the center of the myths.
The historical concensus that has developed in the decades since, generally is as follows: At the death of Ibrahim, his oldest son, Akeem inherited the throne. By all accounts he proved a largely ineffectual leader. Many of the folk tales that have survive depict him as being possessed by the Jinn and given to irrational bursts of fury. Although it would be impossible to state the historiocity of the belief that Akeem was possessed by demons, it does not seem increadibly to believe that he may have suffered from some form of mental illness. In either case, he appears to have ruled for only 6 years, as the first coins of his brother, Faris begin to to have been minted around the year 591 or 592. How he was deposed is unknown, although legends state that he threw himself off the pinnacle of the chief synogogue in the capitol in an attempt to prove that he could fly to the horrified citizens below.
What is interesting is that all stories agree that Faris was the younger brother. His older brother, Ishmael, was then seen as a drunk and wastrel who was deemed unfit for ruling the kingdom by the nobles. It was said that he would not embrace the Jewish faith of his fathers until well into his manhood, leaving the rule of Himyar to that of his youngest brother. Unfortunately, Faris proved, if less possessed, no more able to deal with the challenges of rule than Akeem. This may not have been entirely his fault. It seems that during Akeem’s kingdom, a pagan resurrgance was occurring throughout Arabia, and many of the cities of the Hejaz were openly rebelling, casting out their Jewish populations and reinstating the rule of their gods. Since we know that the Manichaens under Abdul-Bari were driven from Yahtoob around this same time, it would be a fair assumption to believe that their eviction was a side effect of this very same pagan uprising.
Eventually, as it became obvious that Faris was losing control of the Hejaz, there was growing rumblings about the weakness of his rule. We can not say for certain, of course, but his next actions appear those of a desperate man struggling to solidify his rule. Faris organized a large army and sought to subjugate the Hejaz once and for all, and to bring the rebels to heel. Unfortunately, the rebels chose a strategy of not meeting him in open battle, instead drawing him into the desert with hit and run tactics and melting away before a set battle could be set. As his army began to die of lack of supplies and disease, the defeated King began the long march back to Zafar. It was then that his foes struck, ambushing him in the desert, and killing him along with much of the cream of the Himyar nobility in the process.
The throne then passed to Ishmael. We cannot know how old he was at the time, but he was not a young man. Legends say that he had come to accept the Judiac faith years earlier and given up his previous ways, becoming a strict and rigid man in the process. It is impossible to say how successful his eventual campaigns in the Hejaz would be. Although stories tell that he successfully defeated the slayers of his brother, Manichean source are more vague. They report, throughout this era, that they continued to be persecuted by pagan rulers of cities, and also make reference to several Himyar expeditions in the region. What are we to make of this? The truth could be somewhere in the middle. Perhaps Ishmael’s initial foray was successful, but pagan rulers kept returning to power. Or it might be he was successful in capturing the killers of his brother, but unable to impose more than fleeting control over the Hejaz during his reign. [FN1]
In either case, it seems probable that Himyarite power was waning throughout the course of Ishmael’s rule. This was not helped by Ishmael himself, who is remembered as a zealot. References to him in Manichean sources, which are largely profoundly pro-Jewish in many regards, still depict him as a cold ruler, determined to enforce the Jewish faith, and harsh. These traits may have been spawned by his relatively late conversion, his belief that Judiasm was the only force that could hold his struggling realm together, or a number of other factors. However, it seems as his nickname of “The Righteous” was not entirely positive.
…
Following their fleeing from Yanbo, the Manichean under Abdul-Bari became dedicated traders, moving from city to city. They also adopted the habit of protecting caravans that passed through their territory. Not only did this win them wealth, which was shared evenly throughout the community, but also garnered them public sympathy and converts. The most prominent of these converts was Abbas al-Hassan, a caravan driver who narrowly escaped a raid on his party and was rescued by Abdul-Bari.
Much has been made in Arabic lore about al-Hassan’s initial cowardliness. Its impossible to know for certain if these stories are true, but it seems odd that such stories would develop around a great leader if they were not. We do know that, following his rescue, al-Hassan became a devout devotee of Abdul-Bari and quickly became a prominent member of the communitee. He eventually married Abdul-Bari’s youngest daughter and, as such, was accepted into the Prophet’s family.
…
As Himyar control over the Hejaz continued to deteriorate, the Manichean community grew in wealth, prominence and numbers. Although they were bitterly persecuted by many city rulers, they became favorites of others. Their habit of protecting caravans and escorting them to safety won them the admiration of the Arabic merchant class and also many converts, many of them amongst the wealthy elite. Since they called no particular city home, it was difficult to seriously attack them, and their growing numbers made that a difficult proposition.
…
The Prophet, Abdul-Bari passed away in 613. On his death bed, he asked the people who they wished should follow him. Stories tell us that, by acclamation, they demanded Abbas Al-Hassan to be hi successor. However, al-Hassan was initially reluctant. Although he had proven himself in battle and to be agifted political leader, he felt that it would be unseemly for him to also be the religious leader of the people. As a result, he came to the Prophet’s youngest son, Haubas, a particularly holy young man, and asked him to rule instead. Haubas demurred, saying that he could lead the flock and guide them on the spiritual path, but was not confident that he could rule the people. This story is probably apocryphal, but does indicate that, following the Prophet’s death, al-Hassan became the political ruler of the Manichaen peoples while Haubas became its religious leader. In many ways, this development showed a similar arrangement as that favored by the Emperor of Rome and the Patriarch of Constantinople, or the Emperor of the Goths and the Arian Fatar.
…
A year after the death of the Prophet, King Ishmael the Rightious passed away. And with his death, all of Arabia and much of the Middle East would come to be bathed in the flames of hell. [FN2]
[FN1] All right. The problem here is that, in the ATL, good sources in Himyar during this period are hard to come by, as we have established, and the author really doesn’t know what happened. However, as the omnipotent writer, I feel I can clarify somewhat.
So, Akeem was initially a fine young man and, in fact, was often compared to Ibrahim early in life. Unfortunately, a year into his reign, he came down ill with a brain fever. This affected him and made his actions more erratic and incapable of ruling effectively. He picked fights with top advisors, became more hedonistic in his behavior. At the same time, there was a Pagan reaction against Himyar rule and many cities chased out their governors. This began to spread and made Himyar rule weaker over the trading cities of the Hejaz.
Akeem died, much as the stories depict. There was a riot against his rule that occurred just as the King was in the midst of a particular drunken mood. In order to impress the rioters with his godliness, he climbed to the top of the palace (NOT the synagogue) and tried to calm the crowd by proving he could fly. It was a valiant attempt, to be sure, was was surprisingly ineffective.
Farik was actually a pretty good ruler, but was beset by indecision and was unable to make any headway in the Hejaz. He felt honor bound to fix the problems that Akeem had introduced, during his short reign, but was unable to really do so. Here our author gets it right; his attempt to invade the Hejaz was an attempt to solidify his rule and win the respect of his nobles. Unfortunately, he was not a proven commander and refused to listen to the advice of those who were (he was, after all, trying to prove himself). The results were about as disastrous as one would assume.
Ishmael, on the other hand, was a drunk he came to religion late in life and credited it with helping it turn his life around. He had the firm belief that God had saved him from his sins to bring righteousness to the world. Although a much more capable commander than Farik, he consistently had problems with the Hejaz. Although he could win the battles, it seemed as if his authority would evaporate the second his armies left. This led him to try to impose a stricter form of Judaism on the country than that practiced by his father. As a result, the Pagan rebels grew in power throughout his reign and consistently undercut him.
[FN2] Dum, dum, duuuuuuummmmmmmm
----------------------------------------------------------------------
All right, this chapter did not end up going as far as I thought it would, but was growing too long and unwieldy as it was. In the next chapter we will turn to the Fall of Himyar and then its impact upon the Middle East. I suspect another two or three chapter dealing with this region, and then we will turn out attention back to the Goths and the aftermath of the Fourth Punic War (god, as it been a long time since we've dealt with them!) Thank you so much to all old readers, and those new readers who have become interested in this timeline. I hope you are enjoying the ride!
The Desert Sands Are Burning
A Mountain pass in the Hejaz, remembered as the site where Abbas al-Hassan was first brought into the Manichaen fold
“The sons of Ishmael and the sons of Isaac shall both stretch forth their hands from the desert and attain their rightful inheritance.” – prophecy attributed to Abu-Bari
The Desert Wheel: The Rise of Manichaeism in Arabia [vol. VI of “The Cross, the Star, the Flame and the Wheel: Studies in the Faiths of the Middle East”]
By: Dariush Esfahani
[Mar Simon University Press, Ctesiphon, 2009]
…
Following the death of Ibrahim the Magnificent in, roughly, 585, Himyar again goes dark to the historical record. No histories of biographies were written which follow the travails of Ibrahim’s successors. In their place, the years following the death of the great king, and the rise of the Arabic Alkumnulith, are mainly recorded in a number of folktales and legends. These stories tell the tale of a Kingdom gripped by dynastic violence, as all three of Ibrahim’s sons turned on one another and sought to secure their own claim to the throne. In the end, Himyar was claimed by Ishmael the Righteous, who’s reign would see the dissolution of much of his father’s work and the eventual overthrow of the Kingdom. These stories were full of desert dwelling Jinn, barging made with the Devil and other fantastical events sent to stir the imagination of the reader.
Although these stories were long disregarded by the scholarly community, the last half of a century found many famed scholars of Arabic history turn back to them to tease out the true historical details that may have inspired them. Historians turned, not just to the stories, but also to the events recorded in “The Story of the Godly Ones,” an early history that detailed the rise of the Alkumnulith, as well as several early biographies of Abdul-Bari the Prophet. Although written nearly a century after the events depicted, many believed that it recorded many older folk beliefs and also may have been based on an earlier history that has since been lost to us. Then, in 1998, a cache of coins was discovered in the desert around Yathrib; apparently buried by some citizen of that city during the troubles caused by the fall of Himyar. Included in the cache were coins which bore the name and image of not only Ishmael, but also his two younger brothers. Although this cache did not prove the veracity of the older tales, it indicated that those kings which featured in those stories existed and that there was a genuine historical kernel at the center of the myths.
The historical concensus that has developed in the decades since, generally is as follows: At the death of Ibrahim, his oldest son, Akeem inherited the throne. By all accounts he proved a largely ineffectual leader. Many of the folk tales that have survive depict him as being possessed by the Jinn and given to irrational bursts of fury. Although it would be impossible to state the historiocity of the belief that Akeem was possessed by demons, it does not seem increadibly to believe that he may have suffered from some form of mental illness. In either case, he appears to have ruled for only 6 years, as the first coins of his brother, Faris begin to to have been minted around the year 591 or 592. How he was deposed is unknown, although legends state that he threw himself off the pinnacle of the chief synogogue in the capitol in an attempt to prove that he could fly to the horrified citizens below.
What is interesting is that all stories agree that Faris was the younger brother. His older brother, Ishmael, was then seen as a drunk and wastrel who was deemed unfit for ruling the kingdom by the nobles. It was said that he would not embrace the Jewish faith of his fathers until well into his manhood, leaving the rule of Himyar to that of his youngest brother. Unfortunately, Faris proved, if less possessed, no more able to deal with the challenges of rule than Akeem. This may not have been entirely his fault. It seems that during Akeem’s kingdom, a pagan resurrgance was occurring throughout Arabia, and many of the cities of the Hejaz were openly rebelling, casting out their Jewish populations and reinstating the rule of their gods. Since we know that the Manichaens under Abdul-Bari were driven from Yahtoob around this same time, it would be a fair assumption to believe that their eviction was a side effect of this very same pagan uprising.
Eventually, as it became obvious that Faris was losing control of the Hejaz, there was growing rumblings about the weakness of his rule. We can not say for certain, of course, but his next actions appear those of a desperate man struggling to solidify his rule. Faris organized a large army and sought to subjugate the Hejaz once and for all, and to bring the rebels to heel. Unfortunately, the rebels chose a strategy of not meeting him in open battle, instead drawing him into the desert with hit and run tactics and melting away before a set battle could be set. As his army began to die of lack of supplies and disease, the defeated King began the long march back to Zafar. It was then that his foes struck, ambushing him in the desert, and killing him along with much of the cream of the Himyar nobility in the process.
The throne then passed to Ishmael. We cannot know how old he was at the time, but he was not a young man. Legends say that he had come to accept the Judiac faith years earlier and given up his previous ways, becoming a strict and rigid man in the process. It is impossible to say how successful his eventual campaigns in the Hejaz would be. Although stories tell that he successfully defeated the slayers of his brother, Manichean source are more vague. They report, throughout this era, that they continued to be persecuted by pagan rulers of cities, and also make reference to several Himyar expeditions in the region. What are we to make of this? The truth could be somewhere in the middle. Perhaps Ishmael’s initial foray was successful, but pagan rulers kept returning to power. Or it might be he was successful in capturing the killers of his brother, but unable to impose more than fleeting control over the Hejaz during his reign. [FN1]
In either case, it seems probable that Himyarite power was waning throughout the course of Ishmael’s rule. This was not helped by Ishmael himself, who is remembered as a zealot. References to him in Manichean sources, which are largely profoundly pro-Jewish in many regards, still depict him as a cold ruler, determined to enforce the Jewish faith, and harsh. These traits may have been spawned by his relatively late conversion, his belief that Judiasm was the only force that could hold his struggling realm together, or a number of other factors. However, it seems as his nickname of “The Righteous” was not entirely positive.
…
Following their fleeing from Yanbo, the Manichean under Abdul-Bari became dedicated traders, moving from city to city. They also adopted the habit of protecting caravans that passed through their territory. Not only did this win them wealth, which was shared evenly throughout the community, but also garnered them public sympathy and converts. The most prominent of these converts was Abbas al-Hassan, a caravan driver who narrowly escaped a raid on his party and was rescued by Abdul-Bari.
Much has been made in Arabic lore about al-Hassan’s initial cowardliness. Its impossible to know for certain if these stories are true, but it seems odd that such stories would develop around a great leader if they were not. We do know that, following his rescue, al-Hassan became a devout devotee of Abdul-Bari and quickly became a prominent member of the communitee. He eventually married Abdul-Bari’s youngest daughter and, as such, was accepted into the Prophet’s family.
…
As Himyar control over the Hejaz continued to deteriorate, the Manichean community grew in wealth, prominence and numbers. Although they were bitterly persecuted by many city rulers, they became favorites of others. Their habit of protecting caravans and escorting them to safety won them the admiration of the Arabic merchant class and also many converts, many of them amongst the wealthy elite. Since they called no particular city home, it was difficult to seriously attack them, and their growing numbers made that a difficult proposition.
…
The Prophet, Abdul-Bari passed away in 613. On his death bed, he asked the people who they wished should follow him. Stories tell us that, by acclamation, they demanded Abbas Al-Hassan to be hi successor. However, al-Hassan was initially reluctant. Although he had proven himself in battle and to be agifted political leader, he felt that it would be unseemly for him to also be the religious leader of the people. As a result, he came to the Prophet’s youngest son, Haubas, a particularly holy young man, and asked him to rule instead. Haubas demurred, saying that he could lead the flock and guide them on the spiritual path, but was not confident that he could rule the people. This story is probably apocryphal, but does indicate that, following the Prophet’s death, al-Hassan became the political ruler of the Manichaen peoples while Haubas became its religious leader. In many ways, this development showed a similar arrangement as that favored by the Emperor of Rome and the Patriarch of Constantinople, or the Emperor of the Goths and the Arian Fatar.
…
A year after the death of the Prophet, King Ishmael the Rightious passed away. And with his death, all of Arabia and much of the Middle East would come to be bathed in the flames of hell. [FN2]
[FN1] All right. The problem here is that, in the ATL, good sources in Himyar during this period are hard to come by, as we have established, and the author really doesn’t know what happened. However, as the omnipotent writer, I feel I can clarify somewhat.
So, Akeem was initially a fine young man and, in fact, was often compared to Ibrahim early in life. Unfortunately, a year into his reign, he came down ill with a brain fever. This affected him and made his actions more erratic and incapable of ruling effectively. He picked fights with top advisors, became more hedonistic in his behavior. At the same time, there was a Pagan reaction against Himyar rule and many cities chased out their governors. This began to spread and made Himyar rule weaker over the trading cities of the Hejaz.
Akeem died, much as the stories depict. There was a riot against his rule that occurred just as the King was in the midst of a particular drunken mood. In order to impress the rioters with his godliness, he climbed to the top of the palace (NOT the synagogue) and tried to calm the crowd by proving he could fly. It was a valiant attempt, to be sure, was was surprisingly ineffective.
Farik was actually a pretty good ruler, but was beset by indecision and was unable to make any headway in the Hejaz. He felt honor bound to fix the problems that Akeem had introduced, during his short reign, but was unable to really do so. Here our author gets it right; his attempt to invade the Hejaz was an attempt to solidify his rule and win the respect of his nobles. Unfortunately, he was not a proven commander and refused to listen to the advice of those who were (he was, after all, trying to prove himself). The results were about as disastrous as one would assume.
Ishmael, on the other hand, was a drunk he came to religion late in life and credited it with helping it turn his life around. He had the firm belief that God had saved him from his sins to bring righteousness to the world. Although a much more capable commander than Farik, he consistently had problems with the Hejaz. Although he could win the battles, it seemed as if his authority would evaporate the second his armies left. This led him to try to impose a stricter form of Judaism on the country than that practiced by his father. As a result, the Pagan rebels grew in power throughout his reign and consistently undercut him.
[FN2] Dum, dum, duuuuuuummmmmmmm
----------------------------------------------------------------------
All right, this chapter did not end up going as far as I thought it would, but was growing too long and unwieldy as it was. In the next chapter we will turn to the Fall of Himyar and then its impact upon the Middle East. I suspect another two or three chapter dealing with this region, and then we will turn out attention back to the Goths and the aftermath of the Fourth Punic War (god, as it been a long time since we've dealt with them!) Thank you so much to all old readers, and those new readers who have become interested in this timeline. I hope you are enjoying the ride!
No. Sadly, all good things must come to an end, and Himyar overextended itself much too quickly. A competent line of rulers might have been able to consolidate the kingdom's newer additions, and hold it all together, but that was not to be, unfortunately.
As for sources ... that's a good question, and the answer is: it depends. For Europe, I've been relying on a number of different sources, including "History of the Ostrogoths" by Burns and "The Early Germans" by Todd, in addition to some other, more general, Medieval histories. I've got a few books about Ireland and England during this era that I've been turning to as well. For the Byzantines I have Treadgold, of course and Daryaee's work on the Sassanians (Or, I was, until I had to take it back to the library
). I've also been using Wikipedia in some cases, for lesser known topics and regions, backed up by other online sources when and where I can find them.So, I'm giving some thought to how the events of this timeline might eventually spread to India and what the impact may be. Don't worry, it will be some way down the road before I touch on it (I need to finish up this series of Middle East events and then I want to turn back to the Goths since, you know, they are the major focus of the timeline), but I was wondering if anyone had any ideas of how India might be developing?