The House of Commons debated the second reading of the Government of Ireland Bill over eight days from 20 February to 2 March 1871. The debate was opened by the Secretary of State for Ireland, Patrick O'Donnell, in packed House. He said that five-sixths of Irish MPs supported Home Rule. The bill was an act of justice to the people of Ireland. It was a restorationist not a revolutionary measure because it restored the Irish Parliament which had been abolished by the Act of Union in 1801, a Parliament which had been existence for nearly five hundred years. Home Rule would bring greater prosperity to Ireland.
Striving for a world transformed by justice and peace - a TL from 1827
- Thread starter pipisme
- Start date
Thomas Edward Taylor led for the Conservatives in opposition to the Government of Ireland Bill. He said that Home Rule would lead inevitably to Irish independence and to the break up of the United Kingdom. He strongly objected to the proposed Irish Parliament not having a second chamber to curb the tyranny of an Irish government. The bill did not provide for representation of the Protestant minority in Ireland.
In the debate which followed the contributions were generally of a high standard from both sides. There was a fairly long discussion on the nature of federalism with the proposed self governing Ireland to a state of the United States. The Liberal Party spokesman said that Liberal MPs would be voting against the bill.
Conservative MPs representing constituencies in Ulster expressed the strongest objection to the bill. William Johnstone [Belfast South] threatened that if it became law "the dictates of an Irish Parliament would be resisted by the people of Ulster by the gun and the bayonet."
When the vote was taken at the end of the debate on 2 March 1871, the bill was defeated by a majority of four votes.
In the debate which followed the contributions were generally of a high standard from both sides. There was a fairly long discussion on the nature of federalism with the proposed self governing Ireland to a state of the United States. The Liberal Party spokesman said that Liberal MPs would be voting against the bill.
Conservative MPs representing constituencies in Ulster expressed the strongest objection to the bill. William Johnstone [Belfast South] threatened that if it became law "the dictates of an Irish Parliament would be resisted by the people of Ulster by the gun and the bayonet."
When the vote was taken at the end of the debate on 2 March 1871, the bill was defeated by a majority of four votes.
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The vote on the Government of Ireland Bill was 324 against giving it a second reading to 320 for. For several days there had been rumours, hints, and nods and winks going round Westminster that up to fifteen Liberal MPs would vote in favour of the bill or abstain. In fact government whips were confident that the government would very narrowly win the vote. In the end only six Liberal MPs defied a three line whip and voted for the bill and five abstained. Fifty-six voted against the bill.
After the vote the leader of the opposition, Gathorne Hardy, asked the prime minister if following the government's defeat on a major piece of legislation it would resign. John Ludlow replied that the government would resign only if it were defeated on a vote on a motion of no confidence, but the leader of the opposition and his right honourable and honourable friends are welcome to table such a motion. The House of Commons then adjourned until 5 March 1871.
After the vote the leader of the opposition, Gathorne Hardy, asked the prime minister if following the government's defeat on a major piece of legislation it would resign. John Ludlow replied that the government would resign only if it were defeated on a vote on a motion of no confidence, but the leader of the opposition and his right honourable and honourable friends are welcome to table such a motion. The House of Commons then adjourned until 5 March 1871.
There was discussion in the press about the possibility of the Tories tabling a motion of no confidence in the government, but most commentators thought that was unlikely because a successful motion would need the support of the Liberal Party. However with their poor showing in by-elections it was very unlikely that they would give it. Also while both the Conservative and the Commonwealth vote had increased in by-elections, based on the average of the results neither party would have an overall majority in the House of Commons.
At the beginning of February 1871 A Compendium of the Results of the General Election of June and July 1870 in Great Britain and Ireland by Arthur Waldegrave was published. This gave the numerical and percentage vote for each candidate, with the change in percentage of the vote for each party compared with the 1866 general election, in every constituency in the 1870 general election. The numerical and percentage votes for by-elections in the 1866 to 1870 parliament were also given. The results were organised in alphabetical order for England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland. It became an invaluable resource for politicians, party agents and workers, and political journalists and commentators.
The Tories held Norfolk West in the by-election on 8 February 1871 caused by the succession of Thomas de Grey to the peerage as Lord Walsingham. The percentage votes were as follows [1870 general election]:
George William Bentinck [Conservative]: 46.8 [41.2]
Commonwealth Party candidate: 31.5 [28.2]
Liberal Party candidate: 21.7 [30.6]
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Conservative majority: 15.1 [10.6]
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The result of the by-election in the constituency of Kendal on 21 February 1871, caused by the succession of the Earl of Bective [Conservative] to the peerage as the 3rd Marquis of Headfort, was as follows [1870 general election]:
Earl of Bective [Conservative]: 56.9% [53.8%] He was the eldest son of the former MP.
Liberal Party candidate: 24.2% [46.2%]
Commonwealth Party candidate: 18.9% [no Commonwealth Party candidate]
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Conservative majority: 22.7% [7.6%]
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The Monmouthshire South by-election on 4 March 1871 caused by the resignation of Paulett Somerset [Conservative] attracted a great deal of press coverage. It was a three way marginal and voting took place only two days after the government defeat on the vote on the Government of Ireland Bill. The Commonwealth Party made much of the fact that the Conservative candidate was Lord Henry Somerset, who was related to Poulett Somerset, while their candidate, David Evans, was a local farm worker. [1] The percentage votes were as follows [1870 general election]:
Lord Henry Somerset [Conservative]: 40.8 [37.4]
David Evans [Commonwealth]: 39.4 [30.8]
Liberal Party candidate: 19.8 [31.8]
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Conservative majority: 1.4 [5.6]
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The swing from Conservative to Commonwealth was 2.6%, from Liberal to Commonwealth 10.3% and from Liberal to Conservative was 7.7%.
[1] He was a fictional character.
At the beginning of February 1871 A Compendium of the Results of the General Election of June and July 1870 in Great Britain and Ireland by Arthur Waldegrave was published. This gave the numerical and percentage vote for each candidate, with the change in percentage of the vote for each party compared with the 1866 general election, in every constituency in the 1870 general election. The numerical and percentage votes for by-elections in the 1866 to 1870 parliament were also given. The results were organised in alphabetical order for England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland. It became an invaluable resource for politicians, party agents and workers, and political journalists and commentators.
The Tories held Norfolk West in the by-election on 8 February 1871 caused by the succession of Thomas de Grey to the peerage as Lord Walsingham. The percentage votes were as follows [1870 general election]:
George William Bentinck [Conservative]: 46.8 [41.2]
Commonwealth Party candidate: 31.5 [28.2]
Liberal Party candidate: 21.7 [30.6]
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Conservative majority: 15.1 [10.6]
----------------------------------
The result of the by-election in the constituency of Kendal on 21 February 1871, caused by the succession of the Earl of Bective [Conservative] to the peerage as the 3rd Marquis of Headfort, was as follows [1870 general election]:
Earl of Bective [Conservative]: 56.9% [53.8%] He was the eldest son of the former MP.
Liberal Party candidate: 24.2% [46.2%]
Commonwealth Party candidate: 18.9% [no Commonwealth Party candidate]
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Conservative majority: 22.7% [7.6%]
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The Monmouthshire South by-election on 4 March 1871 caused by the resignation of Paulett Somerset [Conservative] attracted a great deal of press coverage. It was a three way marginal and voting took place only two days after the government defeat on the vote on the Government of Ireland Bill. The Commonwealth Party made much of the fact that the Conservative candidate was Lord Henry Somerset, who was related to Poulett Somerset, while their candidate, David Evans, was a local farm worker. [1] The percentage votes were as follows [1870 general election]:
Lord Henry Somerset [Conservative]: 40.8 [37.4]
David Evans [Commonwealth]: 39.4 [30.8]
Liberal Party candidate: 19.8 [31.8]
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Conservative majority: 1.4 [5.6]
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The swing from Conservative to Commonwealth was 2.6%, from Liberal to Commonwealth 10.3% and from Liberal to Conservative was 7.7%.
[1] He was a fictional character.
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The Old Age Pensions Bill provided for a pension at age sixty-five of 8 shillings a week for a single person and 12 shillings a week for a married couple, whose income was less than £130 a year. [1] Payments would be made at local post offices. Prisoners, 'lunatics' in asylums and immigrants who had been resident in the UK for less than five years would not be eligible for a pension. Prisoners had to wait for five years after their release to be eligible
The bill received a second reading in the House of Commons, but the Tories and Liberals drastically amended it in Committee as follows: the pension age was increased to seventy and the pension reduced to four shillings a week for a single person and six a week for married couples, who had an income of less than £26. In order to be eligible applicants had to go before a panel and pass a 'character test', and only those with a good 'character' could receive a pension. Persons in receipt of poor relief, and those convicted of drunkeness were not eligible. Immigrants and to be resident in the UK for at least ten years and the waiting period for prisoners was increased to ten years after their release. The amendments were bitterly opposed by Commonwealth Party MPs who condemned them as mean, penny pinching and nasty, but the amended bill became law in March 1871. Pensions would be paid from 1 September 1871.
[1] There were twelve pence in a shilling and twenty shillings in a pound. £130 a year was a lower middle class income.
The bill received a second reading in the House of Commons, but the Tories and Liberals drastically amended it in Committee as follows: the pension age was increased to seventy and the pension reduced to four shillings a week for a single person and six a week for married couples, who had an income of less than £26. In order to be eligible applicants had to go before a panel and pass a 'character test', and only those with a good 'character' could receive a pension. Persons in receipt of poor relief, and those convicted of drunkeness were not eligible. Immigrants and to be resident in the UK for at least ten years and the waiting period for prisoners was increased to ten years after their release. The amendments were bitterly opposed by Commonwealth Party MPs who condemned them as mean, penny pinching and nasty, but the amended bill became law in March 1871. Pensions would be paid from 1 September 1871.
[1] There were twelve pence in a shilling and twenty shillings in a pound. £130 a year was a lower middle class income.
The Mother and Infant Welfare Act 1871 empowered local councils to set up clinics where pre and post natal advice would be offered to expectant and nursing mothers. The Local Government Act 1871 provided for elected county councils for the existing geographical councils. However in London the London County Council replaced the Metropolitan Board of Works, for which see post #514 on page 25.
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Parliament rose for the Easter recess on 31 March 1871 and returned on 17 April. On 19 April, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, George Cowell, gave the budget statement in the House of Commons. In his speech he said that he would increase the standard rate of income tax from 6 pence to 9 pence in the pound, but the income level at which it was payable would be increased from £150 a year to £200 a year. [1] He said that the new rate was one pence lower than it had been ten years previously. He announced the introduction of surtax on incomes of over £3000 a year at the rate of one shilling in the pound, and of estate duty payable at the rate of 5 percent on estates of net capital value of over £50,000. He said that the duty on tea which was 5 pence per lb would be abolished and that on sugar reduced from ten shillings to five shillings.
[1] There were 12 pence in a shilling and twenty shillings in a pound.
[1] There were 12 pence in a shilling and twenty shillings in a pound.
Cowell said the tax changes proposed in the budget were right because they benefitted the working classes. Those who were well off had the privilege of paying more in tax to pay for the welfare of the people. Also the tax increases and new taxes were necessary to pay for the increase in government caused by British involvement in the war in Europe. British troops were in Poland where together with their Austro-Hungarian-North Italian and Polish allies they had been advancing slowly against the Russians.
In reply to the Chancellor's speech, the Leader of the Opposition, Gathorne Hardy, condemned the budget as being confiscatory and motivated by the politics of envy. If the Commonwealth Party were in office the following year they would increase taxes, and every year thereafter until they are rejected by the British people, As regards the increase in taxation being necessary because of British involvement in the European War, the Conservative Party opposed such involvement in a war in which Britain had no national interest at stake. A Conservative government would withdraw British troops from Poland. He proposed that the Conservative Party would fight the Finance Bill clause by clause. The budget proposals form the basis of the Finance Bill.
Most commentators praised Cowell's speech as combining an excellent grasp of the technical details of the budget with passion and eloquence. They thought the budget definitely increased his chances of being elected leader of the Commonwealth Party by his fellow MPs when Ludlow retired.
Megan Griffiths reached the age of thirteen, which was the school leaving age on 18 February 1870. She would have had to leave Hafod Copperworks Girls School at the end of the Spring Term in early April that year. Instead she stayed on as a pupil teacher in the school from the start of the Summer Term in late April. Those pupils who were intellectually, morally and physically suitable could become pupil teachers at thirteen, and follow a five year apprenticeship until eighteen when they could compete for a Queen's scholarship which would enable them to attend a teacher training college. Pupil teachers had their own lessons either before or after the time they spent teaching. They were paid a small salary during the five-year apprenticeship and had to sit an annual examination.
In reply to the Chancellor's speech, the Leader of the Opposition, Gathorne Hardy, condemned the budget as being confiscatory and motivated by the politics of envy. If the Commonwealth Party were in office the following year they would increase taxes, and every year thereafter until they are rejected by the British people, As regards the increase in taxation being necessary because of British involvement in the European War, the Conservative Party opposed such involvement in a war in which Britain had no national interest at stake. A Conservative government would withdraw British troops from Poland. He proposed that the Conservative Party would fight the Finance Bill clause by clause. The budget proposals form the basis of the Finance Bill.
Most commentators praised Cowell's speech as combining an excellent grasp of the technical details of the budget with passion and eloquence. They thought the budget definitely increased his chances of being elected leader of the Commonwealth Party by his fellow MPs when Ludlow retired.
Megan Griffiths reached the age of thirteen, which was the school leaving age on 18 February 1870. She would have had to leave Hafod Copperworks Girls School at the end of the Spring Term in early April that year. Instead she stayed on as a pupil teacher in the school from the start of the Summer Term in late April. Those pupils who were intellectually, morally and physically suitable could become pupil teachers at thirteen, and follow a five year apprenticeship until eighteen when they could compete for a Queen's scholarship which would enable them to attend a teacher training college. Pupil teachers had their own lessons either before or after the time they spent teaching. They were paid a small salary during the five-year apprenticeship and had to sit an annual examination.
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Megan Griffiths' wage as a pupil teacher was three shillings a week. [1] She enjoyed teaching but found it difficult to keep a professional distance from her pupils. She was a friendly person and wanted to be liked by people. She reluctantly used the cane to punish her pupils when necessary. She was also an active member of the Swansea branch of the Kestrels, the Commonwealth Party organisation for children aged 13 to 16.
[1] There are example of wages for pupil teachers in Preston in 1868, 1872 and 1874 in OTL in The Development of Elementary Education in Preston from 1815 to 1902: Dissertation submitted in part-fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Education in May 1970 by Winifred Therese Baldwin, Liverpool University. Figures are given of £6 a year in 1868, £12 10 shillings a year in 1872 and £8 a year in 1874. However a girl who was paid six pence a week in 1868 left school to work in a cotton mill.
[1] There are example of wages for pupil teachers in Preston in 1868, 1872 and 1874 in OTL in The Development of Elementary Education in Preston from 1815 to 1902: Dissertation submitted in part-fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Education in May 1970 by Winifred Therese Baldwin, Liverpool University. Figures are given of £6 a year in 1868, £12 10 shillings a year in 1872 and £8 a year in 1874. However a girl who was paid six pence a week in 1868 left school to work in a cotton mill.
In this TL the Kestrels are flourishing in 2016. They combine political activism and education with social activities. Several Commonwealth Party leaders have been Kestrels. In the Swansea branch Megan and her comrades learnt how to conduct meetings, give public speeches and they helped out at elections. They went on rambles in the countryside around Swansea and celebrated members' birthdays and Christmas. Megan developed her leadership qualities. Though she wanted to become Prime Minister she was not consumed by ambition and realised that it would be very difficult for a working class girl.
The Trade Union Congress [TUC] met in London from 16 to 19 January 1871 and voted overwhelmingly to affiliate to the Commonwealth Party. This had been discussed by the Parliamentary Committee of the TUC for the previous six months since the general election which saw the collapse of the Liberal Party.
The Trade Union Congress [TUC] met in London from 16 to 19 January 1871 and voted overwhelmingly to affiliate to the Commonwealth Party. This had been discussed by the Parliamentary Committee of the TUC for the previous six months since the general election which saw the collapse of the Liberal Party.
On Thursday 27 April 1871 the Russians inflicted a severe defeat on the Austro-Hungarian-North Italian, Polish and British armies at the battle of Dobrowska, north-west of Warsaw. [1] Tens of thousands of British troops were killed or wounded.
On Tuesday 2 May the Conservative and Liberal parties tabled a motion of no confidence in the government, with particular reference to its handling of the war. This was debated in the House of Commons on 3 and 4 May. The motion was passed by 327 votes to 314 votes. After the vote the Prime Minister, John Ludlow, announced to the House that Parliament would be dissolved the following day and a general election take place. The first day of polling would be 9 may and the last day 20 May.
[1] See this map: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/df/Congress_Poland_1831.jpg.
On Tuesday 2 May the Conservative and Liberal parties tabled a motion of no confidence in the government, with particular reference to its handling of the war. This was debated in the House of Commons on 3 and 4 May. The motion was passed by 327 votes to 314 votes. After the vote the Prime Minister, John Ludlow, announced to the House that Parliament would be dissolved the following day and a general election take place. The first day of polling would be 9 may and the last day 20 May.
[1] See this map: http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/d/df/Congress_Poland_1831.jpg.
The compendium of the results of the general election of June and July 1870 was a vital source of reference to party leaders and agents, telling them which seats were marginal and so where to concentrate their resources. Though lists of target seats weren't issued. William Forster, the Liberal leader, had the most marginal seat of the four party leaders, being elected with a majority of only 2.6% over the Commonwealth Party in June 1870, with the Conservative candidate receiving only 13.2%. On 8 May 1871 the Conservatives decided not to contest the constituency. They had no hope of winning and from their point of view Forster was much better than the Commonwealth candidate. Also on the same day the Tories decided not to contest the Heywood constituency where the Marquis of Hartington [Liberal] was seeking re-election. It was a Liberal/Commonwealth marginal with the Tories in a poor third place.
British involvement in the war in Europe was inevitably a major issue in the election campaign. The Tories and Liberals each promised that if they formed the next government they would immediately withdraw British troops from Poland. British soldiers would no longer die in war in which Britain had no interest. The government defended the war on the grounds that Britain was fighting to defend the independence of Poland against Russian aggression, and would desert its allies.
British involvement in the war in Europe was inevitably a major issue in the election campaign. The Tories and Liberals each promised that if they formed the next government they would immediately withdraw British troops from Poland. British soldiers would no longer die in war in which Britain had no interest. The government defended the war on the grounds that Britain was fighting to defend the independence of Poland against Russian aggression, and would desert its allies.
In the issue of the Saturday Review dated 13 May 1871 there was an article by a retired senior army officer. He claimed that the government would have to introduce conscription within two years if British troops continued to fight in Poland. In reply to questions from journalists, the Prime Minister gave a solemn promise that a Commonwealth Party government would not introduce conscription. This promise was repeated by the Secretary of State for War, would said that voluntary recruitment would provide for all the army's manpower needs, and by other cabinet ministers. The Tories reprinted the article as a leaflet in which they also claimed that although the government didn't want to introduce conscription, if the Commonwealth Party were returned to office sooner or later they would be obliged to do so if British troops continued to fight in Poland.
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The Radical Socialist Party, which was founded and led by Edward Spencer Beesly, fielded thirty candidates in Commonwealth held constituencies in the general election. [1] Beesly had been Colonial Secretary but resigned from the cabinet in November 1870 in opposition to the provisions in the Education Bill giving subsidies to religious schools. He was a Positivist and opposed to the Christian ethos of the Commonwealth Party and its friendly relationship with the Churches. His resignation liberated him to express his real views as a backbencher having resigned the Commonwealth Party whip to sit as an Independent Socialist. In the following months he founded the Radical Socialist Party [RSP] with his friend Friedrich Engels and people on the extreme left of the Commonwealth Party.
[1] Here is his entry in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography: http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/38832.
[1] Here is his entry in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography: http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/38832.